(JNIVPKSITY  ol  CALU-DKNlA 

AT 

LOS  ANGELES 

LIBRARY 


IOWA   BIOGRAPHICAL   SERIES 

EDITED    BY    BENJAMIN    F.    SHAMBAUGH 


WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 


WILLIAM    PETKRS    IIEPBUEN 


IOWA    BIOGRAPHIC  iliUIiu. 

EDITED     BY     BENJAMIN     F.     o^AMBAUGH 


VYlLLlAiU  i'mam  MMtiLllN 


vrflua*jfrii  8fl3Ta<i  m aij.h  v/ 

VTHlUa    "Jil    a»A    HHT    TA 

7.Y    BRIGGS 


THE  S  '  IOWA 


WTTJJAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

Fkom  a  Photograph  taken  in   1913 
at  thk  auf.  of   bkjhty 


IOWA    BIOGRAPHICAL     SERIES 

EDITED      BY     BENJAMIN      F.      SHAMBAUGH 


WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 


BY 


JOHN    ELY    BRIGGS 


THE  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  IOWA 

IOWA    CITY    IOWA    1919 


'i  K  H  a.  J 


nq  ^1 


EDITOR'S    INTRODUCTION 

It  is  Colonel  William  P.  Hepburn's  connec- 
tion with  the  constructive  legislation  and 
politics  of  the  period  from  1881  to  1909  that 
more  than  anything  else  entitles  him  to 
recognition  in  the  loiva  Biographical  Series. 
He  is  typical  of  the  practical  statesmen  con- 
tributed by  Iowa  to  the  Nation  during  the 
half  century  following  the  Civil  War. 

Benj.  F.  Shambaugh 

Office  of  the  Superintendent  and  Editor 

The  State  Historical  Society  of   Iowa 

Iowa  City  Iowa 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

The  author  counts  it  a  rare  privilege  to  have 
had  the  opportunity  of  writing  the  biography 
of  a  man  so  sterling  in  character  and  so  rugged 
in  personality,  whose  public  career  is  a  record 
of  constructive  achievement.  It  is  hoped  that 
in  the  pages  which  follow,  the  spirit  of  the  man 
has  been  reflected  as  faithfully  as  his  deeds 
have  been  recounted. 

The  most  important  years  of  Colonel  Hep- 
burn's public  life  were  those  during  which  he 
was  a  member  of  Congress;  and  it  is  his  own 
estimate  that  the  Congressional  Record  con- 
tains everything  worth  while  that  he  ever  did. 
The  debates  in  Congress  and  committee  reports 
have,  indeed,  furnished  most  of  the  material  on 
his  attitude  in  regard  to  public  questions.  Fre- 
quent quotations  have  been  made  to  lend  an 
air  of  reality  and  contemporaneousness  to  the 
narrative  and  to  make  the  personality  and 
chracter  of  the  man  more  vivid  —  though  the 
written  words  lose  much  of  their  force  without 
the  strong  voice,  the  fiery  eye,  and  the  emphatic 
gesture  that  accompanied  their  utterance.     If 


X  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

it  appears  that  the  well-rounded  phrases  and 
carefully  balanced  sentences  of  finished  oratory 
are  lacking,  it  should  be  remembered  that  all 
of  his  remarks  in  Congress  were  extempora- 
neous. He  never  printed  a  speech  in  the  Con- 
gressional Record  that  was  not  delivered  on 
the  floor  of  the  House,  and  very  rarely  if  ever 
did  he  extend  or  amplify  his  remarks  in  the 
Record. 

Newspapers  have  been  consulted  extensively 
for  information  concerning  political  campaigns 
and  the  attitude  of  the  pubhc.  A  long  bio- 
graphical sketch  written  by  Fred  Davis  and 
published  in  The  Sioux  City  Journal  on  No- 
vember 9, 1913,  the  data  for  which  was  supplied 
by  the  Colonel  himself,  contains  information 
not  elsewhere  available.  Of  his  services  in  the 
Union  army  the  Rebellion  Record  furnishes  in- 
dispensable data.  A  great  many  personal  let- 
ters, typewritten  and  printed  documents,  news- 
paper clippings,  and  other  papers  which  have 
been  preserved  form  another  important  source. 

To  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Mrs.  Mar- 
garet Hepburn  Chamberlain,  the  writer  is 
indebted  for  valuable  material  that  was  used  in 
the  preparation  of  this  book,  for  contributing 
much  personal  information  particularly  on  the 
ancestry  and  youth  of  Colonel  Hepburn,  and 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  xi 

for  carefully  reading  the  manuscript.  The 
work  was  undertaken  at  the  suggestion  of  Dr. 
Benj.  F.  Shambaugh  who  not  only  edited  the 
manuscript  but  offered  encouragement  while  it 
was  being  written.  The  author  is  under  obliga- 
tions to  his  wife  for  assistance  in  revising  the 
first  draft.  Acknowledgements  are  also  due  to 
Dr.  Ruth  A.  Gallaher  for  many  timely  criti- 
cisms and  to  Miss  Helen  Otto  who  assisted  in 
the  verification  of  the  manuscript. 

John  Ely  Briggs 

The  State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa 
Iowa  City  Iowa 


CONTENTS 

I.  The  Beginning 1 

II.  Preparing  for  Life 12 

III.  At  Home  in  Marshalltown    ...     19 

IV.  Frontier  Politics 23 

V.  The  County  Seat  Contest  ....     29 

VI.  District  Attorney 36 

VII.  The  Call  to  Arms 48 

VIII.  Campaigning  in  Missouri     ....     54 

IX.  The  Eye  op  the  Army 61 

X.  Staff  Duty 70 

XI.  Military  Operations  about  Memphis    81 

XII.  Readjustment  in  Civil  Life    ...     88 

XIII.  First  Election  to  Congress    ...     99 

XIV.  Opposition   to   Pork  Barrel   Legis- 

lation      107 

XV.  An  Advocate  of  Pensions    .     .     .     .117 

XVI.  State  Politics 126 

XVII.  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury      .     .     .  147 

XVIII.  Return  to  Congress 159 

XIX.  The  Currency  Question     .     .     .     .168 

XX.  The  Campaign  of  1896 178 

XXI.  Civil  Service  Reform 187 

xiii 


xiv  CONTENTS 

XXII.  Imperialism 194 

XXIII.  The  Isthmian  Canal 200  V^ 

XXIV.  The  Election  of  1904 223 

XXV,  Trip  to  the  Orient 235 

XXVI.     Railroad  Regulation 243 

XXVII.     Pure  Food 276 

XXVIII.     The  Progressive  Movement     .     ,     .  288 
XXIX.     The  Rules  op  the  House    ....  309 

XXX.     The  End 328 

Notes  and  References 349 

Index 439 


PLATES 

William  Peters  Hepburn,  from  a  photograph 
taken  in  1913,  at  the  age  of  eighty    .     frontispiece 

William  Peters  Hepburn,  law  student:  age 

nineteen opposite     16 

Major  William  Peters  Hepburn,  Second  Iowa 
Cavalry   1862 opposite     72 

William  Peters  Hepburn,  member  of  Congress 
1881 opposite  108 

William  Peters  Hepburn,  political  leader  1908 

opposite  300 


The  Beginning 

The  year  1833  had  nearly  completed  its  cycle 
when  on  the  fourth  of  November  a  boy,  whom 
his  mother  named  William  Peters/  was  born 
into  the  Hepburn  family  at  Wellsville,  Ohio.  It 
is  recorded  that  some  United  States  dragoons, 
who  had  passed  through  Wellsville  in  August  of 
that  year,  were  not  pleased  with  the  smoky 
atmosphere  which  seemed  to  lend  an  appear- 
ance of  gloom  and  wretchedness  to  the  place: 
they  did  not  appreciate  the  possibilities  of  a 
town  which  boasted  of  the  best  boat-landing  on 
the  Ohio  River  —  that  great  highway  of  com- 
merce and  the  thoroughfare  for  explorers, 
pioneers,  soldiers,  and  builders  of  common- 
wealths in  the  West.  If  the  dragoons  could 
have  glimpsed  the  future,  the  smoke  would 
have  seemed  prophetic  of  an  industrial  achieve- 
ment which  was  to  become  so  powerful  in  later 
days  as  to  match  strength  with  the  nation 
itself.  Across  the  river  lay  the  hills  of  Virginia 
—  a  land  of  bondage.  Such  was  the  first 
environment  of  one  destined  to  follow  the  river 
away  to  the  frontier,  to  fight  for  the  freedom  of 


2  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

a  race,  and  to  hold  a  high  place  in  the  councils 
of  his  country  as  it  grappled  with  the  problems 
of  big  business.^ 

Crudely  constructed  with  the  tools  and  mate- 
rial at  hand,  the  house  in  which  the  Hepburns 
lived  at  Wellsville  was  probably  not  unlike 
many  another  to  be  found  among  the  settlements 
which  sprang  up  in  the  woods  and  along  the 
streams  of  the  Ohio  Valley.  Doubtless  during 
the  cold  winter  months  that  followed  the  fall  of 
1833  the  boy's  mother  and  grandmother  were 
at  some  pains  to  keep  out  the  icy  winds  which 
whistled  about  the  gables  and  threatened  to  nip 
the  tender  skin  of  the  little  one  within.  But  it 
was  not  in  the  Scotch  and  Irish  nature  of  the 
boy  to  succumb  to  inclement  weather :  the  blood 
that  stirred  in  his  veins  was  the  blood  of  gener- 
ations of  soldiers  and  pioneers. 

As  William  grew  and  came  to  understand 
what  he  was  told,  his  mother  and  grandmother 
no  doubt  talked  to  him  of  his  father  and  related 
tales  from  their  own  eventful  lives.  They  told 
the  boy  that  his  father,  James  S.  Hepburn,  had 
died  of  a  fearful  disease  called  cholera  in  far 
away  New  Orleans  nearly  six  months  before  he, 
William,  was  born.  William's  sister  Fannie 
remembered  the  sunny  smile  of  their  father  and 
his  gaiety  when  he  played  with  his  children. 
He  was  born,  they  said,  on  the  Bowery  in  New 
York  City  on  the  first  day  of  the  nineteenth 


THE  BEGINNING  .     3 

century.  Wlien  a  lad  only  fourteen  years  of 
age  he  was  sent  to  the  military  academy  at 
West  Point  to  be  trained  as  a  soldier ;  and  there, 
five  years  later,  he  graduated,  ranking  seven- 
teenth in  a  class  of  twenty-nine. 

As  a  second  lieutenant  of  artillery  James  S. 
Hepburn  had  seen  service  in  many  parts  of  the 
country,  being  stationed  at  one  time  in  Florida, 
and  again  at  Old  Fort  Pitt.  It  was  at  Fort  Pitt 
in  1822  that  he  had  married  William's  mother, 
the  beautiful  sixteen  year  old  daughter  of 
Hanson  Catlett,  an  army  surgeon  who  had 
sailed  against  the  Barbary  pirates  and  fought 
in  the  Indian  wars.^ 

Sometimes  in  the  evening  when  William 
climbed  into  his  grandmother's  lap  she  would 
tell  the  story  of  her  wedding  journey  on  horse- 
back all  the  way  from  Louisville,  Kentucky,  to 
St.  Louis  where  her  husband  inspected  the 
Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition  in  1804.  Or  per- 
chance she  would  relate  a  tale  of  fine  ladies,  of 
whom  she  herself  —  Minerva  Lyon  Catlett,  the 
daughter  of  Matthew  Lyon  and  wife  of  Hanson 
Catlett  —  was  one  of  the  most  popular  in  the 
national  capital  when  James  Madison  was 
President ;  and  she  would  show  her  grandson  a 
silver  spoon,  the  exact  counterpart  of  the  set 
she  had  helped  Dolly  Madison  select  for  the 
White  House  after  the  fire  in  1814. 

Again  grandmother  Catlett  must  have  told 


4  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

William  that  his  mother  had  been  born  at  Fort 
Washington  on  the  Potomac  River  and  had 
been  named  Ann  Fairfax  Catlett  in  honor  of 
her  aunt  Ann  Fairfax,  daughter  of  Bryan  Fair- 
fax, the  friend  of  George  Washington ;  and  how 
as  a  child  little  Miss  Catlett  had  been  taken  on 
long  trips  through  the  forests,  had  learned  in 
St.  Louis  to  speak  French  before  she  knew 
English,  had  been  trained  in  convent  schools, 
and  when  the  Americans  were  routed  at 
Bladensburg  and  the  city  of  Washington  was 
burned  by  the  British  in  1814  she  had  been  left 
in  a  closet  by  her  schoolmistress  all  one  night 
and  a  day.^ 

Perhaps  there  were  also  stories,  dimly  re- 
membered, of  a  great  grandfather,  Matthew 
Lyon,  who  when  only  a  boy  of  fifteen  ran  away 
from  his  home  in  Ireland  and  came  to  America. 
In  the  Revolutionary  War  he  had  fought  with 
Ethan  Allen  and  the  Green  Mountain  boys  of 
Vermont.  For  ten  years  a  member  of  the  legis- 
lature of  Vermont  his  services  during  the 
formative  years  of  that  State  were  second  only 
to  those  of  the  first  Governor,  Thomas  Chitten- 
den, whose  daughter  he  married.  Not  satisfied 
with  the  life  of  a  politician  alone,  Matthew 
Lyon  had  founded  the  town  of  Fair  Haven, 
Vermont ;  erected  there  some  iron  works ;  built 
paper  and  grist  mills;  and  established  a  news- 
paper in  opposition  to  the  Federalists. 


THE  BEGINNING  5 

Later  Matthew  Lyon  had  been  sent  to  Con- 
gress—  two  terms  as  a  representative  of 
Vermont  and  four  terms  by  a  Kentucky  con- 
stituency. Thrown  into  prison  upon  a  charge 
of  contempt  for  President  John  Adams,  he  was 
vindicated  by  being  reelected  to  Congress  while 
still  in  jail.  Just  before  he  died  in  his  seventy- 
third  year,  after  completing  a  journey  of  over 
three  thousand  miles  alone  through  the  forests 
and  on  the  rivers  of  the  Southwest,  he  was 
elected  Delegate  to  Congress  from  the  Terri- 
tory of  Arkansas.^ 

As  the  years  went  by  William  Hepburn 
developed  into  a  slender  lad.  He  grew  accus- 
tomed to  the  rugged  hills  and  the  great  river 
flowing  away  to  the  south.  Through  the  fog 
that  hung  over  the  water  in  the  morning  he 
often  heard  the  shouts  of  the  river  men  on  the 
boats  that  plied  the  stream,  laden  with  grain 
and  produce  for  the  eastern  markets.  Many  of 
the  barges  belonged  to  his  step-father,  George 
S.  Hampton,  a  prosperous  commission  merchant 
in  Wellsville.  Occasionally  William  was  per- 
mitted to  go  down  to  the  landing  where  he 
made  the  acquaintance  of  the  rough,  good- 
natured  boatmen.  From  them  he  learned  the 
lore  of  the  river.  He  listened  with  bated  breath 
to  the  pathetic  story  of  Logan,  the  famous  old 
Mingo  chieftain  whose  brother,  sister,  and 
mother  had  all  been  killed  by  the  white  men 


6  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

just  over  the  hills  near  the  mouth  of  Yellow 
Creek.  And  his  eyes  would  flash  with  sympathy 
as  he  listened  to  the  story  of  Chief  Logan's 
eloquent  message  to  Lord  Dunmore.  There 
was  one,  like  many  another  schoolboy  since,  to 
''mourn  for  Logan ".^ 

When  the  country  was  gripped  by  the  money 
stringency  in  1837,  followed  by  the  failure  of 
crops  in  1838,  George  S.  Hampton  found  his 
commission  business  ruined.  He  thereupon  de- 
cided to  emigrate  to  Iowa  and  try  his  hand  at 
farming.  Having  purchased  for  ninet}''  dollars 
a  half  section  of  land  near  Iowa  City,  the  new 
capital  of  the  Territory  of  Iowa,  he  sent  his 
brother-in-law,  Columbus  Catlett,  to  bring  the 
family,  including  Mrs.  Hanson  Catlett,  to  the 
new  home.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1841  they 
set  out  on  board  a  steamboat  down  the  Ohio 
River  bound  for  a  distant  land. 

Many  weary  days  ensued.  For  William  the 
monotony  of  the  limited  attractions  on  the  boat 
was  relieved  by  the  sights  along  the  shore. 
Gradually  the  familiar  hills  gave  way  to  broad 
flat  reaches  of  country,  while  the  forests  of 
Ohio  and  Indiana  were  forgotten  in  the  view  of 
the  sky-bounded  prairies  of  southern  Illinois. 
Old  landmarks  were  pointed  out  to  the  eager 
boy  by  his  mother  and  grandmother.  Past 
Wheeling,  Marietta,  Cincinnati,  Louisville,  and 
numberless  sandbars  the  steamer  followed  the 


THE  BEGINNING  7 

devious  channel.  Great  was  the  excitement  on 
board  when  the  boat  swept  out  into  the  broad 
Mississippi  and  churned  upstream  to  St.  Louis. 
It  was  sometime  in  April  when  the  little  party 
disembarked  at  Bloomington  (now  Muscatine), 
Iowa,  and  made  the  long  journey  to  Iowa  City 
by  wagon.  There  were  no  bridges  over  the 
streams  and  only  a  few  scattered  cabins  along 
the  road.'^ 

To  a  small  log  cabin  built  in  the  timber  along 
Turkey  Creek  in  what  is  now  Newport  Town- 
ship in  Johnson  County  Mr.  Hampton  con- 
ducted his  family.  He,  like  many  another 
early  settler,  believed  that  forest  land  was  the 
only  sort  capable  of  producing  grain ;  and  there 
the  pioneers  chopped,  sawed,  grubbed,  and 
prayed  that  their  neighbors  who  had  settled  on 
the  prairie  would  not  freeze  or  starve.  A 
veritable  outpost  of  civilization  was  this  little 
home  in  which  William  Hepburn  was  to  spend 
a  part  of  his  boyhood.  Long  afterward  he  said 
that  there  were  at  that  time  not  five  thousand 
white  families  farther  west  in  the  United  States. 
From  the  cabin  in  which  he  lived  a  person, 
moving  westward  to  the  Missouri  River,  ''would 
have  traveled  without  the  sight  of  the  smoke 
from  a  single  chimney."^ 

One  season  of  agricultural  experience  con- 
vinced George  S.  Hampton  that  he  would  never 
be  a  successful  farmer.    Fortunately  he  secured 


8  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

a  position  as  transcribing  clerk  in  the  Council 
of  the  first  Legislative  Assembly  that  met  in 
Iowa  City  in  December,  1841.^  In  the  preceding 
June  he  had  sold  to  his  mother-in-law  the  half 
section  on  which  he  had  originally  settled,  and 
in  September  had  taken  a  claim  on  a  half 
section  about  three  miles  east.  In  March,  1842, 
he  paid  fifty  dollars  for  a  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  located  a  mile  south  of  Mrs.  Catlett's 
land.  Hanson  Hepburn,  the  oldest  son,  assumed 
the  management  of  the  latter  farm  when  his 
step-father  found  more  congenial  employment 
in  town,  William  soon  went  to  live  with  his 
grandmother  and  his  uncle  Columbus  on  the 
adjacent  claim.^*' 

Many  a  night  the  wolves  howled  dismally 
around  the  house ;  and  it  was  often  necessary  to 
get  out  of  bed  and  frighten  the  bold  marauders 
away  with  a  fire  brand.  But  one  night,  in  spite 
of  all  William's  efforts,  the  wolves  carried 
away  his  pet  pig.  To  assuage  the  boy's  grief, 
the  pig  was  replaced  with  a  puppy;  but  the 
little  dog  also  caused  trouble.  One  day  it  ran 
under  the  house  and  William,  boy-like,  crawled 
after.  He  caught  his  clothes  on  a  nail,  and 
turn  or  twist  as  he  might  he  could  not  get  loose. 
What  must  have  been  his  anguish  as  he  lay 
there,  wondering  if  his  uncle  would  tear  down 
the  house  to  save  him  when  houses  were  few 
and  boys  comparatively  plentiful  !^^ 


THE  BEGINNING  9 

In  those  days  it  was  no  small  matter  to  start 
a  fire;  so  an  ash-covered  log  was  kept  burning 
in  the  fireplace.  But  occasionally  the  glowing 
embers  would  die,  and  then  it  fell  to  William  to 
run  to  his  mother's  house  more  than  a  mile 
away  to  fetch  a  brand  and  kindle  the  blaze 
again.  Sometimes  the  pluck  of  the  lad  was 
severely  tested  when  the  trip  was  made  after 
dark  through  woods  full  of  wild  animals  and 
perhaps  a  roving  band  of  Indians.  These 
experiences,  however,  served  to  cultivate  a 
venturesome  temperament  that  stood  him  in 
good  stead  when  later  he  came  to  be  thrown 
upon  his  own  resources. 

Stimulated  by  long-standing  companionship, 
a  warm  affection  grew  up  between  William 
Hepburn  and  his  grandmother.  Many  hours 
they  spent  on  the  Sabbath  singing  together  the 
hymns  in  the  old  Methodist  hymn  book  brought 
from  Ohio.  That  the  boy  was  taught  to  cherish 
a  devout  reverence  for  the  Deity  is  apparent 
from  his  recollection  of  regular  church  attend- 
ance one  hundred  and  four  times  a  year.  It 
must  be  admitted,  however,  that  he  sometimes 
failed  to  attend  strictly  to  the  sermon.  Indeed, 
if  the  minister  should  be  found  wanting  in 
ideas  young  Hepburn  was  wont  to  preach  his 
own  sermon.  Years  later  he  expressed  his  ob- 
ligation to  those  early  clergymen  for  teaching 
him  to  think  amid  noise  and  distraction.^^ 


10  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

Both  George  S.  Hampton  and  his  wife  were 
cultured  people  to  whom  the  privations  of  fron- 
tier farm  life  must  at  times  have  been  a  trying 
experience,  not  only  on  account  of  the  physical 
inconvenience  but  because  of  the  meager  educa- 
tional opportunities  for  their  children,  since 
there  were  no  schools  in  the  country.  At  all 
events  the  third  summer  on  the  farm  had 
scarcely  passed  before  the  family  moved  to 
Iowa  City,  and  there  in  October,  1843,  Mrs. 
Hampton  was  engaged  as  instructor  of  the 
''female  department"  of  the  Mechanics'  Acad- 
emy. Most  of  her  salary  of  one  hundred  dollars 
for  twenty-two  weeks  was  spent  in  paying  the 
tuition  of  her  own  children.  Here,  under  the 
tutelage  of  Hugh  and  William  Hamilton,^^ 
William  P.  Hepburn  attended  school  for  the 
first  time  in  his  life. 

Iowa  City  even  then  was  abundantly  blessed 
with  higher  educational  institutions.  Follow- 
ing elementary  work  in  the  Mechanics'  Acad- 
emy, William  attended  a  private  school  taught 
by  Dr.  William  Reynolds  whom  he  remembered 
as  an  accomplished  gentleman  willing  to  use 
the  ferule  to  stimulate  the  memory  of  his 
pupils.  At  another  time  he  was  enrolled  in 
Iowa  City  College  of  which  James  Harlan  was 
the  principal  and  faculty.  There  he  completed 
the  study  of  Colburn's  mental  arithmetic  —  a 
discipline  of  incalculable  value  in  later  years.^^ 


THE  BEGINNING  11 

Going  to  school,  however,  occupied  only  a  few 
short  periods  during  four  or  five  years.  The 
greater  part  of  William's  time  was  taken  up 
with  the  usual  round  of  boyish  activities.  When 
the  circus  came  to  town  he  rode  triumphantly 
at  the  head  of  the  procession  beside  the  elephant 
because  early  in  the  morning  he  had  found  the 
caravan  on  the  wrong  side  of  a  swollen  stream 
and  had  volunteered  to  act  as  guide.  The 
Cadets  of  Temperance,  an  organization  of  boys 
pledged  not  to  use  intoxicating  liquor  or  to- 
bacco, chose  him  as  Royal  Archon  —  the  highest 
officer.  It  was  at  this  time  that  William  was 
nicknamed  ''Pete"  by  the  other  boys  to  dis- 
tingTiish  him  from  his  step-brother  and  boon- 
companion,  William  Hampton.  The  name  stuck 
to  him  all  through  life:  even  on  the  floor  of 
Congress  he  was  known  as  ''Pete"  Hepburn.^^ 

By  no  means  all  of  the  lad's  time  out  of 
school  was  spent  in  play.  When  he  was  ten 
years  old  he  worked  seven  months  in  the  Berry- 
hill  Brothers'  general  store  for  which  he  re- 
ceived twenty-one  dollars.  In  June,  1847,  at 
the  age  of  thirteen,  "Pete"  went  to  live  with 
Judge  John  F.  Kinney  on  a  farm  near  West 
Point  in  Lee  County.  There  he  remained  a 
year.  Most  of  the  time  he  worked  manfully  in 
the  fields  and  helped  with  the  chores,  but  dur- 
ing three  months  in  the  winter  he  went  to  school. 
Meanwhile  he  grew  tall  and  bashful.^*' 


II 

Preparing  for  Life 

During  the  year  that  William  Hepburn  was  in 
Lee  County  he  returned  to  Iowa  City  for  a 
short  visit.  This  occurred  at  a  time  when  his 
sister  Catherine  was  recovering  from  a  long 
illness  during  which  she  had  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  Melvina  Morsman,  the  nine  year  old 
daughter  of  Dr.  M.  J.  Morsman.^^  The  two 
girls  had  planned  to  visit  Mavor  and  Pamela 
Sanders  who  lived  across  Ralston  Creek;  but 
the  distance  was  too  far  for  the  convalescent 
Catherine  to  walk.  Arrangements  for  a  horse 
and  buggy  were  easily  made ;  but  William,  after 
the  manner  of  boys  of  his  age,  required  a  great 
deal  of  coaxing  and  commanding  before  he 
would  consent  to  act  as  driver.  Rather  un- 
graciously he  drove  as  far  as  the  creek  and 
then,  pointing  to  the  Sanders  home  on  the 
opposite  side,  told  the  girls  they  could  get  out 
and  walk  the  rest  of  the  way.  Such  was  the 
simple  beginning  of  an  acquaintance  between 
Melvina  Morsman  and  William  Hepburn  which 
culminated  in  more  than  sixty  years  of  married 
life.is 

12 


PREPARING  FOR  LIFE  13 

It  was  not  long  after  this  incident  that 
William  was  persuaded  to  learn  the  printer's 
trade.  A  place  was  made  for  him  in  the  com- 
posing room  of  the  Republican  —  an  Iowa  City 
newspaper  owned  by  Samuel  M.  Ballard  with 
James  Harlan  as  a  contributing  editor.  For 
three  years  he  worked  steadily  setting  type  for 
sound  Whig  editorials  and  vituperative  attacks 
upon  neighboring  newspapers.  At  the  end  of 
that  time  he  was  a  journeyman  printer  capable 
of  earning  ten  dollars  a  week  as  pressman  for 
the  Capitol  Reporter  —  the  Democratic  organ 
published  at  Iowa  City. 

Thoroughly  grounded  in  the  rudiments  of  the 
English  language  and  well  informed  in  history 
and  the  political  doctrines  of  the  time,  William 
P.  Hepburn  always  regarded  the  printing  office 
as  the  best  school  he  ever  attended.  There  is  a 
note  of  democratic  pride  in  his  own  concise 
description  of  his  early  training:  ** educated  in 
the  schools  of  the  Territory  and  in  a  printing 
office".  He  was  always  pleased  to  be  referred 
to  as  an  artisan,  a  man  who  had  served  an 
apprenticeship  and  had  learned  a  trade.^^ 

Whatever  may  have  been  William's  plans  for 
the  future,  his  mother  was  ambitious  to  have 
him  study  law.  Living  almost  in  the  shadow  of 
the  Old  Stone  Capitol  where  the  eminent  men 
of  the  State  were  accustomed  to  assemble, 
listening  often  to  the  debates  in  the  legislature, 


14  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

and  attending  sessions  of  the  Supreme  Court  — 
of  which  his  step-father  was  clerk  and  to  the 
bar  of  which  was  attracted  the  best  legal  talent 
of  the  country  —  William  became  interested  in 
political  questions  and  decided  to  acquiesce  in 
his  mother's  wishes.  As  a  boy  he  had  been 
fond  of  reading  anything  he  could  find,  and  so 
the  prospect  of  poring  over  law  books  was 
pleasing  to  him.  It  w^as  with  enthusiasm  and 
determination  that  in  the  spring  of  1853  he 
began  to  read  Blackstone  under  the  direction  of 
William  Penn  Clarke.-** 

Fortunate  indeed  was  the  young  law  student 
who  received  his  training  in  the  office  of 
William  Penn  Clarke,  one  of  the  most  widely 
practiced  and  successful  members  of  the  Iowa 
bar.  A  hard  task  master  whose  creed  was  thor- 
oughness in  the  fundamentals  of  law,  he  also 
gave  young  Hepburn  the  advantage  of  his 
extensive  acquaintance  among  politicians  and 
lawyers  —  such  men  as  James  W.  Grimes, 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  Henry  W.  Lathrop, 
Samuel  F.  Miller,  C.  C.  Nourse,  and  Josiah  B. 
Grinnell.  Moreover,  William  Penn  Clarke  was 
a  radical  Free  Soiler,  chairman  of  the  Kansas 
Central  Committee  of  Iowa,  and  one  of  the 
secretaries  of  the  first  Eepublican  convention 
at  Pittsburgh  in  February,  1856.  In  such  an 
atmosphere,  and  associated  with  the  leading 
men  of  Iowa  who  were  opposed  to  the  extension 


PREPARING  FOR  LIFE  15 

of  slavery,  it  is  small  wonder  that  William  P. 
Hepburn  became  a  strong  partisan  of  the  new 
Republican  party.-^ 

In  September,  1853,  he  confided  to  Miss 
Morsman  that  he  was  ''getting  to  like  the  study 
of  law  better  every  day".  By  that  time  he  had 
finished  Starkie's  Evidence  and  had  begun 
reading  Stephen's  Pleading,  and  he  was  proud 
of  his  ''clocklike  regularity  in  attending  to 
office  hours. ' '  Sixty  years  later  he  recalled  that 
he  had  been  accustomed  to  spend  at  least  five 
hours  each  morning  in  close  application  to 
reading  law;  in  the  afternoon  he  took  care  of 
the  office  until  four  o'clock;  and  then  the  study 
of  Latin  occupied  him  for  two  hours.  The 
evenings  were  devoted  to  the  reading  of  history 
and  poetry.  When  Mr.  Clarke  had  cases  in 
courts  outside  of  Iowa  City  he  took  his  young 
assistant  along  to  help  in  the  trials.-^ 

Tall,  erect,  and  very  slender,  William  P. 
Hepburn  at  the  age  of  nineteen  was  an  un- 
usually handsome  young  man.  A  very  fair 
complexion  was  accentuated  by  his  wavy  black 
hair  and  dark,  deep-set  eyes  under  heavy  black 
eyebrows.  His  features  were  clean-cut  and 
regular:  a  straight  nose,  full  cheeks,  and  a 
square  chin.  Endowed  with  grace  and  tact  it  is 
not  surprising  that  he  was  popular  with  the 
young  people  of  Iowa  City.  His  letters  to 
Melvina  Morsman — "Melly"  as  he  liked  to  call 


16        willia:\i  peters  hepburn 

lier  —  tell  of  the  parties  and  balls  he  attended 
and  relate  the  amorous  adventures  of  their 
friends.'^ 

Sometime  in  the  summer  of  1854  when  young 
Hepburn  was  in  Illinois  he  chanced  to  meet 
Van  H.  Higgins  of  Chicago.  Pleased  with  the 
appearance  of  the  young  man  and  confident  of 
his  ability,  Mr.  Higgins  suggested  that  he  be 
examined  for  admission  to  the  bar.  The  exam- 
ining committee  reported  favorably;  and  nearly 
four  months  before  he  was  twenty-one  years  of 
age  William  P.  Hepburn  received  the  certificate 
wliich  entitled  him  to  practice  law  in  Illinois. 
Almost  immediately  he  was  invited  to  accept  a 
position  as  bookkeeper  in  the  firm  of  Higgins, 
Beckwith,  and  Strother,^^  receiving  as  compen- 
sation his  necessary  expenses.  This  seemed  to 
be  an  exceptional  opportunity  and  in  the  latter 
part  of  September,  just  after  his  betrothal  to 
Melvina  Morsman  had  been  announced,  the 
young  lawyer  found  himself  in  Chicago  ' '  build- 
ing air  castles"  in  his  dreams  and  "peopling 
them  with  fairies ' '  which  would  always  take  the 
form  and  name  of  "Melly".-^ 

Mr.  Higgins,  Avhom  Hepburn  described  as 
** rather  a  large  man,  but  a  very  handsome  one", 
received  his  new  assistant  in  a  kindly  manner; 
while  Mrs.  Higgins  and  her  daughter  Hattie 
were  as  cordial  as  old  friends  in  their  greetings. 
It  was  not  long  before  William  felt  at  home  in 


WTTJJAM  PETERS  HEPBURX 
Imw   Stii^knt:    Aof;   Ninktkkn 


HEPBUKN 


uiiiorou 


:l^  in  th<™  *T1'^>ft'?**T* 


-ted  that  he  bo 
The  exam- 


Melvina   _ 

young  lawyer 

innr  ap         '" 

UiPiii  ^ 

t'orm  and 

"Meljy 

:    •       ,-.,,- 

•;n   Hepburn   described   as 

WILLIAM    PETERS    IIIiPBtRX 


PREPARING  FOR  LIFE  17 

liis  strange  surroundings.  He  lived  on  the  lake 
shore  with  people  he  had  known  in  Iowa  City. 
Chicago  was  then  an  over-grown  town  of  sixty- 
five  thousand  population  w^ith  badly  kept,  ill- 
lighted  streets,  any  amount  of  mud,  and  a  dirty 
river  in  which  the  current  was  scarcely  per- 
ceptible. Hepburn's  opinion  of  the  elite  people 
of  Chicago  was  no  more  flattering  than  the  city 
was  attractive.  At  the  first  party  he  attended 
he  did  not  '*  recollect  hearing  a  sensible  re- 
mark", although  there  was  a  ''great  deal  of 
delightful  music.  "-^ 

Early  in  the  summer  of  1855  William  Hep- 
burn was  once  more  in  Iowa  City  among  the 
friends  of  his  boyhood.  Although  he  had  re- 
mained less  than  a  year  with  the  firm  of 
Higgins,  Beckwith,  and  Strother,  he  apparently 
succeeded  in  gaining  the  confidence  of  the  law- 
yers and  business  men  of  Chicago ;  and  so  when 
he  began  to  practice  law"  in  Iowa  he  became  the 
agent  of  many  of  the  Chicago  firms  doing  busi- 
ness in  his  section  of  the  country.  On  June  13, 
1855,  he  was  admitted  to  the  Iowa  bar  and  later 
in  the  same  month  he  accepted  the  position  of 
deputy  clerk  of  Johnson  County,  in  which  office 
he  remained  until  the  middle  of  August,  receiv- 
ing as  compensation  all  fees  collected.-^ 

Happy  in  the  prospect  of  being  married  in  a 
few  months  and  enjoying  a  comfortable  job,  the 
summer  of  1855  was  a  very  pleasant  one  for  the 


18  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

young  attorney.  Being  at  leisure  for  a  few 
weeks  he  was  glad  to  accompany  his  friends 
Edgar  and  Edmond  Harrison  on  a  trip  through 
some  of  the  adjoining  counties.  A  fortnight 
later  he  returned  with  his  face  swollen  and  dis- 
figured, afflicted  with  an  acute  case  of  sore  eyes 
(purulent  ophthalmia).  But  the  weeks  during 
which  he  was  confined  to  a  darkened  room  were 
transformed  into  a  period  of  felicity  by  the 
tender  solicitude  of  his  girlish  sweetheart. 
During  those  dark  days  the  affection  between 
Melvina  A.  Morsman  and  William  P.  Hepburn 
deepened,  so  that  their  marriage  on  October  7, 
1855,  while  the  groom  was  still  compelled  to 
wear  colored  glasses,  marked  only  the  begin- 
ning of  a  love  that  grew  deeper  and  more  stead- 
fast through  all  the  years  that  followed. ^^ 


Ill 

At  Home  in  Makshalltown 

Situated  on  high,  ground  overlooking  the  Iowa 
River,  Marshalltown  in  1856  was  entering  upon 
the  third  A^ear  of  its  history.  The  town  had 
been  founded  by  Henry  Anson,  a  man  of  re- 
markable energy,  who  foresaw  the  possibilities 
of  the  location  and  worked  incessantly  to  make 
the  enterprise  successful.  So  when  William  P. 
Hepburn  was  looking  for  a  home  and  a  suitable 
place  in  which  to  begin  the  practice  of  law,  Mr. 
Anson,  who  was  a  friend  of  the  Morsman  family, 
offered  to  give  Mrs.  Hepburn  a  piece  of  land  if 
they  would  settle  in  the  new  town.  To  the 
young  attorney  and  his  wife  this  seemed  to  be  a 
splendid  opportunity,  and  so  in  February,  1856, 
they  packed  their  household  possessions  and 
drove  nearly  one  hundred  miles  across  country 
to  the  frontier  village,^'^ 

In  turning  their  faces  westward  to  seek  for- 
tune on  the  frontier  this  newly  married  couple 
followed  the  example  and  kept  up  the  tradition 
of  their  parents  and  grandparents.  In  1856 
there  were  only  a  few  scattered  settlements  in 
Marshall  County,  while  in  Marshalltown  there 

19 


20  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

were  less  than  a  score  of  dwellings.  Thus  far 
had  moved  the  van  of  the  hosts  that  won  the 
West.  To  those  who  dared  there  was  a  chance 
to  live  in  a  land  ''where  the  world  is  in  the 
making",  to  find  a  home  where  ''a  man  makes 
friends  without  half  trying ".^^  Although  the 
residents  of  Marshalltown  were  few  they  were 
very  jealous  of  the  new  community  they  sought 
to  foster:  each  new  settler  was  greeted  with 
whole-hearted  hospitality.  It  was  a  hearty  wel- 
come that  "Pete"  Hepburn  and  his  wife  re- 
ceived on  their  arrival. 

With  the  proceeds  from  the  sale  of  some  land 
which  Mr.  Hepburn  had  purchased  with  savings 
during  the  last  year  of  apprenticeship  as  a 
printer 2^  he  bought  enough  material  to  build  a 
small  cottage.  For  several  weeks  he  was  busy 
hauling  the  lumber  from  Iowa  City  and  then 
the  construction  of  his  house  began.  The  build- 
ing contained  three  rooms  with  a  tiny  porch  in 
front.  As  one  of  the  neighbors  remarked,  it 
had  the  appearance  of  a  coffee  mill  with  the 
drawer  partially  pulled  out.  Small  as  it  was, 
however,  there  were  few  families  in  Marshall- 
town  who  possessed  a  better  dwelling  than  the 
Hepburns,  and  although  in  after  years  they 
lived  in  larger  and  finer  houses  there  Avere  none 
with  which  they  were  so  completely  satisfied. 
Long  before  the  residence  was  finished  the 
young  housekeepers  moved  in,  and  many  even- 


AT  HOME  IN  MARSHALLTOWN  21 

ings  William  Hepburn  might  have  been  found  * 
nailing  on  lath  by  the  light   of  a  tallow-dip 
candle  held  by  his  wife.^- 

Almost  as  soon  as  he  arrived  in  Marshall- 
town,  Hepburn  found  an  occasion  to  practice 
his  profession.  The  landlord  of  the  tavern  at 
which  he  stayed  before  his  own  house  was  built 
became  his  first  client,  and  the  case  was  a  con- 
troversy over  the  sum  of  eight  dollars.  The 
amount  of  money  involved,  however,  was  no 
indication  of  the  bitterness  of  the  contest  and 
the  successful  issue  of  the  case  brought  as  much 
satisfaction  to  the  young  practitioner  as  any  of 
his  later  cases  in  which  there  was  more  at 
stake.^^ 

Those  who  read  the  newspapers  of  Iowa  City 
in  the  summer  of  1856  must  have  noticed  that 
William  P.  Hepburn  had  located  in  Marshall- 
town  and  was  prepared  to  act  as  an  attorney, 
counsellor  at  law,  and  general  land  agent.  He 
announced  that  he  would  make  collections  and 
secure  claims  ''throughout  tlie  State",  while 
conveyances  ''of  all  kinds"  would  receive 
prompt  attention.  It  may  be  assumed  that  a 
large  part  of  a  lawyer's  business  in  a  country 
recently  opened  to  settlers  had  to  do  with  the 
location  and  sale  of  land.  Until  the  middle  of 
June,  1856,  it  seems  that  Mr.  Hepburn  cooper- 
ated with  his  step-father  in  the  land  agency 
business  —  at  least  he  advertised  that  his  Iowa 


22  "WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

City  headquarters  were  in  Powell's  block  where 
George  S.  Hampton  had  his  real  estate  office. 
Later  in  the  summer  he  formed  a  partnership 
with  William  Bremner,  a  man  educated  in 
engineering  and  the  law  who  had  removed  to 
Marshalltown  from  New  Hampshire.^* 

The  law  practice  yielded  a  comfortable  in- 
come from  the  start,  and  although  Mr.  Hepburn 
still  suffered  from  weak  eyes  he  was  able  to 
conduct  his  business  with  good  success.  Mrs. 
Hepburn  helped  in  the  preparation  of  cases  by 
reading  aloud  from  the  law  on  the  subject. 
Pleasant  indeed  were  those  months  of  close 
companionship  when  the  young  couple  first  felt 
the  joy  of  achievement  and  the  brightness  of 
the  future  was  dimmed  by  no  cloud  of  trouble.^^ 


IV 

Frontiek  Politics 

Political  affairs  in  the  West  between  the  years 
1854  and  1856  were  in  a  state  of  constant  tur- 
moil. Agitated  beyond  measure  by  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act,  men  who  had  borne  life-long 
allegiance  to  the  old  political  parties  grew  rest- 
less and  sought  new  affiliations  in  opposition  to 
the  extension  of  slavery.  In  Iowa  many  citizens 
were  seriously  affected  by  the  anarchy  in 
Kansas  and  Nebraska,  and  the  feeling  against 
the  slave  power  grew  more  and  more  bitter. 

Out  of  the  common  opposition  to  the  exten- 
sion of  human  bondage  emerged  the  Republican 
party.  Simultaneously  with  the  meeting  of  the 
first  national  Republican  convention  at  Pitts- 
burgh on  the  anniversary  of  Washington's 
birthday  in  1856,  there  convened  in  Iowa  City 
an  assemblage  of  about  four  hundred  ''free 
citizens"  representing  nearly  every  part  of 
Iowa.  Pledged  to  the  task  of  making  "slavery 
sectional,  and  liberty  national"  these  men 
undertook  the  organization  of  a  Republican 
party  in  this  State.^^ 

Having  been  intimately  associated  for  several 

23 


24  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

years  with  men  who  thoroughly  hated  slavery, 
this  convention  must  have  stirred  the  emotions 
of  William  P.  Hepburn.^^  There  in  the  hall  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  the  Old  Stone 
Capitol  were  men  of  every  political  creed,  con- 
vened for  the  high  purpose  of  resisting  the 
spread  of  slavery.  In  that  gathering  were 
many  friends  of  the  young  attorney.  S.  M. 
Ballard,  from  whom  he  had  learned  the  print- 
er's trade,  had  journeyed  from  far  off  Audubon 
County  in  the  midst  of  winter.  There  was  J.  B. 
Grinnell  of  Poweshiek  County,  the  co-worker 
with  AVilliam  Penn  Clarke  in  behalf  of  unhappy 
Kansas.  Among  the  delegates  of  Johnson 
County  w^ere  S.  J.  Hess,  county  clerk  when 
Hepburn  was  deputy;  C.  H.  Berryhill,  his  boy- 
hood employer  in  a  general  store;  and  Tom 
Hughes,  friend  of  the  printing  office  days.  In 
an  inconspicuous  place  sat  Samuel  J.  Kirk- 
wood,  clad  in  the  labor  stained  garments  of  the 
farm  and  mill;  while  Governor  James  W. 
Grimes,  father  of  the  convention,  might  have 
been  seen  occasionally.^^ 

As  Hepburn  listened  to  a  lucid  statement  of 
the  principles  of  Republicanism  written  by 
Senator  James  Harlan  to  Henry  W.  Lathrop, 
he  may  have  had  a  vision  of  the  future  great- 
ness of  the  new  political  party  that  was  there 
being  founded.  He  may  have  thought  of  the 
portent  of  the  larger  convention  in  Pittsburgh 


FEONTIER  POLITICS  25 

where  his  friend  "William  Penn  Clarke  at  that 
moment  was  acting  as  a  temporary  secretary. 
Captivated  with  the  sound  logic  and  forceful 
oratory  of  man  after  man  who  took  the  floor  to 
renounce  allegiance  to  the  old  parties  and  advo- 
cate the  limitation  of  slave  territory,  William  P. 
Hepburn's  political  affections  were  fixed  for  a 
lifetime  in  this  first  Republican  convention  in 
lowa.^^ 

From  the  date  of  the  convention  at  Iowa  City, 
Hepburn  was  counted  among  the  ardent  sup- 
porters of  the  new  party.  Later  in  the  year 
when  the  time  came  for  the  first  meeting  of  the 
Republican  organization  in  Marshalltown  it  was 
he  who  wrote  the  notices.  Encouraged  by  the 
responses  of  the  people,  county  and  district 
conventions  were  held  to  select  party  candi- 
dates, and  before  he  had  lived  five  months  in 
Marshall  County  the  young  lawyer  found  him- 
self nominated  for  the  office  of  prosecuting 
attorney,  and  on  August  4,  1856,  he  was  elected 
for  a  term  of  two  years.  Thus  at  the  age  of 
twenty-three  he  was  giving  "legal  advice  to  the 
state  and  county  officers"  and  appearing  as 
counsel  ''for  the  state  and  county  ....  in 
the  district  or  county  courts  in  his  county". 
For  these  services  ''his  whole  compensation" 
was  an  "annual  salary"  amounting  to  $200.^*^ 

As  a  prosecuting  attorney  Mr.  Hepburn  seems 
to  have  met  with  indifferent  success.    Without 


26  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

an  extensive  education  in  the  law  he  was  no 
match  for  such  experienced  lawyers  as  Enoch 
W.  Eastman  and  Marcellus  M.  Crocker.  In 
February,  1858,  he  was  sure  that  he  "would 
have  been  quite  as  successful"  if  he  had 
'learned  practical  engineering,  instead  of 
spending  two  or  three  years  in  acquiring  the 
rudiments  of  a  profession".  Three  months 
later  the  judge  of  Marshall  County,  who  was  at 
odds  with  Hepburn,  declared  that  the  prose- 
cuting attorney  had  "failed  to  establish  one 
State  case  in  ten  for  nearly  two  years,"  and  had 
lost  sometimes  "fifteen  suits  in  succession ".^^ 

Whatever  may  have  been  "Pete"  Hepburn's 
attainments  in  the  office  of  prosecuting  attorney 
his  work  in  the  ranks  of  the  Republican  party 
received  favorable  notice.  When  the  Sixth 
General  Assembly  convened  in  Iowa  City,  De- 
cember 1,  1856,  George  D.  Woodin  of  Johnson 
County  proposed  the  name  of  William  P.  Hep- 
burn for  the  office  of  assistant  clerk  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  Philip  B.  Bradley, 
secretary  of  the  Senate  in  the  Third  and  Fifth 
General  Assemblies,  was  nominated  in  opposi- 
tion. When  the  roll  was  called  Mr.  Hepburn 
received  the  endorsement  of  all  the  thirty- 
nine  Republicans  present,  while  there  were  only 
seventeen  votes  for  the  Democratic  candidate. ^^ 

As  he  performed  the  duties  of  his  office 
Hepburn  gained  experience  in  legislative  meth- 


FRONTIER  POLITICS  27 

ods  and  observed  the  maneuvers  of  the  poli- 
ticians. There  also  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  the  prominent  members  of  the 
Republican  party  became  familiar  with  the 
voice  and  figure  of  the  young  attorney.  That  he 
was  esteemed  and  respected  by  his  associates 
may  be  assumed  from  the  fact  that  after  the 
Sixth  General  Assembly  had  adjourned  he  was 
appointed  by  Governor  Grimes  as  one  of  the 
men  to  investigate  the  accounts  of  a  number  of 
the  county  school  fund  commissioners,'*^ 

On  January  11,  1858,  the  Seventh  General 
Assembly  met  in  the  Old  Brick  Capitol  at  Des 
Moines.  William  P.  Hepburn  was  appointed 
chief  clerk  pro  tempore  without  opposition.  In 
the  election  of  permanent  officers  the  following 
day,  the  Republican  candidate  for  the  office  of 
chief  clerk  was  Benjamin  F.  Jones,  a  man  se- 
lected chiefly  for  his  political  influence  in  the 
northeastern  part  of  the  State.  As  chief  clerk, 
however,  Mr.  Jones  was  incompetent,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  first  week  he  tendered  his  resignation. 

When  the  Republican  caucus  met  to  choose  a 
new  chief  clerk  Mr.  Hepburn  was  nominated  in 
preference  to  at  least  two  formidable  compet- 
itors —  George  G.  Lyon  of  the  Dubuque  Times 
and  Charles  C.  Nourse,  chief  clerk  of  the  House 
in  the  Fifth  General  Assembly  and  secretary  of 
the  Senate  in  the  Sixth  General  Assembly.  In 
his  own  words  the  nomination  was  "a  triumph 


28  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

of  the  most  desirable  kind.  My  opponents  were, 
two  of  them  at  least  men  of  position  in  the 
party,  and  known  to  be  experienced  and  efficient 
officers.  Indeed  Nourse  is  said  to  be  'the  best 
clerk  in  the  west.'  Besides  this,  the  speaker  of 
the  House  lives  but  25  miles  from  our  town  & 
the  assistant  Clerk  is  from  Poweshiek  County 
which  of  course  would  operate  against  the 
chances  of  one  who  lived  so  near  them.  Yet  in 
the  face  of  this  formidable  opposition  after  dis- 
charging all  of  the  duties  for  a  week,  giving 
every  one  a  fair  opportunity  to  judge  of  my 
competency  I  was  nominated  by  a  vote  of  28,  to 
13  received  by  all  the  other  candidates."  The 
House  endorsed  the  action  of  the  Republican 
caucus  on  January  18,  1858.^'* 

Arduous  indeed  was  the  work  of  the  chief 
clerk.  Besides  keeping  the  journal  of  the 
House  it  was  his  duty  to  read  the  bills^  a  task 
rendered  difficult  not  only  by  the  acoustic  prop- 
erties of  the  hall  but  enhanced  by  the  necessity 
of  first  deciphering  the  handwriting.  Further- 
more, the  assistant  clerks  were  none  too  efficient 
—  not  nearly  as  good,  Mr.  Hepburn  declared, 
as  his  wife  had  been  during  the  previous  ses- 
sion. But  however  difficult  the  situation  proved 
to  be,  the  chief  clerk  earned  an  enviable  repu- 
tation during  the  Seventh  General  Assembly 
and  from  that  time  he  took  a  prominent  place 
in  the  Republican  party  organization.^^ 


V 

The  County  Seat  Contest 

Intense  loyalty  characterized  the  people  who 
lived  in  Marshalltown.  There  was  some  talk  in 
the  Seventh  General  Assembly,  probably  insti- 
gated by  Marshalltown,  of  fixing  the  site  of  the 
State  capital  at  that  place.  Although  the  cap- 
ital had  been  permanently  located  at  Des  Moines 
both  by  statute  law  and  constitutional  provi- 
sion, a  resolution  was  introduced  to  remove  the 
seat  of  government  to  Marshalltown.  The 
proposition  was  immediately  referred  to  the 
committee  on  charitable  institutions  and  no 
more  was  heard  on  the  subject.^*' 

While  Wilham  P.  Hepburn,  the  clerk  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  probably  had  little 
to  do  with  the  capital  removal  scheme,  he  did 
not  neglect  local  interests.  In  the  settlement  of 
newly  created  counties  in  Iowa,  it  was  a  com- 
mon experience  for  two  or  more  rival  com- 
munities to  quarrel  over  the  location  of  the 
county  seat.  Marshall  County  was  no  excep- 
tion, and  the  young  attorney  at  Marshalltown 
took  a  leading  part  in  the  contest. 

In  April,  1856,  within  two  months  after  Hep- 

29 


30  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

burn  had  moved  to  Marshall  County,  the  people 
voted  by  a  majority  of  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  against  changing  the  county  seat  from 
Marietta  to  Marshalltown.  Decisive  as  this 
action  seemed,  it  only  served  to  spur  the  pro- 
moters of  Marshalltown  interests  to  greater  ef- 
forts. With  the  expenditure  of  an  enormous 
amount  of  labor  a  brick  courthouse  was  erected, 
and  in  the  summer  of  1857  —  under  the  super- 
vision of  Wells  S.  Rice  of  Marshalltown  —  the 
signatures  of  more  than  half  of  all  the  voters  in 
Marshall  County  were  obtained  on  a  petition 
for  a  second  election  on  the  question  of  locating 
the  seat  of  justice  at  Marshalltown.  The  poll 
w^as  to  be  taken  at  the  regular  spring  election 
on  April  5,  1858.^^ 

At  this  juncture  all  of  Marshalltown 's  hopes 
might  have  been  shattered  had  it  not  been  for 
the  alert  chief  clerk  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. The  Seventh  General  Assembly 
had  scarcely  been  organized  before  the  friends 
of  Marietta  undertook  to  postpone  the  election 
by  an  act  of  the  legislature.  On  January  20th 
Hepburn  wrote  home  the  news  that  the  "Mari- 
etta folks  are  trying  to  spring  a  trap  upon  us 
in  the  shape  of  an  act  to  prevent  votes  to  be 
taken  except  once  in  five  years, —  if  it  passes  it 
will  kill  our  town  as  sure  as  fate."  He  sent  a 
letter  posthaste  by  special  messenger  urging 
G.  M.  Woodbury  and  Henry  C.  Henderson  to 


COUNTY  SEAT  CONTEST  31 

start  at  once  for  Des  Moines  with  documents  to 
show  the  status  of  affairs  in  Marshall  County. 
Although  a  bill  to  amend  the  law  in  relation  to 
county  seats  was  introduced  toward  the  end  of 
the  session,  it  was  referred  to  a  special  com- 
mittee of  one  member  and  forgotten. ^'^ 

In  the  meantime  the  contest  waged  hotly  in 
Marshall  County.  The  friends  of  Marietta 
argued  that  it  would  be  far  better  to  allow  the 
county  seat  to  remain  w^here  it  was  than  for  the 
people  to  feel  the  * '  severe  pangs  of  heavy  taxa- 
tion" in  paying  for  the  unlEinished  courthouse 
in  Marshalltown.  Others  claimed  for  Marshall- 
town  the  advantages  of  a  more  suitable  loca- 
tion, larger  population,  a  better  courthouse  to 
be  deeded  to  the  county  free  of  cost,  and 
brighter  prospects  for  the  future.  Charges  of 
corruption  and  insincerity  were  answered  by 
counter  charges.  While  neither  town  was  emi- 
nently qualified  to  be  the  county  seat,  it  may  be 
said  that  the  Marshalltown  people  conducted 
their  campaign  with  much  greater  tact  and 
thoroughness.  The  result  of  the  election  was  a 
majority  of  one  hundred  and  five  votes  for  Mar- 
shalltown."*^ 

Although  the  majority  of  the  voters  were  in 
favor  of  relocating  the  county  seat,  there  was 
no  record  that  the  judges  of  election  in  Marion, 
Le  Grand,  and  Greencastle  townsliips  had  been 
sworn,  and  so  the  board  of  canvassers  rejected 


32  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

the  returns  from  those  townships,  giving  the 
victory  to  Marietta  by  fifty-seven  votes.  This 
action  raised  a  storm  of  protest  from  Marshall- 
town  and  the  townships  from  which  the  votes 
were  not  counted.  Wells  S.  Rice  brought  the 
case  before  the  district  court  during  the  spring 
term,  and  a  writ  of  mandamus  compelling  the 
county  judge  to  recanvass  the  returns  was 
issued.  Judge  Smith  filed  a  demurrer  and  ap- 
pealed to  the  Supreme  Court.^^ 

Then  followed  a  bitter  newspaper  contro- 
versy between  the  county  judge  and  the  prose- 
cuting attorney.  Hepburn  wrote  a  long  article 
filling  four  columns  of  the  Central  Journal 
(Albion)  in  which  he  charged  William  C.  Smith 
with  perjury  for  taking  an  oath  that  a  previous 
act  was  illegal.  Declaring  that  Smith  had  vio- 
lated a  pledge  to  appoint  one  of  the  canvassers 
from  Marshalltown,  he  claimed  that  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  poll  books  from  three  townships  was 
intentional,  willful,  wicked,  and  illegal;  and  he 
concluded  with  some  comments  upon  the  per- 
sonal character  of  the  county  judge.  To  these 
accusations  Judge  Smith  replied  in  his  custom- 
ary manner.  He  began  by  announcing  that  * '  a 
certain  miserable  enviousness"  together  with 
*'an  increased  arrogance  and  self-esteem,  which 
he  has  acquired  by  reason  of  an  office  or  two", 
had  prompted  the  county  attorney's  article. 
After    answering    each    charge    of    ''this    im- 


COUNTY  SEAT  CONTEST  33 

mature  scion",  he  delivered  Mr.  Hepburn  "to 
the  place  for  which  his  peculiar  talents  fit  him, 
to-wit:  an  obscure  oblivion.  "^^ 

The  case  for  Marshalltown  was  argued  be- 
fore the  Supreme  Court  by  William  Penn 
Clarke,  with  the  assistance  of  Henry  C.  Hen- 
derson and  William  P.  Hepburn;  and  on  No- 
vember 6,  1858,  the  county  judge  was  ordered 
to  recanvass  the  election  returns  and  to  include 
the  rejected  votes  from  Marion,  Le  Grand,  and 
Greencastle  townships.  That  the  board  of  can- 
vassers had  been  empowered  only  to  count  the 
votes  and  not  to  judge  of  their  validity  was  the 
chief  ground  upon  which  the  court  rested  its 
decision.^2 

With  the  aid  of  two  justices  of  the  peace 
Judge  Smith  recanvassed  the  election  returns 
on  January  6,  1859 ;  but  since  the  writ  of  man- 
damus ordering  the  returns  from  all  townships 
to  be  counted  was  directed  only  to  the  county 
judge,  the  two  justices  did  not  feel  bound  to 
include  the  votes  from  Marion,  Le  Grand,  and 
Greencastle  townships.  And  so  Marietta  was 
again  declared  to  be  the  seat  of  justice  —  with 
Smith  dissenting. 

The  citizens  of  Marshalltown,  however,  were 
determined  to  have  the  county  seat;  and  under 
the  leadership  of  Rice,  Anson,  Henderson,  and 
Hepburn  they  undertook  to  accomplish  their 
desire.     Five  days  after  the  recanvass  Judge 


34  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

Smith  was  induced  to  visit  Marshalltown  for 
the  purpose  of  talking  over  the  contest.  The 
house  of  his  father-in-law,  Rev.  C.  Babcock, 
was  crowded  when  he  arrived.  Hepburn  had 
borrowed  the  poll  books,  and  two  justices  of  the 
peace  were  present.  Believing  his  life  was  in 
danger,  the  judge  canvassed  the  election  returns 
for  the  third  time,  declared  Marshalltown  to  be 
the  county  seat,  and  ordered  the  county  records 
to  be  transferred  from  Marietta.^^ 

The  following  morning  a  jubilant  crowd,  in- 
cluding the  Bowen  Guards  and  headed  by 
Sheriff  Harris  and  Attorney  Hepburn,  set  out 
to  remove  the  county  records.  But  at  Marietta 
the  valiant  band  found  the  courthouse  guarded 
by  armed  citizens.  When  the  records  were  de- 
manded an  injunction  was  produced  restraining 
their  removal,  so  the  crestfallen  Guards  re- 
turned to  Marshalltown  and  the  county  seat 
remained  at  Marietta.  To  a  Toledo  editor  the 
whole  affair  seemed  to  be  a  ''war  of  folly,  in 
which  was  exhibited,  on  the  part  of  the  aggres- 
sors, the  most  complete  w^ant  of  common  sense 
and  ordinary  sagacity  that  it  is  possible  to  con- 
ceive, and  in  which  nearly  all  classes  were 
participants".^'* 

Three  days  after  the  canvass  at  Marshall- 
town  it  appears  that  Judge  Smith  issued  to 
William  Dishon  twenty-six  thousand  dollars  in 
county  bonds  with  which  to  build  a  new  court- 


COUNTY  SEAT  CONTEST  35 

house  at  Marietta.  Here  was  more  work  for 
the  lawyers.  In  the  spring  term  of  the  district 
court  Smith  was  enjoined  from  issuing  bonds 
to  erect  a  courthouse  in  a  town  not  the  county 
seat  and  an  attachment  was  issued  against  him 
for  contempt  of  court  in  not  recanvassing  ac- 
cording to  instructions.  Both  cases  were  ap- 
pealed to  the  Supreme  Court  and  both  were 
decided  against  the  county  judge.  The  new 
courthouse  was  never  built  in  Marietta,  for 
the  election  returns  of  April  5,  1858,  were 
officially  recanvassed  on  December  29, 1859,  and 
Marshalltown  was  declared  to  be  the  county 
seat.  On  the  last  day  of  December,  1859,  the 
safe  and  records  were  loaded  on  an  ox-sled  and 
hauled  away  from  Marietta.^  ^ 


VI 

DiSTEICT   AtTORXEY 

Life  in  central  Iowa  during  the  fifties  pre- 
sented many  difficulties  to  the  venturesome 
people  who  sought  a  livelihood  on  the  broad 
prairies.  The  railroads  had  penetrated  only  a 
few  miles  west  of  the  Mississippi  River  and  the 
wagon  roads  were  scarcely  more  than  trails 
along  the  streams  and  over  the  hills.  Pioneer 
society  was  unconventional  but  cordial.  Indeed, 
the  whole  atmosphere  of  the  plains  bespoke 
individuality  and  freedom.  While  the  ambi- 
tious young  man  in  the  decade  before  the  Civil 
War  faced  severe  discomforts  in  the  light  of 
present-day  conveniences,  he  was  at  the  same 
time  confronted  with  opportunities  the  like  of 
which  have  never  since  been  witnessed.  In  the 
field  of  politics  the  vigorous  Republican  party 
offered  almost  certain  election  to  its  candidates 
for  public  office. 

When  the  Republican  convention  of  the  elev- 
enth judicial  district  of  Iowa  met  in  Webster 
City  on  the  seventeenth  of  August,  1858, 
William  P.  Hepburn  was  among  the  delegates 
from  Marshall  County.^^     That  he  was  one  of 

36 


DISTRICT  ATTORNEY  37 

the  most  prominent  members  of  the  party  in 
the  convention  is  apparent  from  the  fact  that 
he  was  made  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
credentials  and  helped  to  select  the  central  dis- 
trict committee.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  second 
day,  when  the  informal  ballot  for  the  nomina- 
tion of  district  attorney  was  counted,  it  was 
found  that  Hepburn  stood  second  in  the  list  of 
candidates.  The  fourth  ballot  gave  him  a  ma- 
jority of  five  votes  and  the  nomination  was 
declared  unanimous.  Upon  being  introduced  to 
the  convention  the  nominee  was  "greeted  with 
a  round  of  applause,  after  which  he  made  a 
brief  but  appropriate  speech,  thanking  the  con- 
vention for  the  trust  it  had  reposed  in  him  and 
promised  his  best  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  cause 
in  which  he  was  enlisted."^''' 

The  Republicans  were  well  pleased  with  the 
candidate  for  the  office  of  district  attorney. 
"He  is  widely  known  as  the  popular  clerk  of 
the  Lower  House",  wrote  one  staunch  sup- 
porter. "Mr.  Hepburn  is  a  young  man  of  fine 
personal  qualities,  good  education  and  thor- 
oughly posted  in  his  profession.  Aside  from 
this,  he  has  few  superiors  as  a  general  business 
man,  which  will  add  greatly  to  his  efficiency  in 
the  discharge  of  the  onerous  duties  of  the  posi- 
tion to  which  he  is  sure  to  be  elected.  He  is 
widely  known,  and  wherever  he  is  known,  he 
will  secure  more  than  his  party  strength. ' '    An 


38  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

Iowa  City  newspaper  averred  that  he  exhibited 
"great  promptness  and  energy  of  character," 
had  "considerable  experience  in  the  criminal 
department  of  law",  and  was  "known  to  pos- 
sess no  bias  or  partiality  for  the  violator  of  the 
law. ' '  It  was  thought  that  he  would  ' '  prosecute 
with  vigor  and  wisdom"  and  "keep  the  calen- 
dar clean."  John  A.  Hull  of  Boonsboro,  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  the  same  office,  was 
described  as  a  "very  clever  fellow"  who  would 
never  "set  the  Des  Moines  river  on  fire".^^ 

One  of  the  most  notable  events  of  the  ensuing 
campaign  occurred  on  the  evening  of  September 
15th  when  the  two  candidates  for  the  office  of 
district  attorney  met  at  a  political  rally  in 
Webster  City.  Hull  accepted  an  invitation  to 
give  his  views  on  the  political  topics  of  the  day 
and  "opened  with  a  few  pert  witticisms". 
After  a  ' '  very  long,  rambling  speech ' ',  in  which 
he  attempted  a  "spread  eagle  paneg\^ric",  he 
"sat  down  completely  exhausted."  Mr.  Hep- 
burn, it  was  said,  "made  a  vigorous  and  telling 
speech."  Thoroughly  "posted  both  in  State 
and  National  politics",  he  was  "ready  to  meet 
a  democrat  on  any  topic."  A  characteristic 
which  attracted  attention  was  his  "large  fund 
of  wit  and  anecdote"  which  he  used  "to  ad- 
mirable advantage." 

Three  days  later  Hull  and  Hepburn  met 
again  in  a  joint  debate,  this  time  at  Boonsboro, 


DISTRICT  ATTORNEY  39 

the  home  of  Mr.  Hull.  For  about  an  hour, 
according  to  a  local  newspaper,  Mr.  Hepburh 
''held  forth  in  such  a  strain  of  eloquence  and 
argumentation  as  completely  fascinated  the 
whole  audience.  He  defined  the  principles  of 
the  Republican  party  with  singular  clearness 
and  perspicuity,  and  demonstrated  their  prac- 
tical utility  with  the  logical  conciseness  of  one 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  his  subject  in  all  its 
parts."  His  discussion  of  national  issues  and 
the  workings  of  State  government  demon- 
strated his  "superiority  over  a  majority  of 
political  leaders"  and  showed  his  "qualifica- 
tions as  a  public  man".  Apparently  the  "keen, 
logical  criticism"  and  the  "multiplied  facts" 
in  his  speech  were  too  much  for  his  opponent, 
for  it  is  recorded  that  Mr.  Hull  "hesitated, 
stammered,  got  puzzled,  repeated  things  he  had 
once  said  ....  and  at  last  sat  down,  ex- 
hausted, vexed,  dispirited  and  quite  discour- 
aged", having  spoken,  in  the  opinion  of  one 
who  had  heard  him  many  times,  more  discred- 
itably than  on  any  other  occasion. 

These  debates  were  fortunate  for  the  Mar- 
shalltown  attorney.  Hitherto  the  voters  out- 
side of  his  own  county  had  been  given  little 
opportunity  to  judge  of  his  ability,  while  his 
"Democratic  friends  had  set  him  down  as  a 
'  mere  boy '  " ;  but  after  the  meetings  with  Hull 
it  was  declared  that  the  result  would  be  "many 


40  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

converts  to  the  Republican  faith"  and  Hepburn 
would  **  receive  the  votes  of  many  Democrats 
despite  all  efforts  to  whip  them  in.  "^^ 

"Pete"  Hepburn  closed  his  campaign  by 
touring  the  district  in  company  with  Samuel  J. 
Kirkwood,  an  "eloquent  champion  of  Free- 
dom", John  W.  Cattell,  the  "Farmer  Candi- 
date" for  the  office  of  State  Auditor,  and  Jacob 
Butler,  one  of  the  "ablest  and  most  popular 
speakers  in  the  State.  "^'^  Meetings  were  sched- 
uled to  be  held  at  Marietta  on  September  29th, 
Eldora  on  September  30th,  Iowa  Falls  on  Oc- 
tober 1st,  Webster  City  on  October  2nd,  Fort 
Dodge  on  October  4th,  Homer  on  October  5th, 
Boonsboro  on  October  6th,  and  Nevada  on 
October  7th.  The  chief  burden  of  the  speeches 
seems  to  have  been  the  vindication  of  the  party 
and  the  candidates  from  charges  of  extrava- 
gance and  corruption. 

During  the  campaign  Mr.  Hepburn  was  ac- 
cused of  malfeasance  when  he  was  a  commis- 
sioner to  investigate  the  accounts  of  the  county 
school  funds.  His  opponents  said  that  he  had 
received  two  hundred  dollars  "hush  money"  in 
the  form  of  a  loan  without  security  from  the 
school  funds  of  Story  County,  in  return  for 
which  it  was  alleged  he  did  not  report  the  de- 
falcation of  the  school  fund  commissioner  of 
that  county..  In  replying  to  these  accusations 
Hepburn  admitted  that  he  had  borrowed  the 


DISTRICT  ATTORNEY  41 

two  hundred  dollars;  but  he  asserted  that  the 
loan  had  been  secured  by  the  signature  of 
William  Bremner  and  a  mortgage  on  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  acres  of  land.  Furthermore, 
he  proved  that  he  had  reported  the  school  fund 
commissioner  of  Story  County  to  be  a  defaulter 
to  the  amount  of  a  thousand  dollars.  At  one  of 
the  meetings  there  were  many  Democrats  pres- 
ent who  ''felt  that  these  vile  slanders  were  made 
to  recoil  upon  their  inventors  with  telling  and 
crushing  effect.'"'^ 

On  October  12, 1858,  William  P.  Hepburn  was 
elected  to  the  office  of  district  attorney  by  a 
majority  of  over  four  hundred  votes.  He  be- 
gan his  term  of  four  years  on  the  first  day  of 
the  following  January.  Inasmuch  as  the  office 
of  district  attorney,  by  virtue  of  a  new  law,  had 
supplanted  that  of  county  prosecuting  attorney, 
Mr.  Hepburn  found  few  unfamiliar  duties  to 
perform.  Instead  of  representing  the  State 
and  giving  advice  to  the  officers  in  only  one 
county  his  jurisdiction  extended  over  twelve 
counties.  His  annual  salary  was  eight  hundred 
dollars,  and  in  addition  he  received  fees  to  the 
amount  of  five  dollars  and  ten  dollars  respec- 
tively for  each  conviction  in  cases  of  misde- 
meanor and  felony.^^ 

In  the  sparsely  settled  eleventh  judicial  dis- 
trict the  sessions  of  the  court  were  among  the 
most  enlivening  events  of  the  vear.^''"     Not  in- 


42  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

frequently  as  many  as  a  score  of  attorneys  from 
all  parts  of  the  State  travelled  the  circuit  to- 
gether. For  mirth  and  good  fellowship  those 
were  rare  days.  Feasting  on  buffalo  meat, 
venison,  squirrels,  prairie  chickens,  and  quail, 
bunking  together  in  a  common  bedroom,  and  in 
the  winter  facing  the  stinging  northwest  wind 
as  they  journeyed  from  town  to  town,  these 
men  were  privileged  to  obtain  an  extraordinary 
training  in  the  midst  of  hardships.  Sometimes 
.in  the  summer  Mrs.  Hepburn  accompanied  her 
husband  on  the  circuit,  reading  aloud  from  law, 
history,  and  fiction,  while  he  drove  across  the 
prairie  toward  some  distant  object  upon  which 
he  had  fixed  his  gaze. 

Coming  in  active  contact  with  la^vyers  who 
afterwards  became  congressmen,  governors, 
and  judges,  the  resources  of  the  district  attor- 
ney were  severely  taxed.  The  legal  opposition 
of  such  men  was  a  remarkable  stimulus,  how- 
ever, and  before  he  had  been  in  office  six  months 
Mr.  Hepburn  had  become  a  favorite  with  the 
people  wherever  he  was  known.  "Prompt, 
straightforward  and  judicious  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duties,  and  not  swerved  an  inch  from  the 
proper  course  by  fear  or  favor",  w^rote  a  friend, 
"he  probably  has  no  superior  in  the  District  in 
point  of  fitness  for  the  station  to  which  such  a 
flattering  majority  called  him."^^ 

During  Hepburn's  term  as  district  attorney. 


DISTRICT  ATTORNEY  43 

politics  claimed  an  important  share  of  his  at- 
tention. He  was  one  of  the  delegates  who 
participated  in  the  enthusiastic  nomination  of 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  for  Governor  in  1859. 
Seldom  in  the  history  of  Iowa  has  there  been  a 
more  energetic  campaign  than  the  guberna- 
torial contest  of  that  year.  From  the  date  of 
the  State  convention  the  most  perfect  harmony 
prevailed  in  the  Republican  party.  The 
strength  gained  by  a  thorough  organization  and 
a  pronounced  anti-slavery  candidate  was  supple- 
mented by  the  support  of  a  host  of  eminent  men. 
Hepburn  was  counted  among  the  leaders  who 
were  loyal  to  Kirkwood,  along  w^ith  James  Har- 
lan, James  W.  Grimes,  John  A.  Kasson,  James  F. 
Wilson,  Grenville  M.  Dodge,  James  B.  Weaver, 
John  H.  Gear,  and  William  B.  Allison.«-^ 

When  the  Eighth  General  Assembly  met  on 
January  9,  1860,  the  political  atmosphere  of 
Iowa  was  electric  with  questions  of  finance,  the 
promotion  of  railroad  interests,  and  the  regula- 
tion of  the  liquor  traffic,  w^hile  overshadowing 
all  local  issues  was  the  cloud  of  slavery  made 
more  lowering  by  John  Brown's  attack  on 
Harper's  Ferry.  Like  a  flash  of  lightning  came 
Governor  Kirkwood 's  inaugural  address  de- 
nouncing the  vacillating  policies  of  the  Demo- 
cratic administration  as  the  ''moving  causes" 
that  led  to  the  ''unlawful  invasion"  of  Vir- 
ginia.^*^ 


44  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

Nine  days  after  the  General  Assembly  con- 
vened the  Republican  State  convention  assem- 
bled for  the  purpose  of  selecting  delegates  to 
the  national  convention.  It  was  well  that  many 
of  the  delegates  who  gathered  at  Sherman's 
Hall  in  Des  Moines  on  January  18,  1860,  were 
men  of  unusual  ability  because  upon  them  rest- 
ed the  responsibility  of  choosing  the  Iowa 
delegation  to  the  convention  that  nominated 
Abraham  Lincoln.  William  P.  Hepburn,  who 
was  at  the  capital  in  the  interest  of  a  railroad 
land  grant,  appeared  as  a  delegate  in  the  con- 
vention.^^ While  the  members  of  the  conven- 
tion were  listening  to  the  quaint,  remarks  of 
John  Johns,  a  picturesque  trapper  from  Web- 
ster County,  Mr.  Hepburn  was  busy  helping 
prepare  the  report  of  the  committee  on  perma- 
nent organization.  As  soon  as  nine  delegates- 
at-large  were  elected  to  represent  Iowa  in  the 
Chicago  convention,  the  roll  of  the  judicial  dis- 
tricts of  the  State  was  called  and  Hepburn  was 
selected  as  one  of  the  two  delegates  from  the 
eleventh  district.  A  resolution  binding  the 
delegation  to  vote  as  a  unit  in  the  national  con- 
vention was  rejected.'''^ 

It  was  on  William  H.  Seward 's  sixtieth  birth- 
day, May  16,  1860,  that  the  national  Repub- 
lican convention  was  called  to  order  in  the 
famous  Chicago  Wigwam.  Shortly  after  noon 
William  P.  Hepburn  was  in  his  place  on  the 


DISTRICT  ATTORNEY  45 

platform  with  the  other  delegates,  listening  to 
the  call  of  the  convention  and  to  the  keynote 
speech  by  David  Wilmot.  Two  days  were  con- 
sumed in  appointing  committees,  electing 
officers,  and  adopting  a  party  platform.  Hep- 
burn's name  appears  in  the  proceedings  only 
on  the  official  roll  as  a  certified  delegate  from 
Iowa.  With  many  older  and  more  prominent 
men  present  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that  he 
should  have  served  upon  any  of  the  committees 
or  as  an  officer. 

Amid  tremendous  applause  more  wild  and 
frantic  than  the  yells  of  Comanche  Indians  the 
Presidential  candidates  were  nominated  during 
the  forenoon  of  the  third  day.  Just  before  the 
first  ballot  was  taken  William  M.  Stone  arose 
''in  the  name  of  two-thirds  of  the  delegation  of 
Iowa,  to  second  the  nomination  of  Abraham 
Lincoln."  Twice  the  roll  of  the  States  was 
called  and  there  was  no  choice.  Before  the  re- 
sult of  the  third  ballot  could  be  announced  Ohio 
changed  four  votes  to  Mr.  Lincoln  —  enough  to 
give  him  the  nomination.  For  a  moment  there 
was  silence,  then  "arose  a  peal  of  human  voices, 
a  grand  chorus  of  exultation",  and  a  dozen  men 
were  on  their  chairs  clamoring  to  cast  the 
unanimous  vote  of  their  delegations  for  the 
Illinois  rail-splitter.  Iowa  was  among  the  num- 
ber, although  the  vote  of  Iowa  delegates  had 
been  divided  on  all  three  ballots.     Eight  men 


46  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

voted  for  Seward  from  the  first  and  there  were 
never  more  than  twenty-two  for  Lincoln.*^^ 

The  hope  of  the  delegate  who  moved  that  the 
Chicago  convention  adjourn  to  meet  at  the 
White  House  on  the  following  fourth  of  March 
was  fulfilled  by  at  least  one  Iowa  member. 
Early  in  1861  Mr.  Hepburn  contracted  with 
eight  or  more  counties  in  the  eleventh  judicial 
district  to  ''proceed  to  the  city  of  AVashington, 
D.  C.  and  there  act  as  attorney  and  agent"  of 
the  various  counties,  using  ''all  due  diligence 
to  secure  to  the  State  of  Iowa,  a  title  to  all  of 
the  swamp  and  overflowed  lands"  lying  within 
the  counties  of  which  he  was  the  agent.  For 
these  services  each  county  was  to  pay  him  from 
two  hundred  to  four  hundred  dollars  "in 
hand ' ',  and  in  addition  'sums  varying  from  two 
hundred  to  eight  hundred  dollars,  in  proportion 
to  the  "amount  of  land,  scrip,  cash  or  its  equiv- 
alent" that  the  agent  was  able  to  obtain. 

Accompanied  by  his  wife,  Mr.  Hepburn  set 
out  for  Washing-ton  in  time  to  be  present  at  the 
inauguration  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Two  years 
later  he  was  still  thinking  of  that  "glorious 
trip"  in  1861,  and  wondering  "if  a  kind  Provi- 
dence" would  "ever  permit  it  to  be  repro- 
duced". After  spending  about  six  weeks  in 
the  national  capital  it  became  evident  that  the 
negotiation  of  swamp  land  business  was  futile 
in  view  of  the  impending  Civil  War.     Scarcely 


DISTRICT  ATTORNEY  47 

had  the  district  attorney  returned  to  Marshall- 
town  when  the  news  arrived  that  Fort  Sumter 
had  fallen  before  the  guns  of  the  Confederate 
batteries^'' 


VII 

The  Call  to  Akms 

Three  months  before  President  Lincoln  called 
for  seventy-five  thousand  volunteers  to  enforce 
the  laws  of  the  United  States  several  military 
companies  in  Iowa  had  urged  Governor  Kirk- 
wood  to  accept  their  services  in  suppressing  the 
insurrection.  When  the  call  came  on  April  16, 
1861,  for  one  regiment  of  militia  there  was  such 
a  scramble  of  volunteers  to  be  included  in  the 
First  Iowa  Infantry  that  men  almost  quarrelled 
with  Governor  Kirkwood  because  he  could  not 
accept  more  than  ten  companies.  Toward  the 
end  of  April  the  enthusiasm  for  enlistment  was 
at  its  height:  Kirkwood  was  confident  that  he 
could  raise  ten  thousand  men  in  twenty  days. 
Not  all  of  the  people  of  Iowa,  however,  were  as 
patriotic  and  as  zealous  as  the  Governor.  In- 
deed, there  were  many  persons  along  the  south- 
ern border  who  were  disposed  to  let  those  fight 
who  favored  war  and  would  not  listen  to  com- 
promise. There  w^ere  others  of  southern  de- 
scent who  honestly  believed  that  slavery  was 
necessary.'^  ^ 

The  call  to  arms  could  not  but  arouse  the 

48 


CALL  TO  ARMS  49 

fighting  spirit  of  William  P.  Hepburn  in  whose 
veins  flowed  the  blood  of  three  generations  of 
soldier  ancestry.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was 
confronted  by  the  duty  of  caring  for  a  wife  and 
two  small  children ;  he  was  already  serving  in  a 
public  capacity;  and  there  were  then  more  vol- 
unteers than  the  government  could  use.  Be- 
sides, nearly  all  of  his  relatives  were  opposed 
to  war,  a  circumstance  which  would  have  made 
his  enlistment  the  subject  of  bitter  criticism. 
Accordingly  young  Hepburn  did  not  enlist  im- 
mediately upon  the  first  call.'^^ 

During  the  three  months  following  the  cap- 
ture of  Fort  Sumter,  while  the  first  regiment  of 
Iowa  Volunteer  Cavalry  and  the  first  seven 
regiments  of  Iowa  Volunteer  Infantry  were  be- 
ing organized,  Hepburn  continued  to  perform 
his  customary  duties  as  district  attorney.  Then 
came  the  disaster  at  Bull  Run  on  Sunday  the 
twenty-first  of  July.  Mr.  Hepburn  first  heard 
the  news  of  the  battle  on  the  following  Wednes- 
day night.  According  to  the  advance  rumors 
that  reached  central  Iowa  the  Union  army  had 
been  destroyed,  Washington  had  been  seized  by 
the  Confederates,  and  Congress  was  fugitive. 

It  was  time  for  all  loyal  men  to  hasten  to  the 
aid  of  their  country,  and  the  prosecuting  attor- 
ney of  the  eleventh  district  lost  no  time  in 
starting  for  Iowa  City  where  he  received 
authority  to  raise  a  troop  of  cavalry.     Hur- 


50  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

riedly  returning  to  Marslialltown  he  began  re- 
cruiting, and  within  a  week  from  the  time  he 
heard  of  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  he  was  notified 
by  Adjutant  General  Nathaniel  B.  Baker  that 
his  ''Marshall  Horse  Guards"  were  accepted  as 
Company  B  of  the  Second  Iowa  Volunteer  Cav- 
alry. On  July  30th  he  was  authorized  to  order 
his  men  into  quarters  and  be  in  readiness  to 
march  by  the  twelfth  of  August J^ 

When  the  company  assembled  at  Marshall- 
town  officers  were  elected  and  Hepburn  was 
chosen  captain  —  though  he  had  served  in  that 
capacity  from  the  time  the  company  had  been 
ordered  to  quarters.  On  the  appointed  day  the 
troopers,  mounted  on  their  own  horses  with  no 
arms  or  uniforms  and  less  than  a  dozen  saddles, 
began  their  march  of  nearly  a  hundred  miles  to 
Iowa  City  and  thence  by  railroad  to  the  rendez- 
vous at  Camp  McClellan  near  Davenport.  Food 
w^as  obtained  from  the  people  along  the  way, 
and  the  men  slept  in  haystacks  and  vacant 
buildings.  At  Davenport  they  went  into  camp 
with  several  other  companies  of  cavalry  and 
infantry  to  begin  their  training  as  soldiers. 
Not  a  man  among  them  had  ever  before  seen  a 
squadron  of  cavalry.'^ ^ 

For  nearly  a  fortnight  Company  B  remained 
in  Camp  McClellan  before  being  mustered  into 
the  United  States  service.'^  Captain  Hepburn 
wrote  to  his  wife  that  he  was  busier  than  he 


CALL  TO  ARMS  51 

had  ever  been  in  his  life.  Up  "promptly  at  5 
o'clock  in  the  morning"  he  worked  ^^hard  all 
day  —  drilling,  looking  after  the  comfort  of  the 
men",  and  learning  the  duties  of  an  army  offi- 
cer. In  the  opinion  of  the  regimental  color- 
bearer  Hepburn  possessed  ''fine  native  talent", 
while  as  a  ''disciplinarian  he  had  few  equals." 
Indeed  the  rank  and  file  of  his  company,  fresh 
from  the  country  and  unaccustomed  to  military 
restraint,  chafed  under  the  strict  discipline  he 
enforced.  Nor  was  the  life  of  a  soldier  particu- 
larly attractive  to  the  young  captain.  While 
he  labored  faithfully  to  discharge  all  of  his 
duties,  he  confided  to  his  wife  that  "at  the 
earliest  moment  when  I  can  do  so  honorably  I 
will  leave  the  service.  But  at  the  same  time  I 
must  confess  that  I  cannot  now  imagine  when 
the  time  will  come.  "'^^ 

Although  Captain  Hepburn  found  it  "the 
hardest  work  possible  to  keep  100  men  together 
&  in  good  humor"  he  seems  to  have  kept  Com- 
pany B  busy  "getting  ready  to  be  useful",  for 
by  September  4th  he  believed  he  had  "the  best 
drilled  company  in  camp."  Due  in  a  large 
measure  no  doubt  to  his  efficiency  as  a  captain, 
Hepburn  was  promoted  on  September  18th  to 
the  rank  of  major  commanding  the  first  bat- 
talion. Edward  Hatch,  a  lumber  merchant 
from  Muscatine,  was  commissioned  lieutenant 
colonel;  the  major  of  the  second  battalion  was 


52  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

Datus  E.  Coon,  an  editor  from  Mason  City;  and 
Hiram  W.  Love,  a  mechanic  from  Iowa  City, 
was  major  of  the  third  battalion  J  ^ 

The  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  was  fortunate  in 
securing  Washington  L.  Elliott  as  colonel,  one 
of  the  few  regular  army  officers  detailed  to  com- 
mand volunteer  regiments.  Brave,  courteous, 
and  a  thorough  soldier.  Colonel  Elliott  was  a 
disciplinarian  without  being  a  martinet.  By 
example  he  stimulated  his  officers  to  industry 
and  care  in  drilling  the  men  so  that  during  the 
period  of  instruction  before  the  regiment  was 
ordered  to  the  front  such  a  foundation  for  effi- 
cient service  was  laid  that  the  Second  Iowa 
Cavalry  was  fit  to  challenge  comparison  with 
any  mounted  regiment  in  the  army.^^ 

Until  December  7,  1861,  the  Second  Iowa 
Cavalry  remained  at  Davenport,  living  in  bar- 
racks, learning  to  cook,  and  drilling ,  in  the 
school  of  the  trooper  dismounted.  A  German 
fencing  master  was  hired,  and  before  the  regi- 
ment was  ordered  south  the  majority  of  the 
men  were  familiar  with  the  use  of  the  saber. 
For  two  months  after  leaving  Camp  McClellan 
the  Second  Cavalry  was  quartered  in  the  small, 
poorly  ventilated  Benton  Barracks  at  St.  Louis 
where  disease  wrought  sad  havoc  with  the  men. 
Here  horses  were  issued  and  the  regiment  was 
drilled  in  the  school  of  the  trooper  mounted.'^^ 

At  St.  Louis  the  usual  round  of  camp  duties 


CALL  TO  ARMS  53 

occupied  most  of  Major  Hepburn's  time.^'^ 
Besides  the  regular  drill  work  he  acted  as 
officer  of  the  day  within  a  week  after  he  ar- 
rived. In  that  capacity  he  vowed  that  he  would 
''put  delinquents  through  &  inaugurate  a  little 
of  the  strictness  of  Davenport  Barracks".  At 
the  end  of  December  he  served  on  detail  to 
muster  the  troops  for  their  pay,  and  a  few 
weeks  later  the  distribution  of  arms  claimed  his 
attention.  The  first  battalion  of  the  Second 
Iowa  Cavalry,  composed  of  companies  E,  K,  L, 
and  M,  was  armed  with  sabers,  navy  revolvers, 
and  later  with  Sharps  carbines,  while  the  second 
and  third  battalions  were  equipped  with  Colt 
revolving  rifles,  the  implication  being  that  Ma- 
jor Hepburn's  battalion  would  execute  most  of 
the  dashing  exploits  and  the  rifle  companies 
would  repulse  the  charges  of  the  enemy.^^ 


VIII 

Campaigning  in  Missouri 

Gladly  bidding  farewell  to  Benton  Barracks 
on  February  17,  1862,  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry 
embarked  on  transports  to  participate  in  the 
campaign  against  New  Madrid  and  Island  No. 
10.  The  sight  of  the  battered  gunboats  at 
Cairo  being  repaired  after  the  battles  of  Fort 
Henry  and  Fort  Donelson  reminded  the  men 
that  at  last  they  were  destined  to  face  the  stern 
realities  of  war.  On  the  evening  of  the  nine- 
teenth of  February  the  regiment  landed  at 
Bird's  Point,  Missouri,  in  the  midst  of  a  snow 
and  sleet  storm.  The  men  pitched  their  tents, 
posted  their  guards,  lit  their  fires,  ate  supper, 
and  ' '  went  to  bed  quite  comfortable. ' ' 

A  fortnight  was  spent  in  pursuing  the  elusive 
''Swamp  Fox",  Brigadier  General  M.  Jeff. 
Thompson.  "Camp  life",  wrote  Major  Hep- 
burn at  the  end  of  that  time,  "is  not  so  very 
disagreeable  after  all  ...  .  We  have  learned 
to  be  quite  expert  in  the  arrangement  &  erection 
of  a  camp.  We  endeavor  to  start  early  &  com- 
plete our  march  by  three  o'clock,  &  yesterday 
.     .    .     .     the  men  were  busily  engaged  in  cul- 

54 


CAMPAIGNING  IN  MISSOURI  55 

inary  labors  in  one  hour  after  the  encampment 
was  marked  out."^^ 

On  March  4th  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  one 
of  the  unassigned  regiments  in  Pope's  army, 
advanced  on  New  Madrid  by  way  of  Charles- 
ton, Bertrand,  and  Sikeston.  The  roads  were 
in  such  poor  condition  that  wide  detours  were 
necessary  to  move  forward  a  few  miles.  "The 
whole  surface  of  the  country",  according  to 
Hepburn,  was  covered  by  "a  dense  forest,  with 
a  thick  undergrowth  of  vines,  thorns,  &  cypress 
roots,  &  last  but  not  least,  a  depth  of  water 
varying  from  six  inches  to  two  feet."  By 
March  12th,  however,  the  regiment  had 
splashed  through  to  New  Madrid  and  was  in 
position  for  the  next  day's  battle.^^ 

The  capture  of  Fort  Henry  and  Fort  Donel- 
son  broke  the  Confederate  line  of  defense  in 
Kentucky  and  caused  the  evacuation  of  Colum- 
bus on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi  Eiver. 
Island  No.  10,  sixty  miles  below,  was  selected 
as  the  next  place  to  contest  the  advance  of  the 
Union  forces.  At  that  point  the  Mississippi, 
flowing  straight  south  from  Island  No.  8,  curves 
to  the  northwest  for  a  distance  of  about  ten 
miles  to  New  Madrid,  Missouri,  and  then  sweeps 
back  toward  the  southeast  until,  reaching  Tip- 
tonville,  Tennessee,  a  village  five  miles  due 
south  of  Island  No.  10,  it  turns  again  to  the 
south.     Extending  along  both  banks  of  the  river 


56  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

during  periods  of  high  water  were  deep 
swamps. 

The  only  means  of  supplying  the  troops  on 
Island  No.  10  was  by  the  river  from  the  south, 
so  that  if  communication  was  cut  at  New  Mad- 
rid the  Confederates  would  be  forced  to  land 
supplies  at  Tiptonville  and  convey  them  over- 
land across  the  neck  of  the  peninsula.  Against 
New  Madrid,  therefore,  Major  General  John 
Pope  directed  the  first  blow  in  reducing  Island 
No.  10.  On  March  12th  the  enemy  was  de- 
fending the  town  with  about  nine  thousand  in- 
fantry, considerable  artillery,  and  nine  gun- 
boats. According  to  the  Southern  press,  the 
position  was  invulnerable,  a  veritable  Thermop- 
ylae of  the  Mississippi,  capable  of  withstand- 
ing the  attack  of  seventy-five  thousand  men. 
Pope's  forces  numbered  scarcely  twenty  thou- 
sand.^* 

The  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  was  ordered  to 
report  to  Brigadier  General  E.  A.  Paine  at 
daylight  on  March  13th.  On  the  eve  of  his 
first  battle  Major  Hepburn  admitted  that  he 
felt  nervous — ''slightly  as  if  an  overdose  of 
morphine  had  been  administered".  At  the  first 
streak  of  dawn  the  men  were  in  the  saddle  ready 
to  take  their  place  on  the  line.  All  day  they 
waited  while  the  heavy  siege  guns  pounded  at 
the  Confederate  earthworks,  but  there  was  no 
opportunity  for  a  cavalry  charge.     That  night 


CAMPAIGNING  IN  MISSOURI  57 

the  enemy  evacuated  during  a  violent  thunder 
storm,  leaving  behind  more  than  thirty  pieces 
of  artillery,  large  stores  of  ammunition,  tents, 
horses,  and  wagons.  So  precipitate  was  their 
departure  that  candles  were  left  burning  and 
food  remained  untasted  upon  the  tables. ^^ 

To  the  victorious  Union  soldiers  New  Madrid 
presented  a  desolate  appearance.  Picturesque 
with  its  ''gothic  cottages",  ample  grounds,  and 
fine  shrubbery,  the  old  town  had  been  almost 
destroyed  by  the  Confederate  troops.  Build- 
ings that  obstructed  the  range  of  the  guns  had 
been  burned,  fences  had  been  pulled  down,  and 
the  siding  had  been  torn  from  the  houses  for 
fuel,  while  on  all  sides  was  evidence  of  the  ac- 
curate aim  of  the  Union  gunners.  To  "com- 
plete the  entire  desolation  of  the  town,  not  a 
woman  or  child  w^as  to  be  seen."'^*' 

With  the  exception  of  occasional  scout  duty, 
almost  a  month  elapsed  before  the  Second  Iowa 
Cavalry  again  took  an  active  part  in  the  cam- 
paign. Seventeen  miles  away  the  bombard- 
ment of  Island  No.  10  could  be  distinctly  heard. 
For  days  at  a  time  the  shots  averaged  one  each 
minute.  Major  Hepburn,  lying  on  his  cot  and 
feeling  the  ground  tremble,  marveled  at  the 
complacency  with  which  he  remained  in  his 
tent  when  only  a  short  distance  away  each  dis- 
charge was  carrying  "the  bitterness  of  woe  to 
the  heart  of  mother  &  wife."     Perhaps  his  very 


58  "WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

temperament  was  being  changed  by  the  new 
environment  and  ' '  a  continual  train  of  thought, 
all  running  in  the  same  channel".  That  his 
sjTnpathy  was  not  completely  deadened  by  con- 
templating the  brutality  of  war  appears  from 
his  declaration  that  during  the  long  respites 
from  active  service  ''the  yearning  for  home  be- 
comes so  strong,  that  it  requires  strong  mental 
discipline  to  exclude  the  doubt,  or  thought,  that 
possibly  duty  might  have  been  as  well  per- 
formed" in  more  peaceful  pursuits.  "But 
while  the  longing  for  home  is  constant",  he 
continued,  "I  still  believe  that  I  have  deter- 
mined for  the  best,  &  that  it  has  become  a  ques- 
tion, almost  of  morals,  when  a  man  who  can 
render  aid,  stands  with  folded  arms,  and  suffers, 
by  his  supineness  the  destruction  of  the  govern- 
ment. "^"^ 

In  the  meantime  Commodore  Andrew  H. 
Foote's  gunboats  had  made  little  impression 
upon  the  Confederate  batteries  at  Island  No. 
10,  while  Pope 's  army,  though  effectively  block- 
ading the  river  below  the  island,  was  unable  to 
cross  and  attack  the  enemy  in  the  rear  on  ac- 
count of  the  lack  of  transports.  After  nineteen 
days  of  hard  labor  a  canal  twelve  miles  long 
was  constructed  from  the  Mississippi  River 
above  Island  No.  10  across  a  peninsula  of  over- 
flowed land  to  the  river  just  above  New  Madrid. 
For  a  distance  of  two  miles  an  avenue  was  cut 


I 


CAMPAIGNING  IN  MISSOURI  59 

tliroiigh  heavy  timber  by  sawing  off  the  trees 
four  or  five  feet  under  water — no  mean  feat 
of  engineering.  On  April  4th  the  canal  was 
completed,  several  steamers  were  brought 
through,  and  the  work  of  transporting  the 
Union  army  to  the  Tennessee  shore  began.^^ 

It  was  sometime  on  Monday,  April  7th,  that 
the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  received  orders  to 
cross  the  river  and  take  possession  of  the  ene- 
my's works  on  the  Tennessee  shore  opposite 
Island  No.  10.  After  standing  in  the  rain  and 
cold  several  hours.  Colonel  Elliott  and  Major 
Hepburn  with  companies  K  and  L  of  the  first 
battalion  succeeded  in  getting  aboard  two  trans- 
ports and  steamed  across  to  AYatson's  landing, 
where  they  arrived  about  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  the  eighth  of  April.  At  daybreak 
they  were  on  the  road,  advancing  upon  the  Con- 
federate encampment.  As  the  advance  guard 
approached  it  was  discovered  that  the  main 
force  had  evacuated.  Moving  up  through  the 
camp,  the  standard  of  the  regiment  and  the 
guidons  of  the  companies  Avere  hoisted  in  place 
of  the  silk  flag  of  the  ''Mississippi  Devils". 
Several  steamers  and  wharfboats  were  taken, 
large  quantities  of  ordnance  stores  were  seized, 
and  about  two  hundred  stragglers  were  made 
captive.  Thus  to  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  be- 
longs the  honor  of  being  the  first  Federal  troops 
to  enter  the  rebel  works  at  Island  No.  10. ^'^ 


60  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

Leaving  the  Confederate  camp  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Colonel  N.  B.  Buford,  the  cavalry  rode 
to  Tiptonville  and  stayed  there  until  April  11th, 
part  of  the  time  without  shelter  in  such  a  down- 
pour of  rain  that  huge  camp  fires  were  extin- 
guished. ''Yet  there  was  no  grumbling  &  not 
a  man  took  a  cold",  wrote  Major  Hepburn.  It 
was  his  first  ''actual  service"  and  he  liked  it. 
He  never  enjoyed  better  health  or  felt  more 
rugged.  "I  am  as  brown  as  an  indian",  he 
declared  to  his  wife,  "in  spite  of  divers  &  sun- 
dry washings  undertaken  at  your  special  in- 
stance &  request.  "^*^ 


IX 

The  Eye  of  the  Army 

On  the  same  day  that  the  Confederate  troops 
were  evacuating  Island  No.  10  the  bloodiest  bat- 
tle that  had  ever  been  fought  in  America  was 
raging  at  Shiloh.  On  April  11th  Major  Gen- 
eral Henry  W.  Halleck  proceeded  pompously 
from  his  arm  chair  in  St.  Louis  to  Pittsburg 
Landing,  that  he  might  personally  direct  the 
stealthy  advance  upon  Corinth.  Pope,  who  was 
just  beginning  operations  against  Fort  Pillow, 
was  ordered  to  join  Halleck  with  the  Army  of 
the  Mississippi. 

The  first  battalion  of  the  Second  Iowa  Caval- 
ry took  passage  on  the  steamboat  City  of  Alton, 
together  with  two  full  regiments  of  infantry — 
''the  greatest  crowd  that  I  ever  was  jammed 
into  in  my  life ' ',  wrote  Major  Hepburn.  It  was 
about  dusk  on  the  evening  of  April  20th  that 
the  boat  entered  the  Tennessee  River,  a  stream 
with  "well  defined  banks  that  are  covered  with 
a  most  luxuriant  growth  of  vegetation".  At 
Pittsburg  Landing  the  birds  were  singing,  and 
Hepburn,  observing  the  beauty  and  quiet  that 
reigned  over  the  battle  field  of  Shiloh,  could 

61 


62  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

* '  scarcely  realize  that  so  recently  all  the  echoes 
were  thundering"  with  the  din  of  war.^^ 

Although  Major  Hepburn  was  not  without 
weaknesses  for  which  he  criticized  himself,  he 
was  equally  generous  in  his  criticism  of  others.^^ 
He  questioned  whether  ''the  advantages  result- 
ant from  the  battle  of  Shiloh"  would  be  "so 
decided  when  scanned  after  the  first  excitement 
incident  to  their  happening ' '  had  passed.  ' '  Yet 
the  newspapers  tell  us  only  1500  have  been 
killed,  and  only  4000  wounded",  he  continued 
sarcastically.  ''And  this  too  because  it  was  a 
surprise  ....  Someone,  it  appears  to  me  has 
a  terrible  crime  to  answer  for."  Although  he 
did  not  know  the  true  circumstances  of  the  bat- 
tle, the  breast-high  thickets  shorn  smooth  by  the 
bullets  and  the  thousands  of  new  graves  im- 
pressed him  with  the  belief  that  Grant  was  either 
incompetent  or  guilty  of  criminal  neglect.^^ 

During  the  Civil  War  the  cavalry  performed 
to  a  limited  extent  the  same  service  that  is  now 
accomplished  by  aviators :  as  it  now  is  the  duty 
of  the  airmen  to  observe  the  strength  and  move- 
ments of  the  enemy  or  destroy  his  supplies  and 
lines  of  communication,  so  it  then  devolved  upon 
the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  to  act  as  scouts,  make 
reconnaissances,  and  raid  the  country  behind 
the  Confederate  lines.  Like  the  aviation  corps 
at  the  present  time  the  cavalry  was  then  the 
"eye  of  the  army". 


EYE  OF  THE  ARMY  63 

In  reporting  the  activities  of  the  cavalry  di- 
vision of  the  Army  of  the  Mississippi  during 
the  operations  against  Corinth,  Mississippi,  in 
which  almost  ''every  day  brought  with  it  some 
sharp  skirmish  with  a  vigilant  enemy",  Briga- 
dier General  Gordon  Granger  counted  it  an 
honor  to  command  the  mounted  troops,^^  "A- 
mid  pelting  rain  and  tropical  heats,  through  tlie 
dense  morasses  or  the  blinding  dust  of  the  hills, 
by  night  or  by  day,  enduring  the  fatigues  of 
forced  marches,  with  scant  subsistence  often- 
times for  both  themselves  and  their  animals, 
every  duty  has  been  cheerfully  undertaken  and 
every  privation  submitted  to  without  a  mur- 

On  the  twenty-second  of  April  the  first  bat- 
talion of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  had  scarcely 
disembarked  from  the  City  of  Alton  before  Ma- 
jor Hepburn  was  directed  to  lead  a  party  of 
thirty  men  out  on  the  Corinth  road  as  far  as 
possible.  About  seven  miles  from  camp  the 
enemy  was  discovered  in  ambush.  After  ex- 
changing a  few  shots  Hepburn  returned  to  camp 
where  he  received  the  thanks  of  the  command- 
ing officer  for  the  information  he  had  obtained. 
Brigadier  General  Hamilton  pronounced  the  re- 
connaissance to  be  "a  very  important  scout  .  .  . 
satisfactorily  conducted";  while  Colonel  Elliott 
was  pleased  to  say  that  he  reposed  complete 
confidence  in  Major  Hepburn  and  would  enter- 


64  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

tain  the  same  opinion  as  long  as  duty  was  per- 
formed with  equal  evidence  of  faithfulness. 

It  was  the  first  occasion  upon  which  Hepburn 
had  been  under  fire,  and  though  he  stood  his 
ground  he  confessed  that  he  was  scared. 
' '  There  is  undoubtedly  a  very  unpleasant  sound 
occasioned  by  a  minie  ball  in  rapid  motion", 
he  informed  his  wife.  He  acknowledged  a  re- 
spectable amount  of  caution,  never  intending 
to  **  charge  a  battery  with  a  platoon,  nor  at- 
tempt the  capture  of  an  entire  regiment  with  a 
single  squadron"  unless  ordered  to  do  so.  Lit- 
tle did  he  imagine  that  in  the  course  of  a  few 
days  he  would  be  called  upon  to  lead  a  charge 
against  far  greater  odds.^*' 

The  forenoon  of  May  9th  was  well  advanced 
when  news  came  that  Brigadier  General  Paine 's 
division  on  the  heights  near  Farmington  was 
hotly  pressed  and  in  some  confusion.^^  The 
Second  Iowa  Cavalry  in  camp  two  miles  from 
the  scene  of  action  was  ordered  to  ride  with  all 
possible  speed  to  the  assistance  of  their  com- 
rades. Upon  reaching  the  battle  field  the  in- 
fantry was  discovered  in  retreat  toward  the 
single  bridge  and  causeway  leading  across  Sev- 
en Mile  Creek  and  a  swamp.  Twelve  hundred 
yards  away  and  across  plowed  ground  broken 
by  hills  and  deep  ravines,  three  Confederate 
batteries,  supported  by  a  division  of  infantry, 
commanded  every  avenue  of  escape. 


EYE  OP  THE  ARMY  65 

Scarcely  had  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  ar- 
rived when  Paine  dashed  up  and  ordered  the 
regiment  to  charge,  take,  and  hold  the  batteries 
until  he  could  move  his  command  across  the 
swamp.  ''Attention!  Draw  saber!  Squad- 
rons right  forward  in  echelon ! ' '  came  the  order 
from  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hatch,  and  a  moment 
later  the  clear  notes  of  the  bugle  sounded 
' '  Charge ! ' '  Sabers  flashed  in  the  sunlight,  the 
infantry  cheered,  and  the  cavalrymen,  pale  but 
resolute,  leaned  forward  in  their  saddles  as  they 
rode  across  gullies  and  ravines  in  the  face  of 
grape  and  canister  from  the  artillery  and  a 
withering  musketry  fire  from  fifteen  thousand 
infantry.  Two  of  the  batteries  were  carried 
and  the  third,  charged  upon  by  Major  Hepburn 
and  the  first  battalion  through  the  hottest  of 
the  fire,  was  deserted  by  the  gunners,  although 
they  were  protected  by  a  fence.  Before  the 
Confederate  cannoniers  could  reman  their  guns 
Paine  had  retreated  to  safety  and  the  cavalry 
had  retired  across  the  swamp  to  await  orders. 
Nearly  fifty  men  of  the  Second  Iowa  fell  killed 
or  wounded  in  the  charge,  and  a  hundred  horses 
were  left  on  the  field.^^ 

It  was  the  opinion  of  Brigadier  General  John 
M.  Palmer  and  other  officers  who  were  present 
that  the  charge  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry, 
audacious  though  it  was,  saved  the  day  for  the 
infantry.       When  Paine  explained  to  Colonel 


66  "WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

Elliott  that  he  did  not  suppose  the  regiment 
would  go  so  far  it  is  said  that  Elliott  retorted : 
''I  want  you  to  know  that  I  have  taught  that 
regiment  to  go  to  hell  if  ordered  there,  but  I 
didn't  fetch  them  here  to  have  them  ordered 
there."  Brigadier  General  Granger  character- 
ized the  action  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  as 
the  ''most  brilliant  charge  ever  made  on  the 
American  continent  &  the  first  one  in  which  a 
whole  regiment  was  engaged.  "^^ 

Following  the  engagement  at  Farmington 
Colonel  Elliott  seemed  to  place  ' '  a  great  degree 
of  confidence"  in  Major  Hepburn's  ability,  al- 
ways treating  him  "with  the  utmost  kindness". 
Hepburn  in  turn  did  his  best  to  merit  the  colo- 
nel's good  opinion.  On  two  occasions  he  was 
put  in  command  of  six  companies  of  the  Second 
Iowa  and  six  companies  of  the  Second  Michigan 
Cavalry  when  out  on  hazardous  scout  duty. 

About  the  eighteenth  of  May  the  command 
of  the  Second  Michigan  Cavalry  was  offered  to 
Major  Hepburn,  and  though  Colonel  Elliott 
thought  ''it  would  have  been  best"  for  his  in- 
terests to  have  taken  it  Hepburn  felt  that  "there 
were  many  reasons"  why  he  did  not  want  to 
accept  the  offer.  A  week  later  Philip  H.  Sheri- 
dan was  made  colonel  of  that  regiment,  and  on 
June  11th,  when  Elliott  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  brigadier  general  and  appointed  chief 
of  Pope's  staff,  Sheridan  by  virtue  of  seniority 


EYE  OF  THE  ARMY  67 

became  brigade  commander  of  the  Second  Mich- 
igan and  Second  Iowa  Cavalry.^ '^^ 

Near  the  end  of  May,  1862,  when  the  Federal 
troops  had  nearly  surrounded  Corinth,  it  be- 
came desirable  to  cut  the  Confederate  railroad 
communication  south  of  the  town.^*^^  At  twelve 
o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  twenty-seventh  of 
May,  Colonel  Elliott  with  the  Second  Iowa  and 
Second  Michigan  Cavalry  set  out  to  wreck  the 
Mobile  and  Ohio  Railroad  at  Booneville,  twenty- 
two  miles  south  of  Corinth.  In  order  to  pene- 
trate so  far  into  hostile  territory  it  was 
essential  that  the  march  should  be  rapid  and 
circuitous.  Avoiding  the  highways,  passing 
around  towns,  and  riding  at  night,  the  brigade 
reached  Booneville  early  Friday  morning.  May 
30th.  Here  the  railroad  was  destroyed  in  sev- 
eral places  and  a  train  load  of  supplies  and 
munitions  burned. ^'^- 

This  damage  so  embarrassed  the  Confeder- 
ates on  the  eve  of  the  evacuation  of  Corinth 
that  General  Beauregard,  it  was  reported,  be- 
came frantic  and  told  his  men  to  save  them- 
selves as  best  they  could.  Just  at  dark  on  May 
31st  the  raiders  reached  camp  completely  ex- 
hausted, having  been  in  the  saddle  all  but  twen- 
ty-four hours  from  the  time  they  started. 
Highly  praised  for  the  success  of  so  hazardous 
and  expedition.  Colonel  Elliott  was  decorated 
with  the  star  of  a  brigadier  general.^"-' 


68  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

With  the  exception  of  the  cavalry  raid  at 
Booneville  the  Confederate  army  was  allowed 
to  escape  from  Corinth  almost  unmolested. 
The  capture  of  the  town  was  important,  but  the 
defeat  of  the  Confederate  army  would  have 
been  vastly  more  important.  As  Hepburn 
wrote,  the  North  "spent  six  weeks  time,  two 
or  three  hundred  lives  and  fifty  millions  of 
treasure  and  then  had  our  game  slip  through 
our  fingers  as  though  but  a  dozen  men  had  been 
engaged,  instead  of  a  vast  army  of  more  thai^ 
a  hundred  thousand  men."^"^ 

The  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  was  allowed  to  rest 
only  one  day  after  the  Booneville  raid  before 
entering  upon  two  weeks  of  strenuous  recon- 
naissance. On  June  4th  while  feeling  the 
strength  of  the  enemy  near  Blackland,  Missis- 
sippi, the  regiment  was  attacked  by  a  large 
force  of  infantry  and  artillery  just  after  cross- 
ing a  swamp  and  Twenty  Mile  Creek  over  a 
narrow  bridge  and  a  corduroy  road  nearly  a 
mile  long.  In  all  of  his  experience  it  w^as  the 
tightest  place  Colonel  Elliott  had  ever  been  in ; 
while  Major  Hepburn  was  thankful  for  the  zeal 
with  which  he  had  mastered  tactics  at  Benton 
Barracks.  With  the  Confederate  artillery  shell- 
ing the  bridge  and  sweeping  the  narrow  road 
with  canister  and  grape  shot,  it  required  more 
than  two  hours  to  withdraw  across  the  creek. 
Hepburn's  battalion  formed  seven  different  bat- 


EYE  OF  THE  ARMY  69 

tie   lines   in   covering  the   retreat   across   the 
swamp.  ^*^^ 

It  was  about  the  middle  of  June  when  the 
regiment  was  sent  to  the  rear  to  recuperate 
after  the  long  campaign  against  Corinth.  By 
that  time  the  hot  weather  had  begun  to  affect 
the  over-worked  horses ;  while  many  of  the  men 
were  in  poor  health.  Dining  upon  '' crackers, 
cold  ham  &  coffee,  and  sleeping  on  the  ground 
with  no  other  covering  than  a  tree  &  a  horse 
blanket,  and  no  pillow  but  a  saddle  covered  with 
raw  hide"  seemed  to  agree  with  Hepburn :  from 
the  time  he  had  enlisted  he  had  not  been  **  absent 
from  duty  to  exceed  ten  days  in  the  aggregate. ' ' 
He  described  himself  as  a  "hungry  Cassius- 
like"  fellow  who  was  *'as  tough  and  hard"  as 
he  "could  wish  to  be".^"*^ 


Staff  Duty 

No  officer  had  a  higher  appreciation  of  dis- 
cipline than  Major  Hepburn.  He  was  a  good 
soldier,  but  not  a  '* popular"  officer.  While  he 
achieved  considerable  success  in  action  during 
the  Corinth  campaign  his  relations  with  some 
of  his  subordinates  seem  to  have  been  far  from 
pleasant.  If  Colonel  Elliott  had  consented  he 
would  have  resigned  in  May.  In  June  he  ap- 
plied for  a  leave  of  absence  from  military  duty 
for  a  period  of  thirty  days  that  he  might  attend 
to  business  interests  in  Iowa.  The  application 
was  endorsed  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hatch, 
Colonel  Sheridan,  and  Brigadier  General 
Granger,  but  before  leave  was  finally  granted 
Hepburn  was  persuaded  to  postpone  his  fur- 
lough. ^'^"^ 

Soon  after  Colonel  Elliott  was  transferred  to 
Pope's  staff,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hatch  became 
colonel  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  and  the 
way  to  promotion  was  paved  for  Major 
Hepburn.  Elliott,  Sheridan,  Granger,  and 
Rosecrans  all  wrote  "strong  letters  of  recom- 
mendation"   urging    Governor    Kirkwood    to 

70 


STAFF  DUTY  71 

make  him  a  lieutenant  colonel.  There  was, 
however,  a  faction  in  the  regiment  which  was 
so  much  opposed  to  the  strict  discipline  he  en- 
forced that  a  petition  in  favor  of  Major  Coon 
for  lieutenant  colonel  was  circulated  and  signed 
by  about  two  hundred  men  and  a  number  of 
officers.  Hepburn  himself  seemed  indifferent  to 
the  opportunity  of  becoming  lieutenant  colonel 
of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry.  He  assumed  that 
the  glory  of  the  regiment  had  departed  when 
Colonel  Elliott  was  removed  and  asserted  that 
in  comparison  with  what  it  had  been  the  Second 
Iowa  "is  like  the  play  of  Hamlet  with  the  char- 
acter of  Hamlet  omitted. ' '  Deploring  the  ' '  dis- 
organization &  'democracy'  that  riots  in  the 
camp"  and  weary  of  the  intrigues  against  him, 
it  was  with  sincere  satisfaction  that  Major 
Hepburn  hailed  the  prospect  of  being  detailed 
as  acting  inspector  general  of  the  cavalry  divi- 
sion of  the  Army  of  the  Mississippi.^*^^ 

Although  Major  Hepburn  was  on  Granger's 
staff,  he  acted  as  an  aide  and  reported  to 
Colonel  Sheridan  when  the  second  brigade  of 
the  cavalry  division  was  ordered  to  Booneville, 
twenty  miles  in  advance  of  the  main  Union 
army.  On  the  morning  of  July  1st,  Brigadier 
General  James  R.  Chalmers,  with  a  force  of 
four  or  five  thousand  Confederate  cavalry,  at- 
tacked the  Union  outpost  at  Booneville.  The 
stubborn  resistance  of  the  Second  Iowa  and 


72  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

Second  Michigan  cavalry  and  the  splendid 
leadership  of  their  commander  were,  however, 
more  than  a  match  for  the  overwhelming  num- 
bers of  the  enemy.  After  eight  hours  of  des- 
perate fighting,  characterized  by  charge  and 
counter  charge,  Chalmers  was  compelled  to 
withdraw.  "The  coolness,  determination,  and 
fearless  gallantry  displayed  by  Colonel  Sheri- 
dan and  the  officers  and  men  of  his  command" 
won  the  thanks  and  admiration  of  the  army. 
It  was  reported  that  Major  Hepburn,  who  acted 
as  aide  during  the  day,  was  "deserving  of  great 
praise. "  "I  like  being  on  the  staff  very  much ' ', 
the  major  wrote  to  his  wife,  "it  gives  me  plenty 
of  leisure,  &  perhaps  I  ought  to  add  it  exempts 
me  from  those  plaguy  scouts  ....  (except 
when  they  are  in  force)  that  are  so  un- 
pleasant ".i*"^ 

On  the  ninth  of  July,  Major  Hepburn  was 
appointed  president  of  a  general  court  martial. 
He  had  thought  when  he  enlisted  that  he  would 
be  relieved  of  court  duty,  but  it  seems  that  his 
reputation  as  a  lawyer  had  followed  him  to  the 
army.  "I  find  myself  now  engaged  in  a  class 
of  cases  that  are  beyond  all  my  previous  experi- 
ence difficult  &  perplexing",  he  declared.  "A 
peculiarity  of  all  courts  martial  is  that  the 
courts  not  only  determine  the  guilt  of  the  ac- 
cused but  affix  the  measure  of  punishment. " 
Realizing  his  responsibility  he  explained  that 


MA.TOTl  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 
Skcond  Iowa  CAVAMty  1862 


av\     "The  coolness,  determination,  and 
utry  displayed  by  Colonel  Sheri 
his  command" 


aide  dv 


TTiy 


(except 


a)>}*-)j!>feii  tiartial. 

lion  R«  .  him  to  the 

n.r.  ngaged  in  a  class 

>iy  previous  experi- 

:...,..    ,  lie   i-'-cd.     *'A 

•nrtet  niRT^  hat  the 

the  ac- 


MA.IOIt    WILLIAM    PKTEK.S    IlKI'in'RX 


STAFF  DUTY  73 

"a  mistake  is  not  apt  to  be  corrected  and  the 
poor  devil  who  suffers  from  a  too  careless  exam- 
ination or  hasty  determination,  has  but  small 
opportunity  for  the  correction  of  the  evil.  "^^"^ 

Day  after  day  during  July  when  the  ther- 
mometer registered  ''from  95°  to  105°  in  the 
shade"  he  sat  ''in  state  with  his  heavy  cloth 
coat  buttoned  to  the  chin,  with  a  sash  &  belt 
around  his  body  &  an  army  saber  hanging  at 
his  side".  On  July  17th  he  thought  there  was 
a  prospect  of  completing  the  work  of  the  "ever- 
lasting court  martial  ....  sometime  dur- 
ing the  summer",  but  a  week  later  the  court 
was  directed  "not  to  adjourn  sine  cUe^^  until 
further  notice  —  an  order  which  effectually 
dampened  the  hopes  of  the  perspiring  judges. 
By  the  end  of  July  they  had  gone  through  the 
"entire  roll  of  punishments  from  'shall  be  shot' 
down  to  'shall  be  reprimanded.'  ""^ 

In  the  meantime  Major  Hepburn  had  not 
been  promoted.  Grave  charges  of  conduct  un- 
becoming an  officer  had  reached  Governor 
Kirkwood  from  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry.  On 
account  of  this  "formidable  opposition"  in  the 
regiment  the  commission  of  lieutenant  colonel 
was  withheld  until  the  Governor  was  sure  that 
Hepburn  was  not  guilty  of  "overbearing  and 
tyrannical  conduct  towards  his  men."  Major 
Hepburn  did  not  receive  his  commission  until 
the  latter  part  of  November,  1862. "^ 


74  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

Aside  from  his  unwillingness  to  have  a  junior 
officer  advanced  over  him,  Hepburn  himself  had 
no  ambition  to  become  the  ' '  5th  wheel  of  a  Regt 
i.  e.  Lt  Col."  The  command  of  one  of  the  new 
regiments  being  organized  in  Iowa  would  have 
been  much  more  acceptable,  and  he  took  the 
liberty  of  sending  to  Governor  Kirkwood  sev- 
eral testimonials  on  his  fitness  to  be  a  colonel. 
Brigadier  General  William  S.  Rosecrans,  Briga- 
dier General  D.  S.  Stanley,  and  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral Gordon  Granger  pronounced  him  to  be  ''an 
officer  who  has  been  uniformly  attentive  to 
duty,  vigorous  in  action,  zealous  in  the  cause  in 
which  we  are  engaged,  and  whose  conduct  since 
our  acquaintance  with  him,  has  been  commend- 
able in  the  highest  degree."  Colonel  Philip  H. 
Sheridan  said  he  was  ''an  excellent  soldier  & 
gentleman,  well  skilled  in  military  affairs." 
From  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  there  were  let- 
ters from  Major  Datus  E.  Coon,  Captain 
Charles  P.  Moore,  Captain  Paul  A.  Queal,  and 
Chaplain  C.  G.  Trusdell,  all  in  praise  of  Major 
Hepburn.  Captain  Queal,  who  had  served 
under  him  from  the  time  that  Company  B  was 
organized  at  Marshalltown,  maintained  that  no 
part  of  the  regiment  had  been  better  cared  for 
than  the  first  battalion,  and  no  major  in  the 
brigade  enjoyed  "as  much  of  the  respect  and 
confidence  of  his  superiors"  as  did  Hepburn. 
"His  tactical  knowledge  is  extensive,  and  as  a 


STAFF  DUTY  75 

disciplinarian  his  superior  is  not  to  be  found  in 
this  Army",  declared  Assistant  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral William  C.  Russell.^^"' 

In  spite  of  such  an  avalanche  of  military  ap- 
proval Governor  Kirkwood  did  not  assign  Ma- 
jor Hepburn  to  the  command  of  one  of  the  new 
regiments.  The  fact  that  it  would  have  been 
necessary  to  obtain  special  permission  from  the 
War  Department  to  transfer  an  officer  from  an 
old  regiment  to  a  new  one  may  have  been  an 
important  reason  for  the  Governor's  decision. 
Remembering  that  "it  is  as  much  a  soldier's 
education  &  duty  to  be  patient,  as  it  is  to  be 
willing  to  undergo  privation  or  to  meet 
danger",  Hepburn  accepted  the  disappointment 
philosophically,  though  not  without  some  bitter- 
ness toward  Governor  Kirkwood.^^'* 

Almost  continually  during  the  month  of 
August,  1862,  Major  Hepburn  was  detailed  as 
judge  advocate  of  general  courts  martial.  That 
the  duties  of  this  office  were  performed  with 
eminent  ability  may  be  concluded  from  Gran- 
ger's opinion  that  Hepburn  was  the  best  and 
most  efficient  judge  advocate  he  had  ever  seen. 
To  be  a  member  of  Granger's  staff  was  pleas- 
ant, but  it  seems  to  have  been  a  position  that 
Major  Hepburn  was  not  anxious  to  retain. 
Although  he  was  confident  he  could  be  appoint- 
ed judge  advocate  of  the  Army  of  the 
Mississippi  on  the  staff  of  Brigadier  General 


76  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

Rosecrans,  he  thought  there  were  no  advan- 
tages to  be  gained  except  ease  and  a  good  time 
—  the  kind  of  post  that  had  no  particular  ap- 
peal for  the  ambitious  major.  By  the  first  of 
September  he  was  thinking  seriously  of  return- 
ing to  active  duty  with  the  Second  Iowa  Cav- 

alj.y   115 

General  Braxton  Bragg  was  occupied  two 
months  after  the  fall  of  Corinth  in  recruiting 
and  drilling  his  army.  Then,  early  in  August, 
he  appeared  at  Chattanooga,  Tennessee,  con- 
fronting the  Army  of  the  Ohio  under  Major 
General  Don  Carlos  Buell.  Eluding  the  Union 
troops  Bragg  marched  rapidly  northward  in  an 
attempt  to  reach  the  Ohio  River;  while  Buell, 
calling  upon  Grant  for  assistance,  began  a  race 
with  the  Confederates  for  Louisville,  Kentucky. 
By  September  4th,  Grant  was  hurrying  troops 
to  Buell  as  fast  as  possible.^  ^^^ 

When  Granger's  division  was  ordered  to  re- 
inforce the  Army  of  the  Ohio,  Major  Hepburn 
was  relieved  from  duty  as  acting  inspector  gen- 
eral of  the  cavalry  division  and  instructed  to 
report  to  Brigadier  General  Rosecrans,  com- 
mander of  the  Army  of  the  Mississippi.  At 
that  time  Hepburn  would  have  preferred  going 
with  Granger  to  Louisville,  but  Rosecrans 
would  not  permit  it.  Before  ten  days  had 
elapsed  it  is  doubtful  if  the  major  had  any 
regrets  for  his  change  of  headquarters.    Rose- 


STAFF  DUTY  77 

crans  *' manages  to  keep  a  fellow  pretty  busy", 
he  wrote,  but  '*I  like  [him]  better  and  better 
every  day.  "^^^ 

Early  on  the  morning  of  September  19th  the 
Army  of  the  Mississippi  broke  camp  and 
marched  against  Major  General  Sterling  Price, 
to  whom  Bragg  a  few  weeks  before  had  as- 
signed the  task  of  disposing  of  Sherman  and 
Kosecrans.  At  luka  the  two  armies  met  in  one 
of  the  fiercest  battles  of  the  war.  From  two 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  until  the  sun  went  down 
the  contest  raged.  Major  Hepburn  'Svas  all 
over  the  field  &  all  around  with  Genl  Rosecrans 
but  did  not  get  a  scratch.  "^^^  During  the  night 
Price  slipped  away  to  join  Major  General  Earl 
Van  Dorn  and  engage  in  another  desperate  fight 
with  the  Union  forces  at  Corinth  on  October 
3rd.  The  Confederate  attack  "was  a  most 
splendid  affair.  And  their  courage  was  almost 
invincible",  according  to  Hepburn.  "Seven 
rebel  bodies  were  found  in  the  yard  around  our 
head  Qrs."^^^ 

The  battle  of  luka  made  William  S.  Rosecrans 
a  major  general,  and  in  recognition  of  his  hard- 
earned  victory  at  Corinth  he  was  assigned  to 
the  command  of  the  Department  of  the  Cumber- 
land and  the  troops  which  had  formerly  com- 
posed the  Army  of  the  Ohio  under  Major  Gen- 
eral Buell.  Assuming  command  on  October 
30th,  he  named  "Maj.  W.  P.  Hepburn,  Second 


78  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

Iowa  Cavalry,  acting  judge-advocate"  on  his 
staff.  Hepburn  reported  November  6th  at 
Bowling  Green,  Kentucky,  and  a  few  days  later 
he  was  at  headquarters  in  Nashville,  Ten- 
nessee.^^"^ 

The  duties  of  judge  advocate  of  the  Army  of 
the  Cumberland  proved  much  too  "arduous  to 
be  entirely  pleasant ' ',  however,  and  by  the  mid- 
dle of  November  Hepburn  was  "strongly 
tempted  to  ask  to  be  relieved"  and  take  the 
position  of  inspector  of  cavalry.  That  place 
would  allow  alternate  field  and  office  work 
which  he  knew  would  be  more  agreeable.  Ac- 
cordingly, Major  General  Rosecrans  announced 
on  November  24th  that  Lieutenant  Colonel 
W.  P.  Hepburn  would  report  "as  inspector  of 
cavalry  on  the  staff  of  the  general  command- 
ing. ' '  A  month  later  the  lieutenant  colonel  was 
well  pleased  with  the  change,  declaring  that  the 
position  "is  as  good  a  one  as  there  is  on  the 
staff  and  quite  as  good  as  I  can  fill  cred- 
itably. "^-^ 

The  winter  and  spring  of  1863  were  consumed 
by  Major  General  Rosecrans  in  preparing  the 
Army  of  the  Cumberland  for  the  campaign  of 
the  following  summer.  Ignorant  of  the  value  of 
cavalry,  Buell  had  spoken  of  that  branch  of  the 
army  as  "those  men  who  ride  horses."  In 
consequence  of  such  an  attitude  the  cavalry  was 
in  poor  condition,  and  so  Lieutenant  Colonel 


STAFF  DUTY  79 

Hepburn  was  kept  busy  inspecting  the  mounted 
troops,  examining  diseased  animals,  and  im- 
pressing fresh  horses  into  the  service.  Of  "all 
the  unpleasant  occupations  that  a  poor  devil 
was  ever  engaged  in  this  is  the  worst",  he  ex- 
claimed after  a  week  spent  in  seizing  horses  for 
the  government.  "I  have  had  a  hundred  women 
of  all  ages  &  conditions  thronging  my  office, 
begging  with  tears  in  their  eyes  for  the  safety 
of  a  work  horse,  a  riding  horse,  or  a  pair  of 
carriage  horses."  It  was  a  severe  test  for  a 
man  of  his  "very  strong  sympathies",  but  he 
"preserved  a  stiff  upper  lip"  and  was  not 
moved  "a  hair's  breadth"  by  flattery  or  ca- 
jolery.^22 

All  winter  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hepburn's 
friends  in  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  had  been 
urging  him  to  return  and  take  command  of  the 
regiment.  Colonel  Hatch,  they  wrote,  had 
charge  of  a  brigade  most  of  the  time  so  that  if 
the  lieutenant  colonel  returned  he  would  not  be 
a  supernumerary  but  would  have  active  com- 
mand of  the  Second  Cavalry.  As  the  spring- 
campaign  progressed  the  letters  became  more 
and  more  urgent.  Claus  C.  Runs,  a  faithful 
friend  and  former  orderly,  sincerely  believed 
that  Hepburn  would  be  well  received  by  most  of 
the  regiment,  "for  after  losing  your  service 
they  have  found  out  their  loss  too  late.  Espe- 
cially all  your  old  friends  wish  you  back  again, 


80  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

and  for  the  first  Battalion  I  know  they  will  be 
glad  to  see  you  with  the  Regiment  again." 
Finally  in  June  there  came  an  emphatic  appeal 
from  Paul  A.  Queal,  and  Hepburn  decided  to 
return  to  his  regiment.  Captain  Queal  seemed 
to  think  the  occasion  would  be  an  epoch  in  Hep- 
burn's life.  On  July  12,  1863,  he  was  relieved 
as  inspector  of  cavalry  in  the  Army  of  the  Cum- 
berland and  his  staff  duty  was  at  an  end.^^s 


XI 

Military  Operations  about  Memphis 

It  was  close  to  the  end  of  July  when  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Hepburn  reported  for  active  duty  at  La 
Grange,  Tennessee. ^^^  His  apprehensions  that 
the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  had  deteriorated  dur- 
ing the  year  he  had  been  away  on  staff  duty 
were  allayed  when  he  learned  that  the  regiment 
had  ''preserved  its  reputation  admirably"  and 
stood  second  to  none  in  the  Sixteenth  Army 
Corps.  Indeed,  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  was 
officially  pronounced  in  September  to  be  "by 
far  the  best  cavalry  regiment  in  the  Department 
of  the  Tennessee ".^^^ 

One  of  the  first  duties  required  of  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Hepburn  after  he  returned  to  his  regi- 
ment was  to  proceed  to  Jackson,  Tennessee, 
under  a  flag  of  truce.  He  reported  very  hos- 
pitable entertainment  by  Confederate  officers 
and  the  leading  citizens  while  he  was  there. 
The  people  seemed  curious  to  see  how  military 
men  in  hostile  armies  would  meet  and  act.  It 
was  Hepburn's  opinion  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Tennessee  and  Mississippi  would  welcome  peace 
if  the  North  would  tender  magnanimous  pardon 

81 

7 


82  "WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

to  the  masses  and  offer  assurance  of  the  se- 
curity of  property.^^*^ 

No  sooner  had  Hepburn  returned  with  the 
flag  of  truce  than  he  was  appointed  one  of  a 
board  of  officers  to  take  evidence  and  determine 
what  regiments  of  the  Sixteenth  Army  Corps 
were  entitled  to  inscribe  upon  their  banners  the 
names  of  the  battles  in  which  they  had  partici- 
pated. This  delicate  task  of  ''manufacturing 
glory"  took  the  board  to  the  headquarters  of 
every  brigade  in  the  corps  from  Corinth,  Mis- 
sissippi, to  the  capital  of  Arkansas.  The  final 
stretch  of  the  trip  to  Little  Rock  "presented  a 
greater  proportion  of  discomforts  than  any 
other  60  miles  of  journeying  that  ever  had  to  be 
endured"  by  the  dust  laden  and  perspiring 
lieutenant  colonel,  while  the  best  hotel  in  that 
city  offered  fare  "greatly  inferior  to  the  poorest 
class  of  country  taverns  in  the  interior  of 
Iowa. ' '  It  was  withal ' '  laborious  service ' '  com- 
bined with  "disagreeable  travelling  and  very 
expensive  living.  "^-'^ 

The  end  of  the  first  week  in  October  found 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Hepburn  once  more  in 
Memphis  commanding  the  Second  Iowa  Cav- 
alry and  hoping  for  an  opportunity  to  distin- 
guish himself  in  action.^^^  Almost  a  month 
elapsed,  however,  before  he  performed  any  ex- 
ploits of  importance.  On  November  3rd,  Briga- 
dier   General    Chalmers    with    a    large    force 


1 


OPERATIONS  ABOUT  MEMPHIS  83 

attacked  the  little  garrison  of  Illinois  cavalry  at 
Collierville,  Tennessee,  The  pickets  had  been 
driven  in  and  a  brigade  of  Confederate  cavalry 
was  forming  for  a  charge  when  Hepburn  with 
the  Second  Iowa  galloped  into  the  town  from 
the  north.  Quickly  dismounting  the  rifle  com- 
panies in  the  shelter  of  the  railroad  he  prepared 
to  receive  the  advancing  enemy.  Across  an 
open  field  came  two  regiments  of  Mississippi 
cavalry  in  splendid  style,  but  the  repeating 
rifles  of  the  Iowa  men  were  more  than  they  had 
bargained  for.  In  the  meantime  more  reinforce- 
ments had  arrived  and  Chalmers,  surprised  at 
the  spirited  resistance,  hastily  retreated  with 
the  Union  cavalry  in  hot  pursuit. ^^'^ 

The  engagement  at  Collierville  marked  the 
beginning  of  two  months  of  steady  campaigning 
for  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry;  but  Hepburn  re- 
mained in  active  command  only  a  few  days.  On 
November  17th  he  was  sent  to  the  Confederate 
cavalry  commander  with  a  proposal  for  an  in- 
formal exchange  of  prisoners.  Although  the 
proposition  was  approved  by  J.  R.  Chalmers 
and  S.  D.  Lee  it  was  beyond  their  jurisdiction, 
so  the  mission  came  to  naught.  Not  long  after- 
ward Hepburn  was  detailed  once  more  for  court 
martial  duty  in  wdiich  capacity  he  served  until 
the  end  of  January,  1864.i-^« 

The  valley  of  the  Tombigbee  River  was  one  of 
the  most  fertile  regions  in  the  South.     Each 


84  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

year  a  large  quantity  of  food  was  produced  for 
the  Confederate  armies,  and  the  winter  of  1864 
found  the  plantations  rich  in  grain  and  live 
stock.  Realizing  that  the  destruction  of  these 
resources  would  be  a  severe  blow  to  the  Con- 
federacy, a  concerted  raid  upon  the  valley  was 
planned.  Two  columns,  one  under  W.  T.  Sher- 
man operating  from  Vicksburg  and  another 
composed  of  three  brigades  of  cavalry  com- 
manded by  William  Sooy  Smith  advancing  from 
the  north,  were  to  meet  at  Meridian,  Missis- 
sippi. On  February  7th,  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Hepburn  took  command  of  the  second  brigade 
of  Smith's  division.  At  three  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  eleventh  he  broke  camp  at  Ger- 
mantown,  Tennessee,  and  marched  to  join  the 
main  force  at  New  Albany,  Mississippi.^^^ 

The  expedition  moved  south  without  inter- 
ference until  a  large  force  of  Mississippi  militia 
was  encountered  along  Hoolka  Creek  north  of 
Houston.  From  there  the  troopers  swung  to 
the  left  through  Okolona  and  thence  down  the 
Mobile  and  Ohio  Railroad,  burning  the  ties  and 
bending  the  rails  as  they  went.  Millions  of 
bushels  of  corn,  much  of  it  marked  C.  S.  A.,  and 
large  quantities  of  cotton  were  destroyed.  Hun- 
dreds of  negroes  came  flocking  to  the  Union 
lines  with  horses  and  mules.  On  February  20th 
a  few  miles  north  of  West  Point  the  Second 
Iowa    Cavalry,    w^hich   was    in    the    van,    was 


OPERATIONS  ABOUT  MEMPHIS  85 

checked  by  the  first  serious  resistance.  After 
an  hour  of  sharp  fighting,  however,  the  enemy 
was  routed. 

It  was  then  almost  time  for  Sherman  to  start 
back  to  Vicksburg  from  Meridian,  and  Smith 
was  still  a  hundred  miles  away.  To  the  east  the 
Tombigbee  River  could  not  be  crossed;  to  the 
west  was  the  Sakatonchee  River  and  an  im- 
passable swamp;  while  south  of  West  Point  was 
the  deep  Oktibbeha  Creek  strongly  defended. 
Encumbered  with  three  thousand  horses  and 
mules,  confronted  by  a  superior  force,  and 
flanked  by  natural  barriers,  the  expedition  was 
in  a  veritable  cid  de  sac.  It  was,  indeed,  a  well 
set  trap  by  which  the  Confederates  confidently 
expected  to  capture  the  whole  command. 

Fortunately  the  situation  was  discovered  by 
Brigadier  General  Smith  almost  as  soon  as  it 
was  planned  by  the  Confederates.  On  February 
21st  the  retrograde  movement  began.  For 
some  distance  Hepburn's  brigade  covered  the 
retreat  without  difficulty,  but  about  nine  miles 
north  of  West  Point  the  enemy  began  to  press 
forward  faster  than  the  Union  skirmishers 
could  fall  back.  While  Forrest  harassed  the 
retreating  column,  Chalmers  and  Lee  hurried  to 
cut  off  escape  at  Pontotoc.  It  was  not  long  until 
the  rear  guard  was  fighting  desperately.  There 
was  not  time  for  a  battle.  Line  after  line  was 
formed  and  time  after  time  the  eager  enemv 


86  "WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

was  checked,  only  to  rush  forward  again  when 
Hepburn's  men  moved  back  to  a  new  position. 
It  was  long  after  dark  before  the  fighting 
ceased  and  then  only  after  the  Confederates 
were  drawn  twice  into  ambush.  On  the  follow- 
ing day  at  sunrise  the  retreat  and  pursuit  were 
resumed.  A  stampeded  regiment  threw  the 
negroes  and  nearly  all  of  Smith's  troops  into 
such  confusion  during  the  afternoon  that  it  was 
necessary  to  halt  and  offer  battle  at  Ivey's  Hill. 
While  the  second  brigade  held  back  the  charging 
rebels,  order  was  restored.  Darkness  ended  the 
bloody  engagement.  On  February  23rd  the 
column  passed  safely  beyond  the  Tallahatchie 
River,  having  retreated  sixty  miles  and  fought 
every  foot  of  the  way  day  and  night. 

The  success  of  this  remarkable  retreat  was 
due  in  a  large  measure  to  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Hepburn.  Fighting  under  the  most  unfavorable 
conditions  his  brigade  was  depended  upon  to 
protect  the  rear  nearly  all  of  the  way.  ''The 
conduct  of  the  entire  Second  Brigade",  wrote 
Brigadier  General  Smith  in  his  report,  ''was 
worthy  of  all  praise",  and  Hepburn,  as  a 
"brave,  skillful,  and  valuable"  cavalry  officer, 
was  mentioned  for  promotion. ^^^ 

Three  hundred  and  sixty  of  the  Second  Iowa 
Cavalry  troopers  reenlisted  on  March  1,  1864, 
for  a  term  of  three  years  or  the  duration  of  the 
war.    They  were  mustered  in  as  a  veteran  regi- 


OPERATIONS  ABOUT  MEMPHIS  87 

ment  on  March  28tli.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hep- 
burn, who  did  not  reenlist,  was  placed  in 
command  of  all  the  dismounted  cavalry  in  Grier- 
son's  division  and  the  non-veterans  in  the  Sec- 
ond Iowa  and  the  Third,  Sixth,  and  Seventh 
Illinois  cavalry  regiments.  These  troops  were 
concentrated  in  provisional  quarters  at  Fort 
Pickering,  Memphis.  Within  a  week  Hepburn 
had  reorganized,  armed,  and  equipped  his 
provisional  regiment,  and  during  April  the 
command  was  out  on  reconnaissances  almost 
continually.  The  non-veterans  were  so  well 
pleased  with  the  provisional  regiment  that  on 
May  16th  the  officers  asked  that  the  organiza- 
tion be  made  permanent  with  Lieutenant  Colo- 
nel Hepburn  in  command.  The  petition  w^as 
not  granted,  however,  and  when  the  veteran 
regiments  returned  from  a  two  months'  fur- 
lough the  provisional  regiment  was  disbanded. 
Until  he  was  mustered  out  on  October  3, 1864, 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Hepburn  served  on  details 
to  inspect  and  purchase  cavalry  horses  and  to 
inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  Irving  Block 
Prison  in  Memphis;  he  acted  as  president  and 
judge  advocate  of  courts  martial  in  July;  and 
in  September  was  sent  under  a  flag  of  truce  to 
negotiate  an  exchange  of  prisoners.^^^ 


XII 

Readjustment  in  Civil  Life 

At  the  end  of  his  term  of  enlistment  William  P. 
Hepburn,  like  many  another  Union  soldier, 
came  face  to  face  with  the  problem  of  finding 
an  occupation  in  civil  life.  The  property  he  had 
accumulated  before  the  war  was  gone  and  the 
law  practice  he  had  left  in  the  summer  of  1861 
had  long  since  passed  into  other  hands.  Profit- 
ing by  immigration  and  industrial  development 
Marshalltown  had  grown  to  be  a  prosperous 
city  in  which  the  former  prosecuting  attorney 
was  a  stranger.  In  comparison  with  a  pre- 
carious law  practice  in  Iowa  the  South  at  that 
time  seemed  to  offer  far  better  opportunities 
for  financial  remuneration. 

In  the  South  undeveloped  natural  resources 
furnished  splendid  chances  for  investment; 
merchants  found  eager  buyers  of  food  and 
clothing  at  fabulous  prices ;  and  speculators  en- 
countered little  difficulty  in  promoting  public 
utilities  in  strategically  located  cities.  There, 
too,  loyal  men  with  political  aspirations  worked 
zealously  in  behalf  of  the  Republican  adminis- 
tration.   And  so,  long  before  the  Union  armies 

88 


READJUSTMENT  IN  CIVIL  LIFE  89 

were  withdrawn,  the  South  was  invaded  by  a 
host   of  Northern   fortune-seekers   and  politi- 
cians.    Resolved  to  take  advantage  of  recon- 
struction in  the  South  and  realizing  that  his 
military  associations   would   attract   the   legal 
business   of  army  men,   Colonel  Hepburn   re- 
moved with  his  family  to  Memphis,  Tennessee, 
in  the  autumn  of  1864  and  opened  a  law  office. ^^"^ 
Fortune    seems    to    have    smiled    upon    the 
Colonel,  for  by  the  end  of  a  year  he  had  estab- 
lished   a    profitable    law    practice.      Working 
faithfully  to  maintain  national  authority  and 
courageously   seeking  to  prevent  the   disloyal 
element  from  gaining  control  of  the  local  gov- 
ernment, he  became  one  of  the  political  leaders 
of  the  city.    Indeed,  at  one  time  he  contemplated 
the  organization  of  a  party  under  the  banner  of 
Eepublicanism,  the  better  to  resist  the  concerted 
attempt  of  Southern  politicians  to  rob  emanci- 
pation of  its  fruits. ^•'^^ 

Toward  the  end  of  the  year  1865  Mrs.  Hep- 
burn and  the  children  returned  to  Iowa  City  on 
account  of  the  ill  health  of  Mrs.  Hepburn ;  and 
Colonel  Hepburn,  heartily  tired  of  living  in  the 
South,  decided  to  dispose  of  his  business.  The 
feeling  against  Northern  men  was  becoming 
stronger  every  day  and  the  spirit  of  ostracism 
more  manifest.  In  a  few  months  the  military 
work  would  be  completed ;  and  the  prospect  of 
making  a  living  from  a  regular  practice  in  com- 


90  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

petition  with  nearly  five  hundred  other  attor- 
neys at  the  Memphis  bar  was  anything  but 
encouraging.  Neither  did  restaurant  board  and 
sleeping  quarters  in  the  office  militate  in  favor 
of  a  protracted  sojourn  in  Memphis. ^^*^ 

Although  he  was  anxious  to  return  to  Iowa, 
Colonel  Hepburn  found  it  difficult  to  leave  the 
South  without  venturing  into  the  field  of  specu- 
lation. Before  disposing  of  his  law  business  he 
became  interested  in  the  Memphis  Street  Rail- 
way Company ;  but  the  stock  he  received  in  pay- 
ment for  legal  services  proved  to  be  unsalable. 
In  June,  1866,  he  entertained  hopes  of  being 
appointed  attorney  general  of  Memphis  with  an 
annual  income  of  fifteen  thousand  dollars,  but 
in  that  too  he  was  disappointed.  He  next  se- 
cured a  franchise  from  the  State  legislature 
authorizing  the  organization  of  a  freight  load- 
ing company  which  promised  magnificent  re- 
turns, but  the  mayor  of  Memphis  refused  to 
grant  a  right  of  way  and  the  case  was  thrown 
into  the  courts.  Delay  followed  delay  until 
nearly  two  years  had  elapsed. ^^^ 

Fighting  for  franchise  privileges  and  hoping 
for  lucrative  political  appointments,  Colonel 
Hepburn,  with  his  characteristic  optimism,  kept 
up  the  quest  of  ever  vanishing  fortunes.  It  was 
in  harmony  with  his  disposition  to  look  for  a 
possible  bright  side  of  affairs  when  only  the 
gloomy  side  was  visible.    In  reflecting  upon  his 


READJUSTMENT  IN  CIVIL  LIFE  91 

experience  in  Memphis  he  compared  himself  to 
the  men  who  ''went  to  California  years  ago  full 
of  hope  and  brilliant  anticipations  of  future  re- 
ward —  who  worked  earnestly  and  with,  as  they 
thought,  reasonable  prospects  of  success  — 
which  success  however  managed  to  keep  con- 
stantly in  the  distance  —  just  beyond  their 
grasp,  but  always  as  they  thought  within  their 
view.  Though  it  would  elude  them,  they  could 
not  bear  the  idea  of  abandoning  the  hope  of 
attaining  it.  They  doubtless  many  and  many  a 
time  fixed  a  day  certain,  when,  if  fate  did  not 
smile  more  propitiously,  they  would  abandon 
their  'game  of  chance'  and  return  to  the  slower 
methods  of  securing  competency  at  home.  Yet 
when  the  time  would  come,  they  would  think  of 
some  means  as  yet  untried,  and  would  postpone 
the  hour  of  abandonment  of  dreams  long  cher- 
ished —  of  surrendering  all  hope  of  results  from 
efforts  long  protracted,  and  would  renew  their 
energy  and  their  efforts,  and  struggle  on  until 
another  day,  fixed  still  in  the  future.  "^^^ 

Finally  in  May,  1867,  a  letter  brought  the  in- 
formation that  Clarinda,  Iowa,  afforded  a  good 
opening  for  a  lawyer  and  that  Colonel  Hepburn 
had  been  recommended  as  a  suitable  person  to 
edit  a  newspaper  in  that  town.  Hastily  con- 
cluding his  business  in  Memphis  he  went  to 
Iowa  City  and  from  there,  with  letters  of  intro- 
duction written  by  William  E.  Miller,  he  set  out 


92  WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

once  more  to  seek  a  livelihood  on  the  frontier  of 
Iowa.  On  the  afternoon  of  June  30,  1867,  the 
stage  coach  in  which  he  was  riding  came  to  the 
crest  of  a  hill  overlooking  the  town  of  Clarinda. 
Below,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  see,  lay  the  fertile 
valley  of  the  Nodaway  River.  Struck  by  the 
beauty  of  the  country,  he  there  resolved,  if  for- 
tune favored,  to  build  his  future  home  upon  that 
hill.139 

Having  secured  a  half  interest  in  the  Page 
County  Herald,  Mr.  Hepburn  brought  his  fam- 
ily from  Iowa  City  to  begin  anew  the  battle  of 
life.  A  printer  by  trade,  he  not  only  edited  the 
paper  but  did  the  necessary  press  work.  What- 
ever of  promise  as  a  journalist  he  may  have 
exhibited  it  appears  that  he  regarded  the  news- 
paper work  as  only  a  temporary  occupation 
until  a  practice  in  the  legal  profession  could  be 
established.  So  when  his  brother-in-law,  W.  W. 
Morsman,  came  to  Clarinda  in  September,  1867, 
a  partnership  was  formed  and  the  two  men 
opened  a  law  office.^^'^  Theirs  was  not  a  pre- 
tentious place  of  business  with  its  hickory 
seated  chairs  and  a  plain  table  piled  high  with 
law  books ;  but  clients  were  plentiful  and  within 
a  year  the  firm  had  become  well  known  in  the 
southwestern  part  of  the  State.  Indeed,  the 
business  increased  so  rapidly  that  in  March, 
1869,  Herbert  H.  Scott  was  taken  into  the  office 
as  an  assistant,  and  two  years  later  Hepburn 


READJUSTMENT  IN  CIVIL  LIFE  93 

and  Morsman  dissolved  partnership,  each  con- 
tinuing to  practice  independently  until  Septem- 
ber, 1872,  when  the  firm  of  Plepburn  and  Scott 
was  established.  On  January  1,  1875,  Warren 
F.  Thummel  succeeded  Mr.  Scott  as  Colonel 
Hepburn's  partner.^^^ 

Few  of  the  cases  in  w^hich  Hepburn  served  as 
counsel  were  of  great  importance  either  in  the 
amount  of  money  involved  or  the  points  of  law 
in  dispute.  Indeed,  his  experience  was  no  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  many  a  humble  practitioner. 
A  multitude  of  trivial  cases  were  handled,  and 
occasionally  he  carried  a  legal  contest  into  the 
higher  courts.  After  a  few  years  his  clients 
began  to  come  from  the  neighboring  counties; 
and  when  the  Burlington  railroad  was  com- 
pleted to  Council  Bluffs  he  was  employed  by 
that  company  to  attend  to  a  large  share  of  its 
legal  business  in  Iowa.  He  was  not  preemi- 
nently successful  in  winning  favorable  court 
decisions.  At  the  same  time  his  ability  to  settle 
cases  out  of  court  and  his  skill  as  an  advocate 
were  universally  recognized.  Sincerity  and 
energy  were  the  characteristics  for  which  he 
was  best  known  as  an  attorney.  Three  elections 
to  membership  on  the  executive  council  of  the 
Iowa  State  Bar  Association  testify  to  his  popu- 
larity among  his  fellows. ^^^ 

While  Colonel  Hepburn  was  winning  an  envi- 
able reputation  in  his  profession  he  was  quick 


94  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

to  sense  the  needs  of  the  community  in  which  he 
lived.^^3  On  March  26,  1869,  when  a  spirited 
convention  was  held  in  Clarinda  for  the  purpose 
of  organizing  a  company  to  promote  the  con- 
struction of  a  railroad  in  the  Nodaway  Valley 
from  Van  Meter  to  the  Missouri  line,  Hepburn 
appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  leading  dele- 
gates, and  he  was  elected  secretary  of  the  com- 
pany. Nothing,  however,  came  of  the  project, 
and  prospects  for  a  railroad  through  Clarinda 
were  at  a  low  ebb  until  February,  1872,  when 
the  Brownville  and  Nodaway  Valley  Railway 
Company  was  organized  with  W.  P.  Hepburn  as 
one  of  the  charter  members.  By  means  of  a 
vigorous  campaign  thirty  thousand  dollars 
w^orth  of  stock  was  sold  to  the  citizens  of  Clar- 
inda and  Nodaway  Township.  Hepburn  not 
only  subscribed  to  the  capital  stock  but  in  ad- 
dition made  a  donation  to  aid  in  building  the 
road.  Construction  began  in  July,  and  on  Sep- 
tember 24,  1872,  the  last  rail  was  laid  between 
Villisca  and  Clarinda.^  ^"* 

Colonel  Hepburn  had  not  been  in  Clarinda 
three  days  before  he  was  called  upon  to  make  a 
public  address  on  the  occasion  of  a  reunion  of 
old  soldiers.i'*^  From  that  day,  July  3,  1867, 
dates  the  period  of  his  political  influence  in 
southwestern  Iowa.  Almost  immediately  he 
plunged  into  a  heated  campaign  for  the  election 
of  N.  B.  Moore  to  the  State  Senate.    During  the 


READJUSTMENT  IN  CIVIL  LIFE  95 

months  of  Aiigaist  and  September  he  spoke  in 
every  schoolhouse  in  Page  County  and  in  all 
the  towns  of  the  district,  while  the  editorials  in 
the  Page  County  Herald  voiced  his  most  vigor- 
ous Republican  arguments.  Mr.  Moore  was 
elected  and  Hepburn  gained  a  reputation  for 
political  sagacity.^^*' 

The  following  year  he  assumed  a  prominent 
place  in  politics.  Both  as  a  soldier  and  as  a 
Republican  he  was  intensely  interested  in  the 
success  of  the  Republican  ticket.  On  the  sixth 
and  seventh  of  May,  1868,  he  was  a  delegate  to 
three  political  conventions  in  Des  Moines. 
Simultaneously  with  the  Republican  conven- 
tions of  the  State  and  of  the  Fifth  Congres- 
sional District  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  Iowa 
met  to  endorse  the  Republican  candidates,  to 
repudiate  the  administration  of  Andrew  John- 
son, and  to  select  delegates  to  a  national  con- 
vention to  be  held  in  Chicago  on  May  19th. 
Hepburn  acted  as  a  secretary  of  the  Congres- 
sional convention,  and  by  the  soldiers  and  sail- 
ors he  was  delegated  to  attend  their  national 
convention.  Two  weeks  later  he  participated 
in  the  enthusiastic  soldiers'  and  sailors'  na- 
tional convention  which  pledged  ''earnest  and 
acting  support  to  the  Republican  party",  gave 
three  groans  for  James  W.  Grimes  and  Andrew 
Johnson,  and  adjourned  ''subject  to  the  call 
of    the    President."      On    the    following    two 


96  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

days  he  attended  the  national  Republican 
convention  in  Chicago  where  he  witnessed  the 
unanimous  nomination  of  Grant  upon  the  first 
ballot  and  heard  the  name  of  James  Harlan 
mentioned  for  the  Vice  Presidency.  During  the 
campaign  that  summer  his  earnest  and  forceful 
manner  made  him  "one  of  the  most  effective 
speakers  in  western  Iowa".  At  the  great  Re- 
publican barbecue  held  in  Des  Moines  on  Octo- 
ber 24th  he  delivered  a  brilliant  speech.^-*'^ 

In  1869  no  name  was  "more  favorably  men- 
tioned" for  Lieutenant  Governor  than  that  of 
Colonel  Hepburn.  Before  the  Republican  State 
convention  met,  however,  he  requested  that  his 
name  should  not  be  used  in  that  connection.  No 
reasons  were  given.  "This  withdrawal  will 
cause  much  surprise  and  also  much  regret,  for 
the  Colonel  has  many  warm  supporters,"  wrote 
the  editor  of  the  Iowa  State  Register.  South- 
western Iowa  seemed  to  be  "pretty  generally  in 
his  favor",  while  in  political  circles  his  chances 
had  been  counted  good.^**^ 

In  1870  he  was  firm  in  his  endorsement  of 
Grant  and  the  enforcement  of  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment,  but  he  found  himself  so  completely 
out  of  sympathy  with  the  administration  in 
1872  that  he  joined  the  Liberal  Republicans  in 
support  of  Horace  Greeley.  Political  corrup- 
tion was  so  perceptible  in  Washington,  he  said, 
that  the  man  in  the  moon  was  compelled  to  hold 


READJUSTMENT  IN  CIVIL  LIFE  97 

his  nose  while  passing  over.  At  a  time  when  a 
man's  standing  in  church  depended  upon  mem- 
bership in  a  Republican  club  it  took  courage  for 
Hepburn  to  become  a  leader  in  the  "miscegna- 
tion  of  the  Liberal  Republicans  and  Democrats" 
to  defeat  Grant.  Confident  of  the  success  of 
this  ''great  political  enterprise",  he  attended 
the  Liberal  Republican  convention  in  Des 
Moines  and  served  on  the  committee  to  confer 
with  the  Democrats  and  report  a  joint  ticket.^^^ 
Contrary  to  the  expectations  of  those  who 
organized  the  movement  in  Iowa,  the  election  in 
1872  did  not  result  favorably  for  the  Liberal 
Republicans.  In  the  years  that  followed  many 
of  the  members  became  Anti-Monopolists;  but 
Colonel  Hepburn,  always  loyal  to  Republican 
principles  and  hopeful  that  a  new  administra- 
tion would  renovate  the  departments  in  Wash- 
ington, returned  to  his  party  in  1876.  Further- 
more, Anti-Monopolism  in  Iowa  was  almost 
entirely  an  anti-railroad  movement  so  that  it 
was  impossible  for  Hepburn,  a  railroad  attor- 
ney, to  sympathize  with  such  a  program.  In 
the  Republican  State  convention  held  on  May 
31,  1876,  he  spoke  bitterly  against  Democratic 
perfidy  and  urged  the  Republicans  to  keep  up 
the  struggle  for  the  freedom  of  the  negro.  This 
speech  was  probably  responsible  for  his  nomi- 
nation by  acclamation  as  one  of  the  Presiden- 
tial electors-at-large.^^'' 


98  WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

The  Iowa  State  Register  declared  that  excep- 
tionally good  men  had  been  chosen  to  head  the 
electoral  ticket,  and  predicted  that  Hepburn 
would  ' '  lead  in  the  fight  with  the  fervor  and  the 
enthusiasm  of  real  leadership."  In  various 
parts  of  the  State  the  Colonel  spoke  in  favor  of 
the  Hayes  policy  of  reform  in  the  civil  service ; 
and  he  supported  conciliation  with  the  South  as 
a  means  of  establishing  fair  administration  for 
all  classes  of  citizens,  thereby  proving  himself 
consistent  with  his  attitude  in  1872  and  demon- 
strating his  inherent  desire  for  honest  govern- 
ment. At  the  close  of  the  campaign  it  was 
asserted  that  there  was  no  better  orator  in  Iowa 
— ''none  that  can  more  completely  gain  and 
retain  the  attention.  "^^^ 


XIII 

First  Election  to  Congeess 

The  Republican  convention  of  the  Eighth  Con- 
gressional District  in  1880  furnished  one  of  the 
closest  political  contests  in  the  history  of  Iowa. 
Five  months  before  the  delegates  gathered  at 
the  court  house  in  Council  Bluffs  on  Friday, 
August  13th,  Congressman  William  F.  Sapp, 
"in  excellent  health  and  spirits",  returned  from 
Washing-ton  to  secure  his  third  consecutive 
nomination  for  Congress.  In  April  three  other 
candidates  were  announced  —  all  with  military 
records.  Major  Albert  R.  Anderson  of  Fre- 
mont County,  who  was  then  serving  his  fourth 
year  as  district  attorney,  claimed  nearly  as 
large  a  following  as  Colonel  Sapp.  Some 
people  thought  that  twelve  years  of  experience 
in  the  General  Assembly  would  make  Lieuten- 
ant John  Y.  Stone  of  Mills  County  a  strong 
candidate;  while  the  Republicans  of  Page 
County  were  confident  that  there  was  no  abler 
man  in  the  eighth  district  than  Colonel  "Pete" 
Hepburn.  A  fortnight  before  the  convention 
met  Colonel  Sapp  and  Major  Anderson  seemed 
to  be  well  in  the  lead,  although  both  Lieutenant 

99 


100        W1LLIA]\I  PETERS    HEPBURN 

Stone  and  Colonel  Hepburn  had  substantial 
support.^^^ 

At  the  appointed  time  the  delegates  were 
called  to  order,  and  the  work  of  organization 
was  quickly  completed.  Friday  afternoon  was 
well  advanced  when  Lafayette  Young  placed  the 
name  of  A.  R.  Anderson  before  the  convention 
as  a  candidate  for  Congress.  John  W.  Chap- 
man followed  with  a  speech  in  nomination  of 
W.  F.  Sapp.  In  a  few  words  T.  E.  Clark  stated 
the  grave  responsibilities  of  a  Congressman 
and  asked  the  convention  to  nominate  *'a  man 
whose  very  name  elicits  applause" — W.  P. 
Hepburn  from  the  banner  Republican  county  of 
the  district.  Mr.  Stone  was  nominated  by  S.  V. 
Proudfit,  and  the  four-cornered  fight  began.^^^ 

On  the  first  ballot  there  were  fifty-four  votes 
for  Sapp,  thirty-six  and  one-half  for  Anderson, 
thirteen  and  one-half  for  Hepburn,  and  nine  for 
Stone.  Although  Colonel  Sapp  received  the 
unanimous  support  of  the  delegates  from  Audu- 
bon, Harrison,  Montgomery,  Pottawattamie, 
Ringgold,  and  Taylor  counties,  he  lacked  three 
votes  of  having  a  majority.  Adams,  Cass, 
Fremont,  Shelby,  and  Union  counties  went  on 
record  for  Anderson;  ten  votes  from  Page 
County  and  three  and  one-half  from  Union 
were  cast  for  Hepburn;  while  the  Mills  County 
delegation  voted  solidly  for  Stone.  With 
scarcely  a  waver  in  the  ranks  of  the  different 


FIRST  ELECTION  TO  CONGRESS       IQl 

factions  the  voting  continued  at  the  rate  of  one 
ballot  every  two  minutes  during  the  remainder 
of  the  afternoon  and  evening  until  the  weary 
delegates  had  expressed  their  choice  of  candi- 
dates one  hundred  and  ten  times. 

On  Saturday  the  convention  kept  on  balloting. 
Roll  call  followed  roll  call  with  the  same  mo- 
notonous result.  Fifty-four  delegates  persisted 
in  voting  for  Colonel  Sapp ;  while  the  remaining 
fifty-nine,  though  hopelessly  divided,  just  as 
stubbornly  refused  to  swell  the  support  of  the 
candidate  from  Council  Bluffs  by  a  single  tally. 
When  the  one  hundred  and  seventy-second  bal- 
lot was  announced  and  there  was  still  no  sign 
of  a  break  the  convention  adjourned  until  the 
following  Tuesday. 

It  w^as  hoped  that  some  decision  could  be 
reached  during  the  recess,  but  the  one  hundred 
and  seventy-third  ballot  was  the  same  as  the 
first  had  been  —  Sapp  fifty-four,  Anderson 
thirty-six  and  one-half,  Hepburn  thirteen  and 
one-half,  and  Stone  nine.  The  contest  was  de- 
veloping into  a  test  of  physical  endurance.  Yet 
with  all  the  maneuvering  the  fight  was  so  open, 
so  fair,  and  so  free  from  wire-pulling  that  the 
best  of  feeling  prevailed.  It  was  said  that  T.  E. 
Clark  offered  every  cent  he  had  —  the  princely 
sum  of  three  dollars  —  for  the  use  of  the  Potta- 
wattamie cheering  committee  for  ten  minutes. 

On  Tuesday  afternoon  Colonel  Hepburn  ere- 


102         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

ated  a  sensation  by  asking  general  consent  to 
address  the  convention.  In  a  short,  candid 
speech  he  stated  that  party  interests  should  be 
placed  above  the  desires  of  any  individual  and 
inasmuch  as  the  deadlock  might  prove  to  be 
injurious  to  Republican  harmony  he  withdrew 
his  name,  hoping  that  his  action  would  aid  in 
settling  the  vexed  question.  Following  this 
announcement,  which  was  greeted  with  loud 
cheers,  a  well  sustained  effort  was  made  to 
nominate  Judge  J.  R.  Reed  of  Council  Bluffs. 
The  boom  was  unsuccessful,  however,  and  on 
the  two  hundred  and  sixty-seventh  ballot  Cass, 
Union,  Page,  Adams,  and  Shelby  counties 
swung  back  to  Hepburn  with  forty-one  votes. 
After  ten  more  roll  calls  the  convention  ad- 
journed for  supper. 

During  the  evening  session  on  Tuesday  sev- 
eral "dark  horses"  were  trotted  out  only  to  be 
driven  into  retirement  after  a  few  ballots. 
Anderson  and  Stone  each  enjoyed  a  brief  sea- 
son of  hope  until  Hepburn  again  gave  promise 
of  taking  the  lead.  For  a  while  there  were  a 
few  scattering  votes  for  Lafe  Young  followed 
by  an  attempt  to  nominate  J.  W.  McDill  or 
John  W.  Chapman.  Whispered  consultations 
and  caucuses  were  frequent  and  votes  were  cast 
with  apparent  disregard  of  consequences  though 
in  reality  with  the  utmost  caution  lest  per- 
chance some  candidate  should  receive  an  un- 


FIRST  ELECTION  TO  CONGRESS       103 

intended  majority.  All  through  the  skirmish 
for  advantage  the  loyal  fifty-four  never  faltered 
in  their  allegiance  to  Colonel  Sapp.  On  the 
three  hundred  and  twentieth  ballot  the  conven- 
tion voted  exactly  as  at  the  beginning  five  days 
before. 

When  the  delegates  began  to  gather  on 
Wednesday  morning  a  general  nervousness  was 
perceptible.  The  Sapp  contingent  began  to 
realize  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  stampede 
the  opposition.  It  was  equally  certain  that 
without  the  help  of  the  Sapp  delegates  the  ma- 
jority could  not  concentrate  on  any  candidate. 
The  delegation  from  Pottawattamie  began  to 
scatter  and  several  new  candidates  were  intro- 
duced. At  one  time  it  appeared  that  J.  P.  Flick 
would  be  nominated,  but  at  the  critical  moment 
he  withdrew  and  his  followers  turned  to  Hep- 
burn. The  dinner  hour  arrived  but  the  con- 
vention refused  to  adjourn.  The  tide  which 
had  begun  to  flow  in  favor  of  Clarinda's  favor- 
ite son  could  not  be  stopped. 

At  last  came  the  fateful  three  hundred  and 
forty-sixth  ballot  with  sixty-one  votes  for 
Hepburn.  Before  the  secretaries  could  an- 
nounce the  result  the  Page  County  delegation 
was  ''delirious  with  delight",  and  in  another 
moment  the  excitement  had  spread  through  the 
whole  convention.  ''Hats  flew  to  the  ceiling, 
one  delegate  swinging  a  linen  coat  from  the 


104        "WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

vantage  ground  of  a  table,  another  performed 
acrobatic  feats  on  a  chair  that  were  astonishing, 
while  the  building  shook  with  the  ^\T.ld  cheer- 
ing." Colonel  Hepburn  was  conducted  to  the 
platform  where  he  expressed  his  appreciation 
of  the  honor  that  had  been  conferred  upon  him 
and  promised  his  best  efforts  toward  success  in 
the  ensuing  campaign.^^"* 

For  Hepburn  the  homeward  trip  from  Coun- 
cil Bluffs  to  Clarinda  consisted  of  a  series  of 
ovations.  At  Red  Oak  three  or  four  hundred 
people  offered  a  hearty  demonstration  of  good 
will.  At  Villisca  he  was  met  by  an  enthusiastic 
aggregation  of  fellow-townsmen  headed  by  a 
brass  band.  When  the  train  pulled  into  Clar- 
inda a  procession  was  formed,  the  future  Con- 
gressman was  placed  in  a  carriage,  and  the 
crowd  moved  to  the  public  square  for  a  general 
celebration  in  the  course  of  which  several  ardent 
speeches  were  made.  After  thanking  the  people 
for  their  kind  reception  the  Colonel,  mindful  of 
the  sacrifices  of  those  who  had  contributed  to 
his  success,  assured  his  friends  that  their  fidel- 
ity would  never  be  forgotten  and  pledged  him- 
self to  labor  earnestly  for  a  great  Republican 
victory  in  the  eighth  district.^'^' 

The  nomination  of  ''Pete"  Hepburn  was 
greeted  with  whole-hearted  approval  through^ 
out  the  State.  While  the  opposition  to  William 
F.  Sapp  was  bitter  in  many  parts  of  the  district, 


FIRST  ELECTION  TO  CONGRESS       105 

the  feeling  against  Hepburn  was  confined  to 
restricted  sections.  It  was  thought  that  he 
could  do  more  than  any  other  candidate  to  unite 
the  various  factions  of  the  party.  The  Iowa 
State  Register  regarded  the  Colonel  as  ''one  of 
the  most  intellectual  men  in  Iowa"  who  would 
"make  a  brilliant  canvass,  and  a  brilliant  Con- 
gressman." As  a  popular  speaker  he  was 
characterized  as  the  "IngersoU  of  the  slope", 
perhaps  one  of  the  most  "fluent,  captivating, 
intelligent  and  instructive  stump  speakers  west 
of  the  Mississippi  river."  The  Duhnque  Times 
could  only  pity  the  competitor  of  this  "bright, 
dashing,  brilliant,  original,  witty,  .... 
and  gifted  politician".  A  Clarinda  editor  cher- 
ished the  utmost  confidence  in  his  character  and 
capacity.  At  a  time  when  the  Congressional 
delegation  from  Iowa  was  noted  for  the  ability 
of  its  members,  Hepburn  was  ranked  among  the 
most  prominent.^^^ 

It  was  everywhere  conceded  that  the  Repub- 
lican candidate  would  experience  little  difficulty 
in  being  elected  in  spite  of  all  that  the  Demo- 
crats and  Greenbackers  could  do.  In  the  cam- 
paign Colonel  Hepburn  discovered  that  his 
record  in  1872  was  the  stock  argument  of  the 
opposition.  Though  he  had  stood  for  Repub- 
lican principles  all  his  life  and  had  campaigned 
with  James  G.  Blaine  in  1879  there  were  some 
Stalwarts    who    feared    that    because    he    had 


106         "WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

''bolted"  once  he  was  susceptible  every  now 
and  then  of  being  "thrown  into  a  democratic 
cramp  colic".  He  was  not  infrequently  re- 
minded that  the  man  in  the  moon  was  still 
holding  his  nose.  It  was  asserted  that  a  Con- 
gressman with  variegated  politics  would  be 
governed  by  his  whims  rather  than  by  sound 
judgTQent.  If  Hepburn  should  be  elected  the 
Page  County  Democrat  hoped  that  he  would 
"lay  aside  his  overbearing  and  willful  preju- 
dices and  treat  mankind  in  a  way  that  will  in 
the  future  add  more  to  his  manhood  than  the 
way  he  has  acted  in  the  past."  In  August  it 
was  estimated  that  he  would  be  elected  by  four 
thousand  majority,  but  when  the  votes  were 
counted  in  November  his  majority  was  more 
than  five  thousand  four  hundred,  and  he  had  a 
plurality  of  over  eleven  thousand. ^^" 

As  early  as  February,  1881,  Colonel  Hepburn 
began  to  read  up  in  parliamentary  law  and  con- 
stitutional history.  Upon  the  advice  of  Senator 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  he  went  to  Washington  to 
attend  the  inauguration  of  James  A.  Garfield, 
his  former  comrade  on  the  staff  of  General 
William  S.  Eosecrans.^^^  By  the  middle  of  the 
following  November  he  was  again  at  the  capital 
ready  to  assume  his  new  duties.  He  took  the 
oath  of  office  as  the  Representative  of  the 
Eighth  Congressional  District  of  Iowa  on 
December  5,  1881.^^^ 


XIV 

Opposition  to  Pork  Barrel  Legislation 

It  was  on  the  seventeenth  of  June,  1882,  that 
William  P.  Hepburn  first  participated  in  de- 
bate on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. He  proposed  to  strike  out  that  portion 
of  the  river  and  harbor  bill  which  authorized 
the  construction  of  levees  along  the  Mississippi 
River.  In  support  of  this  amendment  he  con- 
tended that  the  only  people  who  were  interested 
in  the  improvement  of  the  Mississippi  River 
were  those  who  desired  to  facilitate  navigation 
and  those  who  wished  to  protect  adjacent  land 
from  inundation.  It  was  admitted  by  the  com- 
mission in  charge  of  the  work,  he  said,  that  the 
expensive  levee  system  was  not  imperatively 
necessary  to  deepen  the  channel  of  the  stream ; 
so  it  appeared  that  those  who  advocated  the 
construction  of  levees  in  reality  cared  nothing 
for  the  improvement  of  the  Mississippi  as  a 
great  highway  of  commerce  but  were  looking 
solely  to  the  reclamation  of  the  overflowed 
lands  of  the  farmers  along  the  river.  He 
feared  that  under  the  pretense  of  conducting  a 
national  work  the  country  at  large  was  being 

107 


108         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

saddled  with  a  burden  that  properly  belonged 
to  the  States.i«« 

Thus  it  was  that  Colonel  Hepburn  in  his 
maiden  speech  sounded  the  keynote  of  his  most 
important  work  during  the  first  three  terms  of 
his  service  in  Congress.  In  every  session  he 
protested  vigorously  against  the  expenditure  of 
money  for  public  improvements  which  seemed 
to  him  unwise. ^*^^  While  there  were  some 
praiseworthy  items  in  the  river  and  harbor 
bill  which  he  heartily  endorsed  he  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  voice  his  opposition  to  the  use  of  public 
money  for  local  works.  If,  in  his  opinion,  the 
preponderance  of  the  bill  was  good  he  gave  it 
his  vote  —  but  not  mthout  first  doing  his  ut- 
most to  eliminate  the  bad  features.^^'^ 

When  the  Civil  War  closed  the  Mississippi 
River  to  the  commerce  of  the  Northwest,  the 
transportation  of  agricultural  products  to  the 
Atlantic  seaports  was  handled  by  the  railroads ; 
and  never  again  did  New  Orleans  regain  her 
place  as  the  great  outlet  of  the  Mississippi  Val- 
ley. It  was  with  that  fact  in  mind  that  Con- 
gressman Hepburn  approached  the  question  of 
appropriating  millions  of  dollars  to  deepen  the 
Mississippi  River  by  means  of  levees  when  the 
river  could  be  made  sufficiently  navigable  by 
removing  snags  and  sand  bars  at  comparatively 
small  expense.  He  pointed  out  that  when  there 
were  "volumes  of  water  there  that  would  float 


•\\  ll.i.lAM  PETEBS  HEPBUR>J 

MK>ri!Ki{   OF  Cox'iRKSS   1881 


(ed  the  ko: 

the  first  u  .;i.s  oi 

...  In -ever,.       .    .on  h<^ 

.•;oronsJ  1  the  expenditure  f- 

>ublic  improvements  which  seemo-: 

■ '  '  were    some 


'id  harbor 

not  hesl- 

>  -ubtic 


TS-q  5t  H '  «Ha  M'3f  «l :  1/  A-l 


ippi  Vai 
mind  that  C.on- 
!  the  question  of 

.,.,   i.:.i,  .o.n^i  the 

•r  by  means  ot  i  the 

jnade  sufficientlv  nay* 


ili'.Mi.'^      '7:        l.MJJI 


MII,LIA.\[    I'ETKRS    HKPBURX 


I 


PORK  BARREL  LEGISLATION         109 

the  navies  of  the  world"  Southern  Congress- 
men agitated  improvement,  bnt  when  the  people 
farther  north  desired  to  make  the  stream  nav- 
igable during  periods  of  low  water  these  gentle- 
men w^ere  not  interested.  Again  and  again  he 
asserted  that  he  was  "heartily  in  favor  of 
proper  appropriations  for  the  improvement  of 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River",  but 
he  was  "not  in  favor  of  appropriations  for  the 
improvement  of  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi 
River  and  the  plantations  on  either  side  of 
it".i«3 

When  the  annual  river  and  harbor  bill  came 
before  the  House  in  1885  Hepburn  arose  to  say 
that  he  did  not  approve  of  spending  enormous 
sums  for  the  improvement  of  the  Mississippi 
River  when  not  one  of  the  ' '  distinguished  engi- 
neers that  have  charge  of  this  work  has  yet  had 
the  temerity  to  say  in  any  official  document  that 
their  plans  will  result  in  success.  Year  after 
year  they  come  to  us  saying  that  the  whole 
scheme  is  experimental  in  its  character.  .  . 
.  .  Yet  this  bill  permits  the  commission  to  go 
on  in  a  lavish  outlay  of  public  money  solely  for 
the  purpose,  as  I  believe,  of  improving  and  en- 
hancing in  value  the  private  property  of  citi- 
zens. "^^^ 

The  cost  of  building  an  artificial  bank  in  mid- 
river  and  covering  at  least  one  natural  bank 
from  Cairo  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  with  mat- 


110        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

tresses  made  of  wire  and  brush  was  estimated 
by  a  Congressional  committee  to  be  nearly  a 
hundred  million  dollars.  It  was  the  "solemn 
judgment"  of  the  same  committee  that  levees 
were  not  "essential  to  the  improvement  of  low- 
water  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  that 
their  construction  for  such  a  purpose  can  not 
be  justified."  Furthermore,  there  were  many 
engineers  who  believed  that  the  levee  system 
w^ould  not  be  beneficial  when  the  river  was  at 
flood,  except  to  protect  adjacent  land  from  in- 
undation. In  the  interest  of  improving  the  nav- 
igation, of  the  Mississippi,  therefore,  rather 
than  the  private  property  along  its  course,  Hep- 
burn offered  a  number  of  amendments,  the  chief 
object  of  which  was  to  prevent  the  construction 
of  levees  on  property  owned  by  private  parties 
or  municipalities,  to  abandon  the  levee  system, 
or  to  confine  it  to  the  completion  of  experiment- 
al work  already  undertaken. ^^^ 

Not  only  did  Hepburn  condemn  the  method 
of  improving  the  Mississippi  River  but  he  was 
equally  emphatic  in  his  appeal  for  economy  in 
carrying  on  the  work.  He  was  puzzled  to  know 
how  the  Mississippi  River  Commission  could 
use  fifty-four  ' '  full-fledged  cooks ' '.  Neither  did 
it  appear  reasonable,  he  thought,  to  pay  almost 
half  a  million  dollars  annually  to  civil  engineers 
while  there  were  nearly  fifteen  hundred  West 
Point  graduates,  educated  by  the  government, 


PORK  BARREL  LEGISLATION  m 

who  were  ' '  loitering  away  tlieir  time  at  frontier 
posts,  where  they  are  absohitely  doing  nothing; 
and  by  a  proper  detail  they  might  be  placed  in 
such  a  situation  that  they  would  be  earning 
their  monthly  pay"  and  at  the  same  time 
"carry  on  Avith  increased  efficiency  these  vari- 
ous needed  improvements.  "^^*^ 

Another  feature  of  the  river  and  harbor  bill 
of  1885  which  provided  for  the  improvement  of 
the  harbor  of  Galveston,  Texas,  at  a  cost  of 
nearly  nine  million  dollars  prompted  the  Colo- 
nel to  inquire  if  it  would  not  be  cheaper  for  the 
United  States  to  move  Galveston  to  a  harbor 
than  to  try  to  move  the  harbor  to  Galveston. 
While  he  had  "no  objection  to  the  appropria- 
tion of  a  reasonable  sum  to  accomplish  this 
improvement",  he  thought  there  should  be  a 
proper  relation  between  the  expenditure  and 
the  importance  of  the  project.  Statistics  proved 
that  the  total  value  of  the  exports  of  Texas  was 
less  than  thirty  million  dollars  annually,  that 
the  production  of  corn  and  wheat  was  insuffi- 
cient for  domestic  consumption,  and  that  of  the 
six  million  cattle  that  roamed  over  the  prairies 
of  the  State  not  seventeen  thousand  dollars 
worth  had  been  shipped  from  Galveston  in  1883. 
"Would  it  not  be  better",  he  asked,  "to  pack 
the  attenuated  carcasses  of  her  beeves  in  their 
immense  and  wondrous  horns  and  float  them 
out  to  vessels  over  the  Galveston  Bar!"^*^" 


112         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

It  was  during  the  Forty-ninth  Congress  that 
Hepburn  made  his  most  determined  fight 
against  the  practice  of  appropriating  money  for 
local  and  unnecessary  public  works.  When  the 
river  and  harbor  bill  came  before  the  House 
for  debate  he  took  the  floor  to  oppose  the  waste- 
ful features  of  the  bill.  He  believed  that  some 
of  the  proposed  appropriations  were  "without 
any  justification  or  without  any  warrant  what- 
ever", that  they  were  "simply  a  prodigal, 
wasteful  throwing  away  of  the  people's 
money."  With  an  insight  that  disconcerted 
the  opposition  he  pointed  out  the  "jokers"  in 
the  bill,  denouncing  the  attempt  to  secure  funds 
for  unknown  rivers  and  harbors  under  the  guise 
of  reputable  internal  improvements.^**^ 

The  whole  bill,  he  asserted,  was  characterized 
by  appropriations  for  works  of  absolutely  no 
importance  in  interstate  commerce.  "What 
right  have  you  of  Louisiana  to  tax  the  people 
of  Iowa  in  order  to  raise  your  lands  above  the 
point  of  overflow  ? ",  he  exclaimed  in  the  heat  of 
his  argument  against  levees.  "There  are 
$10,000,000  appropriated  to  States  and  im- 
provements within  the  limits  of  States,  and 
eleven  gentlemen  upon  the  committee  that 
draughted  this  bill  have  secured  more  than  six 
millions  out  of  a  total  of  ten  millions.  And  yet 
we  are  told  that  there  is  no  locality  favored,  no 
sectionalism  in  this  bill."^*"'*' 


PORK  BARREL  LEGISLATION  113 

In  reply  to  a  charge  that  he  opposed  the 
river  and  harbor  bill  because  there  was  no  op- 
propriation  in  it  for  Iowa,  Hepburn  indignantly 
inquired  if  no  man  had  a  right  to  talk  about  it 
''except  those  that  have  got  interests  in  it,  ex- 
cept those  that  have  got  appropriations  for 
their  own  States,  that  have  some  of  the  pork  in 
the  barrel?"^™  He  decried  the  policy  of  dis- 
tributing appropriations  to  the  advantage  of 
the  localities  represented  in  the  Committee  on 
Rivers  and  Harbors.  "Look  at  Michigan!", 
said  he.  ' '  She  has  been  well  represented  in  the 
committee ;  magnificently  in  the  bill.  I  doubt 
whether  there  is  an  inlet  to  the  land  from  the 
surrounding  lakes  which  has  not  a  place  in  this 
bill.  They  are  all  named  without  regard  to  the 
unpronounceable  character  of  their  names.  "^^'^ 

Although  the  improvement  of  the  Missouri 
River  along  the  western  border  of  Iowa  was 
agitated,  that  project  did  not  begaiile  Hepburn 
from  his  position.  He  steadfastly  refused  to 
squander  money  for  public  works  which  he 
deemed  impracticable.  Not  more  than  ten 
steamboats  had  passed  Council  Bluffs  in  five 
years,  he  asserted  without  fear  of  contradiction. 
Over  a  stretch  of  more  than  a  thousand  miles 
there  was  absolutely  no  commerce  for  the  bene- 
fit  of  which  the  Missouri  River  should  be  made 
navigable.  Furthermore,  he  thought  it  would 
be  utter  folly  to  attempt  to  control  a  stream 


114        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

that  changed  its  course  a  distance  of  eight  miles 
in  a  single  night  and  during  periods  of  high 
water  became  "a  roaring, , raging  torrent,  ex- 
tending from  bluff  to  bluff,  overwhelming  the 
whole  country ".^'^ 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  it  was  insinuated 
that  the  Congressman  from  the  eighth  district 
of  Iowa  opposed  the  improvement  of  the  Mis- 
souri River  because  he  was  a  friend  of  railroad 
monopoly.  Since  the  whole  purpose  of  making 
the  river  navigable  was  to  furnish  cheap  trans- 
portation to  compete  with  the  railroads,  ran 
this  argument,  he  who  opposed  the  one  must 
ispo  facto  favor  the  other.  ''There  is  no  rail- 
way in  the  world  that  I  have  any  more  interest 
in  than  any  other  citizen  of  the  United  States ' ', 
said  Hepburn  in  reply.  "  I  am  not  one  of  those 
.  .  .  .  always  ready  to  howl  against  cor- 
porations of  this  kind  because  in  certain  circles 
and  among  certain  men  it  is  popular,  because 
there  are  votes  to  be  had  by  that  kind  of  pro- 
cedure."^'^ 

From  the  time  Colonel  Hepburn  entered  Con- 
gress his  opposition  to  the  river  and  harbor 
bill  became  more  determined  each  year  until  in 
1887  he  was  ready  to  resort  to  every  legitimate 
means  of  preventing  the  passage  of  the  ob- 
noxious measure.  He  frankly  proposed  to  go 
as  far  as  the  rules  of  the  House  would  permit 
in  order  to  obstruct  anv  bill  which  he  believed 


PORK  BARREL  LEGISLATION  115 

to  be  essentially  wrong.  If  it  were  not  for  the 
^'joining  of  interests  and  the  securing  of  the 
assent  of  members  by  appeals  to  them  in  the 
direction  of  their  personal  and  local  interests" 
the  bill,  he  was  confident,  would  not  receive  the 
support  of  half  the  members  of  the  House ;  and 
on  the  basis  of  that  assumption  he  challenged 
the  attention  of  the  country  to  every  section. ^^^ 

So  successful  were  the  parliamentary  tactics 
of  '  *  the  great  triumvirate ' ' —  William  P.  Hep- 
burn of  Iowa,  John  A.  Anderson  of  Kansas, 
and  Robert  M.  La  Follette  of  Wisconsin  —  that 
the  friends  of  the  bill  threatened  to  cut  off  de- 
bate by  suspending  the  rules. ^'^  During  the 
greater  part  of  three  sittings  of  the  committee 
of  the  whole  the  filibuster  continued.  Now  it 
was  the  exasperating  cry  of  ''no  quorura"  on 
almost  every  vote ;  now  it  was  a  tedious  call  of 
the  yeas  and  nays;  now  it  was  a  meaningless 
amendment  to  strike  out  the  last  word;  now  a 
frivolous  point  of  order  was  debated ;  and  now 
the  clerk  was  directed  to  read  the  entire  bill. 
Thus  the  contest  waged  until  debate  was  closed 
and  the  bill  passed  in  precisely  the  same  form 
in  which  it  had  been  introduced  nearly  three 
weeks  before. ^''^ 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  censured  for 
taking  advantage  of  the  rules  of  the  House  and 
delaying  legislation  for  the  selfish  purpose  of 
obstructing  a  measure  that  was  certain  to  pass, 


116        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

that  he  was  accused  of  working  in  the  interest 
of  monopolies,  and  that  he  was  chided  for  mak- 
ing Pickwickian  speeches,  Colonel  Hepburn 
never  faltered  in  his  opposition  to  the  river 
and  harbor  bill  —  although  he  realized  that 
nothing  he  could  say  would  change  the  attitude 
of  any  of  his  colleagues.  There  were  some  fea- 
tures of  the  bill  which  he  would  have  been  glad 
to  support,  but  he  was  unwilling  to  obtain  the 
improvement  of  the  great  waterways  and  har- 
bors of  the  country  at  the  expense  of  paying  a 
still  larger  amount  for  the  improvement  of 
unknown  streams  and  inlets.  "Would  it  be 
courtesy  to  intimate",  said  Hepburn  during  the 
last  day  of  debate  in  the  committee  of  the  whole, 
"why  there  might  be  a  reason"  for  a  Michigan 
Congressman  advocating  the  bill!  "Michigan 
is  not  known  for  its  great  rivers  that  enter  into 
the  interstate  commerce  of  this  country.  And 
yet  there  are  provisions  for  the  improvement 
of  seven  of  those  rivers.  Twenty-three  slices 
of  the  pork  that  are  in  this  barrel  go  to  the 
peninsular  State  of  Michigan.  "^""^ 


XV 

An  Advocate  of  Pensions 

Befoke  William  P.  Hepburn  had  completed  his 
third  term  in  the  House  of  Representatives  he 
was  acknowledged  to  be  one  of  the  leaders  on 
the  Republican  side.  His  determined  fight 
against  the  River  and  Harbor  Bill  made  him  a 
national  figure,  while  on  the  floor  of  the  House 
his  remarks  on  any  subject  commanded  the  at- 
tention of  friends  and  opponents  alike.  It  was 
said  that  he  possessed  "one  of  the  sharpest 
tongues  in  Congress";  which  had  earned  for 
him  a  reputation  for  aggressiveness  in  debate, 
A  newspaper  correspondent  asserted  that  he 
would  "fight  a  buzz  saw  going  in  either  direc- 
tion. ' '  Thoroughly  familiar  with  parliamentary 
methods  of  obstruction,  fearless  of  adverse 
opinion,  and  quick  at  retort  he  was  well  quali- 
fied to  lead  the  minority  in  opposition  to  the 
Democratic  legislative  program.^'*^ 

It  was  in  connection  with  military  and  pen- 
sion legislation  that  Hepburn  most  frequently 
engaged  in  partisan  controversy.  The  antip- 
athy of  the  "Southern  brigadiers"  to  liberal 
pensions  for  old  soldiers  of  the  Union  army 

117 


118        "WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

brought  tlie  Colonel  to  his  feet  on  several  oo- 
casions  with  a  scornful  denunciation  of  the  tac- 
tics of  Southern  Democrats  and  their  Northern 
allies.  ''I  tell  you,  sir,"  he  exclaimed  toward 
the  end  of  the  debate  on  the  question  of  passing 
the  Dependent  Pensions  Bill  over  President 
Cleveland's  veto,  ''that  while  those  gentlemen 
[Andrew  J.  Warner  and  Edward  S.  Bragg]  did 
occupy  honored  places  in  the  great  army,  and 
were  everywhere  esteemed,  yet  they  are  looked 
upon  by  the  Grand  Army  to-day,  when  they  rise 
in  their  places  here  to  denounce  their  old  com- 
rades as  vagabonds  and  scamps  and  perjurers 
and  the  scum  of  humanity",  much  in  the  same 
light  that  the  traitor  Benedict  Arnold  was  re- 
garded by  his  former  comrades  in  arms.  To- 
ward the  Congressmen  who  had  worn  the  Con- 
federate uniform  Hepburn  was  scarcely  less 
scornful;  for  it  was  they,  he  said,  who  would 
sustain  "the  President's  cruel  veto".  ''Not 
one  of  our  Southern  brethren,  for  political  rea- 
sons, has  had  the  courage  of  his  convictions  and 
dared  to  speak  here  as  he  will  vote.  Why? 
Because  it  would  challenge  the  attention  of  the 
Northern  Democratic  soldiers  to  this  united 
opposition,  of  those  that  once  were  opposed  to 
us". 

For  "terseness  of  expression,  for  clearness 
of  statement,  for  force  of  logic,  for  clear  cut 
eloquence,  I  never  heard  it  [the  speech  on  the 


! 


ADVOCATE  OF  PENSIONS  119 

pension  bill]  excelled  during  all  tlie  years 
which  I  have  served  here",  said  William  D. 
Kelley  in  congratulating  Hepburn,  "and  I  do 
not  forget  Henry  Winter  Davis,  or  Robert  C. 
Schenck,  or  Thaddeus  Stevens,  or  the  brilliant 
Wadsworth.  "^^'^ 

That  the  friendship  of  Colonel  Hepburn  won 
the  life-long  gratitude  of  the  old  soldiers  is  evi- 
denced by  thousands  of  letters.  If  you  "share 
your  last  biscuit"  with  a  man,  said  he,  "if  you 
go  hungry  with  him,  and  then  observe  how  he 
bears  himself,  and  the  fortitude  he  brings  to  the 
service  ....  if  you  march  with  him  in 
the  battle's  line  when  the  shot  and  shell  are 
bringing  death  and  ruin  on  every  hand ;  if  you 
see  that  there  is  no  flinching  there,  but  that  he 
is  ready  to  go  on  to  the  line,  and  over  the  line, 
you  then  have  an  opportunity  to  test  the  man- 
hood and  see  the  qualities  that  are  in  him,  and 
that  bind  your  heart  to  his  for  all  time,  no 
matter  where  you  meet  ....  because  you 
know  that  the  comrade  is  worthy  of  the  clasp 
of  your  hand".  Toward  the  man  who  had  de- 
voted the  best  years  of  his  life  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union  the  Colonel  believed  that  the 
United  States  government  could  not  be  too 
generous. ^^*^ 

During  the  forty-seventh,  forty-eighth,  and 
forty-ninth  Congresses  he  presented  nearly 
sixty  petitions  in  the  interest  of  his  comrades, 


120  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

and  he  introduced  more  tlian  that  number  of 
private  pension  bills.  Of  the  pension  bills  he 
introduced  twelve  became  laws,  three  more 
passed  the  House  but  failed  in  the  Senate,  and 
one  was  vetoed  by  President  Cleveland.  The 
proposal  to  establish  a  soldier's  home  west  of 
the  Mississippi  met  his  hearty  approval;  and 
when  it  was  discovered  that  in  spite  of  the  over- 
crowded soldiers'  homes  there  were  more  than 
nine  thousand  honorably  discharged  soldiers  of 
the  Union  army  in  the  poorhouses  of  the  coun- 
try, he  advocated  the  appropriation  of  two  mil- 
lion dollars  to  be  distributed  in  the  form  of 
outdoor  relief  to  these  needy  men.  In  1887  he 
voted  for  the  Dependent  Pensions  Bill  both  on 
its  initial  passage  and  again  in  opposition  to 
the  President's  veto.^^^ 

The  Southern  Democrats  were  none  too 
friendly  toward  the  old  soldiers  of  the  Union 
army  —  an  attitude  which  led  the  Republicans 
to  make  charges  of  sectionalism  and  lack  of 
patriotism.  To  these  aspersions  the  Demo- 
crats replied  by  disparaging  the  Republican  ad- 
ministration and  deploring  the  practice  of 
^'waving  the  bloody  shirt".  The  climax  was 
reached  in  Hepburn's  tilt  with  General  Joseph 
"Wheeler  over  the  war  record  of  Edwin  M. 
Stanton. 

On  May  11,  1886,  the  former  Confederate 
cavalry  leader  in  the  heat  of  debate  had  referred 


ADVOCATE  OF  PENSIONS  121 

to  Mr.  Stanton  as  an  *'arcli  conspirator". 
Colonel  Hepburn  was  on  his  feet  in  an  instant 
to  say  that  Stanton  "was  the  man  who  directed, 
as  no  other  living  man  could,  all  of  the  maneu- 
vers and  operations  of  the  Federal  Army 
.  .  .  .  That  whipped  you  back  into  your 
allegiance  to  the  Government.  [Applause  on 
the  Republican  side.]  He  was  the  man  who 
made  it  possible  for  you  to  be  here  in  this 
exalted  place  to  be  his  maligner  and  slanderer. 
[Applause  on  the  Republican  side.]  He  is  dead 
now  and  can  not  answer  you,  but  notwithstand- 
ing you  try  to  blacken  his  memory,  although 
you  live  to-day  because  that  man  was  willing, 
among  others,  that  you  might  live  and  not  have 
the  halter  around  your  neck  that  you  had 
won. ' '  ^"^^ 

On  June  4th  General  Wheeler  obtained  unan- 
imous consent  to  "reply  to  the  unjust  reflection 
which  emanated  from  the  gentleman  from 
Iowa."  For  an  hour  and  a  half  he  addressed 
the  House,  nearly  every  moment  of  which  was 
consumed  with  an  assault  upon  the  conduct  of 
Secretary  Stanton  during  the  Civil  War:  he 
was  constrained  to  substantiate  his  assertion 
that  Stanton  had  "sought  to  conspire  to  drag 
down  officers  who  did  not  conform  to  his 
views",  or  else  confess  that  his  charge  had  been 
unfounded.  By  means  of  garbled  quotations 
and  false  conclusions  he  endeavored  to  prove 


122         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

that  Stanton,  as  Attorney  General,  had  violated 
the  confidence  placed  in  him  by  President  Bu- 
chanan, that  he  had  worked  for  the  arrest  of 
Isaac  Toucey,  that  he  had  cruelly  contrived  to 
cause  the  execution  of  Mrs.  Mary  E.  Surratt, 
and  that  he  had  caused  the  removal  of  General 
George  B.  McClellan  from  the  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  after  the  Federal  vic- 
tory at  Antietam.  Toward  the  end  of  his  re- 
marks he  spoke  in  eulogy  of  the  magnanimity 
of  General  Grant  and  President  Lincoln  in 
which  there  was  "no  thought  or  suggestion  of 
one  man 's  sovereign  grace ;  no  talk  of  the  hang- 
man's  noose.  That  was  reserved  for  a  later 
day,  and,  I  regret  to  say,  for  a  widely  different 
character."  He  closed  with  the  sentiment  that 
"the  country  should  be  congratulated  on  the 
fact  that  in  all  this  broad  land  there  has  been 
found  only  one  man  who  was  willing  to  put  it 
upon  record  in  the  American  Congress  that  in 
his  opinion  half  a  million  of  American  citizens 
could  properly  have  been  executed  because  as 
far  back  as  before  some  members  of  this  House 
were  born  they  had  entertained  views  of  duty 
different  from  those  held  by  the  gentleman 
from  Iowa.  "^^^ 

.  Two  weeks  later  Colonel  Hepburn  replied. 
After  pointing  out  numerous  inconsistencies  in 
General  Wheeler's  speech,  he  boldly  asserted 
that ' '  in  every  scrap  of  quoted  proof  the  gentle- 


ADVOCATE  OF  PENSIONS  123 

man  has  adduced  lie  has  garbled  it.  He  has  vi- 
olently wrenched  it  from  its  context  or  omitted 
material  parts,  that  had  they  been  properly 
placed  or  fully  quoted"  would  not  have  borne 
the  impression  of  treachery  or  betrayal  of  ad- 
ministration secrets  but  rather  would  have 
placed  Stanton  ''in  the  line  of  exalted  patriot- 
ism, advising  his  copatriots  as  to  dangers  im- 
pending over  their  common  country.  "^^'^ 

Tall,  well-built,  and  erect  Colonel  Hepburn 
seemed  to  typify  the  loyal  men  who  had  devoted 
their  best  efforts  to  preserve  the  Union.  As  he 
faced  the  former  enemies  of  those  men,  his 
square  jaw  and  keen  ej^es  bespoke  the  same 
courage  and  determination  with  which  the  man 
he  was  called  upon  to  defend  had  conducted 
himself.  His  plain,  eloquent  words  in  behalf 
of  the  administration  that  prosecuted  the  war 
seemed  to  disconcert  the  opposition  led  by 
Southern  members.  As  Wheeler's  assault  on 
Stanton  may  have  been  prompted  by  a  desire 
to  popularize  himself  at  home  where  loyalty  to 
the  Confederate  cause  w^as  still  received  with 
acclaim,  so  Hepburn's  reply  seemed  to  abash 
the  Democratic  leaders  while  it  inspired  the  Re- 
publicans to  renewed  activity. ^"^ 

One  after  another  he  took  up  the  charges  that 
Wheeler  had  marshalled  against  Stanton  and 
disposed  of  them  with  a  dignity  and  finality 
that  admitted  of  no  further  debate  upon  the 


124        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

subject.  So  forcibly  did  he  contrast  the  loyal 
conduct  of  the  Secretary  of  War  with  the  trea- 
sonable acts  of  Mr.  Toucey  that  ''the  duty  of 
all  loyal  hands  to  aid  in  dragging  him  down" 
seemed  obvious.  He  showed  that  General  Mc- 
Clellan  was  not  removed  until  his  incapacity 
had  been  proven  beyond  a  doubt.  Two  men,  of 
whom  one  was  the  "honest  and  honorable" 
Judge  Advocate  General,  Joseph  Holt,  he  cited 
as  authority  for  the  fact  that  Mrs.  Surratt  was 
not  a  victim  of  Stanton's  arbitrary  harshness. 
If  AVheeler  had  sincerely  wished  to  deprecate 
the  atrocities  of  the  war,  Hepburn  thought  he 
might  have  discussed  "the  cruelties  of  the  con- 
scription laws  of  the  Confederate  States" 
whereby  many  loyal  men  were  forced  into  a 
service  they  abhorred,  or  he  might  have  criti- 
cized "the  outrages  and  cruelties  of  Salisbury 
and  Andersonville".^^" 

In  reply  to  the  personal  references  in  Wheel- 
er's speech,  Hepburn  claimed  no  credit  for  the 
idea  of  hanging  traitors — that  he  had  learned 
from  Andrew  Jackson  the  study  of  whose  writ- 
ings he  commended  to  Southern  Democrats. 
Treason,  he  said,  was  defined  by  the  Constitu- 
tion to  which  General  Wheeler  had  four  times 
sworn  allegiance,  and  if  the  gentleman  "has 
levied  war  against  the  United  States ;  if  he  has 
adhered  to  its  enemies;  if  he  has  given  them 
aid  and  comfort,  he  ought  to  be  able  himself  to 


ADVOCATE  OF  PENSIONS  125 

settle  the  question  as  to  liow  lie  should  be  pun- 
ished." Hepburn  further  believed  that  the 
spirit  of  the  General's  parole  required  some- 
thing more  than  '^  merely  the  sheathing  of  the 
sword":  it  implied  that  there  should  be  ''no 
more  of  vilification  and  slander"  against  the 
government  that  granted  the  parole. 

"I  say  to  the  gentleman  that  if  he  wants 
peace",  said  Hepburn  in  conclusion,  "  if  he 
really  desires  an  era  of  good  feeling,  let  him 
keep  his  sacrilegious  hands  off  our  noble  dead. 
.  .  .  I  will  not  submit  to  have  those  men, 
whose  memories  are  embalmed  in  our  hearts, 
whose  memories  we  revere,  the  recollection  of 
whose  heroism,  whose  matchless  services, 
whose  sacrifices  we  remember  —  I  will  not 
tamely  submit  to  have  them  derided,  assailed, 
misrepresented  by  him.  "^^"^ 


XVI 

State  Politics 

While  Colonel  Hepburn  earned  an  enviable 
reputation  for  industry  at  Washington  during 
his  first  three  terms  in  Congress  he  by  no  means 
neglected  his  political  duties  at  home.  Al- 
though half  of  his  constituency  was  new  in  1882 
on  account  of  the  redistricting  of  the  State/^* 
it  was  conceded  in  March  that  he  would  be  re- 
nominated without  opposition.  This  prophecy 
proved  to  be  well  founded,  for  the  Republican 
Congressional  convention  in  the  eighth  district 
named  him  by  acclamation,  and  at  the  election 
in  the  following  November  he  polled  a  majority 
of  nine  hundred  and  nine  votes  over  the  com- 
bined vote  for  Bennett,  the  Democratic  candi- 
date, and  D.  M.  Clark,  the  Greenbacker.  In 
1884  he  was  again  nominated  by  acclamation 
and  led  his  Democratic  opponent  by  nearly  two 
thousand  votes  at  the  election. ^^^ 

The  gubernatorial  campaign  of  1883  was  one 
of  the  most  spirited  political  contests  in  the 
history  of  Iowa.  Prohibition  was  the  chief 
issue.  An  amendment  to  the  constitution  pro- 
hibiting the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicat- 

126 


STATE  POLITICS  127 

ing  liquors  had  been  ratified  by  a  majority  of 
nearly  thirty  thousand  votes  in  June,  1882,  but 
had  been  declared  invalid  by  the  Supreme 
Court  in  January,  1883.  Sorely  disappointed 
the  prohibitionists  turned  their  efforts  toward 
influencing  the  political  parties  to  take  definite 
action  at  their  State  conventions  which  were  to 
be  held  during  the  summer.  The  Democrats 
adopted  a  platform  in  opposition  to  constitu- 
tional prohibition  and  advocated  "a  well  regu- 
lated license  law";  the  Greenbackers  declared 
that  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquor  should  be  prohibited  and  denounced  Gov- 
ernor Buren  R.  Sherman  "for  permitting  the 
will  of  the  people  to  be  overthrown";  while  the 
Republicans  pledged  their  party  to  the  task  of 
establishing  and  enforcing  prohibition.  But 
long  before  the  State  conventions  met,  party 
issues  were  widely  discussed  by  the  people  and 
preparations  were  made  for  an  extensive  cam- 
paign. The  newspapers  presented  the  issues 
in  every  conceivable  light  and  speakers  of  na- 
tional prominence  were  called  to  the  aid  of  their 
respective  parties. ^"^ 

Among  those  whom  the  Republicans  pressed 
into  service  was  William  P.  Hepburn.  At  the 
State  convention  he  was  chosen  as  one  of  the 
vice  presidents,  and  he  participated  in  the  re- 
nomination  of  Governor  SherTuan  who,  twenty- 
four  years  before,  had  been  admitted  to  the  bar 


128         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

upon  Hepburn's  motion.  The  attitude  of  the 
Republican  party  on  the  liquor  question  met  the 
Colonel's  whole-hearted  approval.  For  a  long 
time  he  had  been  "a  prominent  lecturer  and 
worker  in  the  temperance  cause":  in  1881  he 
had  been  one  of  the  leaders  in  organizing  the 
movement  for  constitutional  prohibition  in 
Iowa;  while  in  Congress  he  had  served  on  the 
Alcoholic  Liquor  Traffic  Committee  and  had 
combated  the  prevalent  idea  that  the  liquor  in- 
dustry was  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  coun- 
try. "The  stoppage  of  every  one  of  the  844 
distilleries  would  have  no  more  effect  upon  the 
price  of  corn  than  the  passing  summer  shower 
would  have  on  the  back  of  a  duck",  he  ex- 
claimed, while  as  to  the  claim  that  the  revenue 
from  the  liquor  business  built  the  nation's  pub- 
lic improvements  he  declared  that  whiskey  was 
indeed  responsible  for  many  of  our  public  edi- 
fices but  not  for  "our  capitols,  not  our  semina- 
ries of  learning,  nor  yet  our  schools  of  art.  It 
has  erected  our  jails  and  poorhouses,  our  in- 
sane hospitals,  and  our  penitentiaries;  and 
here  and  there  a  gibbet  is  seen  in  the  land  that 
it  too  has  erected."  It  was  his  belief  that  "the 
'industry'  might  cease  to  be  and  no  man  would 
be  the  worse  for  its  disappearance.  But  all 
men  in  every  strata  of  society  would  have  add- 
ed prosperity,  added  blessing,  additional  hope. 
.     .     .     No  day  ever  dawned  upon  the  nation  or 


STATE  POLITICS  129 

people  brighter  or  more  fraught  with  blessing 
than  that  good  day  coming  when  the  evil  flow- 
ing from  this  'industry'  shall  by  wise  prohibi- 
tory laws,  backed  by  a  more  perfect  civilization, 
be  driven  from  the  land."^^^ 

The  most  spectacular  feature  of  the  political 
campaign  in  1883  was  a  series  of  eleven  joint 
debates  arranged  between  Governor  Sherman 
and  L.  G.  Kinne,  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
Governor.  James  B.  Weaver,  the  Greenback 
nominee,  asked  the  privilege  of  participating  in 
the  discussions,  but  his  request  was  refused. 
Thereupon  he  shrewdly  made  appointments  in. 
the  evening  of  the  same  days  and  at  the  same 
places  where  the  joint  debates  were  to  be  held 
in  the  afternoon, ^^- 

The  first  meeting  was  at  Independence  on 
x\ugust  29th.  After  the  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic nominees  had  finished  their  speeches 
General  Weaver  asked  the  privilege  of  making 
an  announcement,  but  the  Republican  cam- 
paign manager  shouted:  **Sit  down,  this  is  our 
meeting."  It  was  proposed  that  the  General 
engage  in  a  debate  that  evening  with  Colonel 
Hepburn,  but  Weaver  refused  to  debate  with 
anyone  except  candidates  for  Governor.  The 
Republicans  then  announced  that  Hepburn 
would  speak  after  Weaver,  but  when  the  Gen- 
eral came  upon  the  platform  in  the  evening  he 
declared,  ''I  can  now  say  to  the  Republicans 
10 


130         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

that  this  is  my  meeting  and  no  Republican  shall 
speak  from  this  platform  this  evening-,  and 
there  are  a  thousand  men  in  this  audience  who 
will  see  that  he  don't."  So  Colonel  Hepburn 
had  to  be  content  with  delivering  his  speech  at 
Independence  two  days  later.^^^ 

In  his  address  at  Independence  the  Colonel 
first  cautioned  the  young  men  who  were  soon 
to  form  their  political  affiliations  to  think  well 
before  they  became  allied  with  the  Democratic 
party  which  had  supported  slavery,  opposed  in- 
ternal improvements,  encouraged  wild  cat 
banking,  attempted  to  thwart  the  government 
in  putting  down  the  rebellion,  and  befriended 
foreign  labor  instead  of  fostering  American  in- 
dustries. He  then  replied  to  General  Weaver's 
attack  upon  the  integrity  of  William  B.  Allison, 
and  ended  with  an  extended  discussion  of  the 
liquor  situation.  He  appealed  to  "all  who  are 
on  the  Prohibition  side  of  this  question  to 
stand  firmly  in  this  contest",  to  waive  their 
political  differences,  and  to  permit  a  fair  test 
of  the  prohibitory  law.  After  comparing  the 
fight  against  the  liquor  traffic  to  the  battle  of 
Lookout  Mountain  he  closed  with  these  words : 
' '  Remember  that  we  are  almost  at  the  top ;  that 
we  have  passed  up  the  mountain  side ;  that  the 
clouds  are  below  us,  not  above  us;  that  the 
storm  has  passed;  that  we  have  gone  over  the 
outer  line  of  intrenchments.     .     .     .     that  we 


STATE  POLITICS  131 

will  have  a  grand,  glorious,  overwhelming  vic- 
tory if  we  but  stand  in  our  places,  moving 
shoulder  to  shoulder,  keeping  our  lines  well 
dressed  and  directing  all  our  energies  toward 
overcoming  the  common  foe.  "^'-^^ 

While  the  liquor  question  was  the  dominant 
issue  in  Iowa  during  the  campaign  of  1883,  it 
was  overshadowed  during  the  years  that  fol- 
lowed by  the  transportation  problem.  This  was 
one  of  the  most  complex  periods  in  American 
politics  —  a  period  characterized  by  the  "in- 
creasing influence  of  economic  forces  upon  the 
course  of  politics".  Continued  hard  times 
among  the  farmers  due  to  over-production,  the 
financial  situation,  trusts,  speculation  in  farm 
products,  and  exorbitant  transportation  rates 
caused  the  agricultural  classes  to  organize  for 
relief  through  political  channels.  A  tendency 
among  voters  to  break  away  from  the  old  par- 
ties gave  an  unusual  advantage  to  the  so-called 
independent  candidates  who  made  big  promises 
of  financial  reform,  anti-monopoly  legislation, 
and  railroad  regulation. ^^^ 

During  the  spring  of  1886  there  seemed  to  be 
little  doubt  in  the  eighth  district  that  William 
P.  Hepburn  Avould  be  his  own  successor  in  Con- 
gress. **We  think  the  people  of  the  8th  district 
will  serve  themselves  best  by  retaining  Mr. 
Hepburn  in  the  House  until  such  time  as  he 
may  be  called  to  the  Senate",  wrote  the  editor 


132         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

of  the  Centerville  Citizen  on  May  12tli.^»«  A 
week  later  lie  congratulated  the  people  of  that 
district  "on  being  represented  by  a  man  who 
occupied  so  prominent  a  position  among  the 
noted  men  of  the  nation"  and  predicted  that 
the  Colonel's  constituents  would  be  "slow  to 
exchange  him  for  a  new  and  untried  man." 
His  work  of  protecting  Iowa  cattle  from  pleuro- 
pneumonia brought  into  the  State  by  Texas 
herds,  his  efforts  to  impose  a  tax  on  oleomar- 
garine and  to  regulate  the  manufacture  and 
sale  of  bogus  butter,  and  his  support  of  meas- 
ures to  relieve  settlers  in  the  Des  Moines  Val- 
ley by  quieting  the  title  to  the  "Des  Moines 
River  lands"  secured  the  good  will  of  the 
farmers. ^■^' 

The  Republican  Congressional  convention 
which  met  in  Chariton  on  June  16th  nominated 
Colonel  Hepburn  on  the  first  formal  ballot  with 
only  two  dissenting  votes.  Furthermore,  the 
convention  resolved  to  "endorse  and  sustain 
him  in  his  gallant  defense  of  the  Union  cause 
and  of  our  Union  heroes,  living  and  dead;  in 
his  bold  and  outspoken  exposition  of  Demo- 
cratic frauds,  shams  and  steals;  in  his  grand 
fight  in  the  interest  of  that  great  AVestern  in- 
dustry, the  dairy,  in  being  a  true  man,  true  to 
the  public  and  private  interest  of  his  District 
and  of  the  State  and  Nation.  "^^^ 

In  the  midst  of  apparent  harmony,  however, 


STATE  POLITICS  133 

there  was  one  discordant  element :  on  the  in- 
formal ballot  in  the  convention  twelve  dele- 
gates had  cast  their  votes  for  Major  Albert  R. 
Anderson  of  Fremont  County.  It  was  in 
April,  1886,  that  Fremont  County  had  been 
added  to  the  eighth  district  —  an  event  f raug-ht 
with  importance  in  connection  with  the  Con- 
gressional campaign  of  that  year.  At  Imogene 
in  Fremont  County  a  public  meeting  was  held 
on  July  10th  at  which  Major  Anderson  was 
brought  out  as  an  independent  candidate  for 
Congress  on  a  platform  favoring  tariff  for 
revenue  only  and  opposing  railroad  pools  and 
special  rates.  Twelve  days  later  his  candidacy 
and  the  Imogene  platform  were  endorsed  by  the 
Democratic-Greenback  fusion  convention  at 
Osceola.  So  the  race  for  Congress  in  the  eighth 
district  became  a  choice  between  two  Repub- 
licans. Both  candidates  had  good  military 
records  and  both  had  been  aggressive  partisans 
in  the  Republican  party.  Major  Anderson  had 
become  a  '^ democrat  and  greenback  'for  reve- 
nue only.'  "i«» 

On  August  21st  Colonel  Hepburn  opened  his 
campaign  at  Shenandoah  with  a  speech  in 
which  he  assured  the  people  that  while  he  had 
been  in  Congress  he  had  voted  with  his  party 
and  as  his  constituents  would  have  done  on 
every  occasion.  He  admitted  that  he  did  not 
vote  for  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver 


134        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

because  that  would  have  enabled  the  silver 
mine  owners  (less  than  twenty-five  men)  to 
take  their  silver  to  the  mint  and  receive  for  it 
approximately  one-fourth  more  silver  dollars 
than  the  value  of  the  bullion  —  a  clear  profit  of 
twenty-five  cents  on  every  dollar  coined.  That 
he  was  a  friend  of  monopolies  he  emphatically 
denied,  and  cited  as  proof  his  votes  for  the 
forfeiture  of  millions  of  acres  of  public  land 
that  had  been  granted  to  railroads.^*^^ 

In  discussing  the  transportation  question  he 
simply  reiterated  the  arguments  he  had  used 
on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
He  explained  that  he  had  favored  the  Cullom 
Bill  and  voted  against  the  Reagan  Bill  because 
every  advantage  claimed  for  the  Reagan  Bill 
was  provided  by  the  Cullom  Bill,  and  in  addi- 
tion the  latter  established  a  commission  to  in- 
vestigate all  complaints  against  the  railroads. 
As  he  had  said  a  month  earlier  in  Congress, 
the  Reagan  Bill  simply  recommended  "the  ag- 
grieved individual  to  litigation  —  litigation  in 
the  courts,  in  which  all  the  odds  of  wealth,  ex- 
perience, and  knowledge  of  the  subject-matter 
involved  are  against  him.  .  .  .  Under  the 
other  bill  this  is  not  true.  He  has  a  friend  at 
court.  It  becomes  under  the  Cullom  bill  the 
duty  of  the  commission  —  skilled  men,  experts 
on  the  subject  of  transportation  —  to  investi- 
gate for  him  and  ascertain  the  very  facts,  to 


STATE  POLITICS  135 

furnish  the  very  proofs  of  all  that  he  may 
need."  Furthermore,  he  pointed  out  that  while 
the  Reagan  Bill  prohibited  only  the  pooling  of 
earnings  the  Cullom  Bill  made  it  unlawful  also 
for  different  and  competing  railroads  to  com- 
bine for  the  pooling  of  freights  in  the  interest 
of  exorbitant  rates  —  a  much  more  serious  of- 
fense. While  the  public  need  have  little  con- 
cern with  the  disposal  of  railroad  earnings,  the 
way  those  earnings  were  secured  was  of  vital 
interest  to  everyone.-^  ^ 

The  inconsistency  of  Major  Anderson's  posi- 
tion as  an  anti-monopolist  was  disclosed  by 
reading  from  the  reports  he  had  made  as  a 
State  railroad  commissioner.  ^4t  appeared  that 
he  had  consistently  concurred  in  decisions  fa- 
voring pools  and  special  rates  and  had  re- 
nounced all  power  of  the  State  over  interstate 
commerce  until  the  last  month  of  his  term  as 
railroad  commissioner.  But  when  he  learned 
that  he  would  not  be  reappointed  he  handed 
down  a  decision  in  the  Barber  buggy  case  in 
which  he  held  that  the  State  could  prevent  un- 
just discrimination  and  unreasonable  freight 
rates  even  though  the  freight  crossed  a  State 
line  in  transit.  On  this  one  decision  he  based 
his  claim  to  be  considered  a  friend  of  the  peo- 
ple in  their  fight  against  railroad  monopoly.""^ 

The  attitude  of  the  Republicans  toward  the 
contest  in  the  eighth  district  was  reflected  in 


136        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

the  State  convention  on  August  25th.  Colonel 
Hepburn  was  ''greeted  by  round  after  round 
of  applause"  when  he  took  his  place  as  perma- 
nent chairman,  while  the  Anderson  delegates 
from  Fremont  County  failed  to  be  seated. 
Earlier  in  the  summer  talk  of  Anderson's  elec- 
tion had  been  characterized  as  "arrant  non- 
sense", and  the  action  in  the  Republican  con- 
vention seemed  to  justify  that  assertion.-"'^ 

Whether  Major  Anderson  felt  that  his  record 
on  the  railroad  question  was  unfavorable  or 
w^hether  he  feared  Colonel  Hepburn's  skill  in 
debate  he  seems  to  have  been  reluctant  to  en- 
gage in  a  series  of  joint  discussions.  When 
W.  0.  Crosby,  the  chairman  of  the  Republican 
district  committee,  proposed  some  joint  debates 
and  suggested  the  places,  dates,  and  rules  An- 
derson replied:  "I  must  beg  leave  to  suggest 
to  5^ou,  my  dear  sir,  that  my  candidacy  is  not 
instituted  altogether  with  reference  to  the 
pleasure  of  your  candidate,  and  that  I  shall 
ask  to  have  somewhat  to  say  as  to  the  conduct 
of  my  part  in  the  canvass  in  this  district".  So 
he  fixed  the  dates  for  eleven  joint  discussions. 
Mr.  Crosby  then  named  the  county  seats  as 
proper  places  and  left  the  order  of  speaking  to 
be  determined  by  Major  Anderson  within  ten 
days.  This  arrangement  was  "entirely  satis- 
factory" to  the  Major,  "save  as  to  permitting 
you  to  name  the  places  where  the  joint  debates 


STATE  POLITICS  137 

are  to  be  held.  I  do  not  consent  in  each  in- 
stance to  the  county  seat  and  will  send  you  with- 
in the  ten  days  the  names  of  places  where  I 
desire  the  joint  debates,  as  w^ell  as  the  order  of 
discussion."-*'^ 

The  first  of  the  joint  debates  was  held  in 
Centerville  on  September  18tli.  Both  candi- 
dates spent  most  of  their  time  discussing-  the 
transportation  problem.  Major  Anderson  be- 
gan by  declaring  that  he  was  a  good  Repub- 
lican and  asking  forgiveness  from  the  Demo- 
crats and  Greenbackers  for  the  hard  things  he 
had  said  of  them.  After  mentioning  the  tariff 
he  launched  into  the  railroad  question.  Pool- 
ing by  railroads  he  pronounced  to  be  criminal. 
He  expatiated  on  the  merits  of  the  Reagan 
Bill  and  denounced  his  opponent  for  support- 
ing the  Cullom  Bill,  to  which  he  objected  on 
account  of  the  provision  for  an  interstate  com- 
merce commission  which  he  feared  would  be- 
come a  tool  of  the  railroads. 

In  reply  Colonel  Hepburn  showed  that  the 
Major  had  materially  changed  his  views  on  the 
subject  of  railroad  pools  since,  as  a  railroad 
commissioner,  he  had  explained  that  the  break- 
ing of  the  pool  in  southwestern  Iowa  was  detri- 
mental to  the  mercantile  interests  of  the 
country.  Moreover,  if  Anderson  had  always 
believed  that  pools  were  criminal,  why  had  he 
not  taken  cognizance  of  the  violation  of  the  law 


138         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

when  he  was  prosecuting  attorney  of  the  dis- 
trict in  which  the  southwestern  pool  was 
located.  The  Colonel  then  spoke  of  the  advan- 
tages of  the  Cullom  Bill  and  ridiculed  Ander- 
son's intimation  that  there  were  not  five  honest 
men  in  the  United  States  to  compose  an  inter- 
state commerce  commission.  As  an  additional 
reason  for  his  support  of  that  measure  he  read 
a  concurrent  resolution,  passed  by  the  Twenty- 
first  General  Assembly  with  only  one  dissent- 
ing vote,  instructing  the  members  of  Congress 
from  Iowa  to  vote  for  the  Cullom  Bill.  Turn- 
ing toward  Edward  J.  Gault,  one  of  Anderson's 
ardent  supporters,  he  charged  him  with  voting 
in  the  State  Senate  not  six  months  before  for 
this  identical  resolution.^*^^ 

As  the  campaign  progressed  interest  centered 
more  and  more  in  the  transportation  question. 
In  spite  of  Colonel  Hepburn's  best  efforts  and 
the  convincing  support  of  "Tama  Jim"  Wilson, 
the  agricultural  classes  clung  to  the  belief  that 
only  the  most  drastic  measures  would  be  suc- 
cessful in  regulating  the  railroads.  Perhaps 
the  cartoons  and  powerful  editorials  published 
by  Henry  Wallace  in  the  Homestead  did  more 
than  anything  else  to  alienate  the  farmers.^*^** 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  combination  of 
circumstances  which  caused  the  political  hys- 
teria in  the  eighth  district  in  1886  the  result 
was  the  election  of  Albert  R.  Anderson  by  a 


STATE  POLITICS  139 

majority  of  twenty-two  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  votes.  Hepburn  received  a  narrow  ma- 
jority in  only  four  counties,  all  in  the  eastern 
half  of  the  district ;  while  Anderson  carried  his 
home  county  alone  by  seventeen  hundred  and 
ninety-six  votes.  Thus  it  was  that  Fremont 
County  not  only  furnished  the  candidate  who 
defeated  Colonel  Hepburn  but  contributed  all 
but  four  hundred  and  twenty-nine  votes  of 
Major  Anderson's  majority .^^"^ 

Unlike  many  Congressmen  who  fail  to  be  re- 
elected, Colonel  Hepburn  disdained  to  haunt 
the  White  House 

Crooking  the  pregnant  hinges  of  the  knee 
That  thrift  may  follow  fawning. 

When  he  found  himself  again  in  private  life  on 
March  5,  1887,  he  began  once  more  the  practice 
of  law.  On  May  24th  he  received  a  letter  from 
his  friend  Robert  Harris,  a  high  official  of  the 
Northern  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  inquiring : 
"Would  you  be  willing  to  entertain  the  idea  of 
going  to  St.  Paul  as  the  Attorney  of  this  Com- 
pany?" From  the  correspondence  that  fol- 
lowed it  appears  that  Colonel  Hepburn  was 
entirely  willing,  but  for  some  reason  the  ar- 
rangement was  never  made.  ''If  you  have  not 
selected  some  large  city  for  your  future  field 
of  work  I  know  of  no  such  promising  condi- 


140         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

tions  as  those  which  exist  in  Washington  Terri- 
tory", wrote  Mr.  Harris  in  November.-^^ 

By  that  time,  however,  the  Colonel  was  se- 
riously considering  his  chances  of  being  elected 
to  succeed  James  F.  Wilson  in  the  United 
States  Senate.  As  early  as  March  2,  1887,  fol- 
lowing his  eloquent  invective  against  those 
who  sustained  President  Cleveland's  veto  of 
the  Dependent  Pensions  Bill,  a  friendly  news- 
paper suggested  that  "Iowa  should  send  a  sol- 
dier to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  that  that 
soldier  should  be  Hon.  W.  P.  Hepburn."  In 
April  it  was  said  that  the  sentiment  in  favor  of 
sending  an  old  soldier  to  the  Senate  was  grow- 
ing very  fast  and  was  likely  to  "become  a 
sweeping  tornado,  carrying  everything  before 
it,  in  which  case  the  only  person  who  would  be 
named  for  the  position  would  be  Col.  W.  P. 
Hepburn  of  Clarinda".  The  fact  that  there 
w^ere  twenty-four  ex-Confederates  and  only 
nine  Union  soldiers  in  the  Senate  augured 
strongly  in  his  favor.  Moreover,  the  sugges- 
tion that  a  man  should  be  selected  from  the 
western  part  of  the  State  favored  Hepburn's 
candidacy.-"'-^ 

As  the  time  drew  near  for  the  General  As- 
sembly to  convene  both  Wilson  and  Hepburn 
established  headquarters  at  the  Kirkwood  Ho- 
tel in  Des  Moines.  The  Colonel  was  greeted 
warmly  by  his  many  admirers,  and  during  the 


STATE  POLITICS  141 

next  few  days  the  political  pot  boiled  furiously. 
Although  the  opposition  to  Wilson  was  de- 
cided, it  was  unorganized :  some  favored  Judge 
J.  R.  Reed  of  Council  Bluffs,  while  others  were 
for  Governor  William  Larrabee.  Most  of 
Hepburn's  support  came  from  his  friends  in 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic.-^" 

On  the  evening  of  January  10,  1888,  the  Re- 
publican caucus  met  to  select  the  party  candi- 
date. It  appears  that  the  meeting  was  called 
at  an  unusually  early  date  and  in  an  irregular 
manner,  much  to  the  vexation  of  the  Hepburn 
contingent.  When  the  caucus  had  been  called 
to  order  a  motion  to  postpone  nomination  was 
defeated  by  a  vote  of  forty-seven  to  forty-five. 
Thereupon  Timothy  J.  Caldwell  withdrew  the 
name  of  William  P.  Hepburn  in  an  impassioned 
speech,  charging  the  Republican  party  with  be- 
ing profuse  in  praise  of  the  old  soldiers  but  fail- 
ing to  do  anything  for  them  when  it  came  to 
offices.  With  Hepburn  out  of  the  race  Wilson 
was  nominated  by  a  large  majority.  Neverthe- 
less it  was  "a  compliment  no  less  to  the  indi- 
vidual than  the  principle  involved  that  without 
any  preliminary  organization,  and  in  the  face 
of  every  disadvantage  in  the  conditions  of  the 
contest,"  Colonel  Hepburn  had  ''showed  a  posi- 
tive strength  that  forshadowed  his  nomination 
had  the  caucus  been  held  at  the  usual  time."-^^ 

On  March  21,  1888,  the  Republicans  of  Iowa 


142         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

assembled  in  Des  Moines  for  the  purpose  of 
presenting  to  the  nation  a  candidate  for  the  of- 
fice of  President  of  the  United  States.  In  a 
brilliant  speech  the  famous  young  orator,  J,  P. 
Dolliver,  proposed  the  name  of  William  B. 
Allison,  "a  representative  western  statesman". 
Following  the  adoption  of  resolutions  portray- 
ing the  character  and  ability  of  Senator  Allison 
a  number  of  the  leading  Republicans  of  Iowa 
addressed  the  convention.  William  P.  Hep- 
burn, one  of  the  delegates  selected  to  attend  the 
national  convention  in  Chicago,  delivered  a 
stirring  speech,  and  again  at  the  big  ratifica- 
tion meeting  in  the  evening  his  remarks  were 
greeted  with  hearty  cheers.^ ^^ 

More  than  a  week  before  the  national  con- 
vention was  called  to  order  on  June  19,  1888, 
many  of  the  Iowa  delegates,  including  Colonel 
Hepburn  who  was  "sl  host  in  himself",  were  in 
Chicago  doing  good  service  for  Senator  Allison. 
During  the  first  two  days  of  the  convention  the 
Colonel  was  kept  busy  vnth.  his  duties  as  the 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  credentials. 
About  noon  on  the  third  day  the  nominations 
for  President  began.  As  the  roll  of  the  States 
was  called  Illinois  was  the  first  to  respond,  and 
for  a  few  moments  the  convention  hall  rang 
with  the  name  of  Walter  Q.  Gresham.  Then 
came  Indiana ;  and  Albert  G-.  Porter  presented 
the  name  of  Benjamin  Harrison. 


STATE  POLITICS  143 

It  was  three  forty-five  o  'clock  when  the  secre- 
tary called  the  State  of  Iowa.  Amid  tremen- 
dous cheers  Colonel  Hepburn  ascended  the 
platform  and  commenced  to  speak.  *'It  is  the 
laudable  ambition  of  every  member  of  this  con- 
vention that  today  we  pursue  such  a  course  as 
to  deserve  and  mn  success  at  the  end  of  this 
campaign",  he  began.  After  extolling  the  vir- 
tues of  the  Republican  party  he  announced  that 
the  State  of  Iowa  bade  him  name  William  B. 
Allison  as  a  man  fit  to  be  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  For  a  few  moments  the  speaker 
was  interrupted  by  cheers  and  then  he  con- 
tinued. '^Of  all  living  men  he  is  the  one  we 
most  do  honor.  Iowa  asks  his  selection.  It  is 
the  prayer  of  that  State  that  has  been  more 
true  to  Republicanism  than  all  others  that  have 
been  truest.  All  others  have  sometimes  wa- 
vered. Iowa  never.  In  all  others  at  some  time 
in  your  history  some  part  of  your  ticket  has  met 
defeat.  In  Iowa  never.  In  thirty-four  years 
of  consecutive  victory  no  man  has  been  inducted 
into  a  State  office  or  been  accredited  to  the  Na- 
tional Senate  who  did  not  follow  your  flag  and 
march  in  your  column.  "-^^ 

For  fully  half  an  hour  Colonel  Hepburn 
spoke  of  the  record  of  Mr.  Allison,  written  in 
the  legislation  of  a  quarter  of  a  century.  There 
were  bursts  of  applause  as  he  declared  that  the 
people  would  not  find  Allison  ''usurping  the 


144        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

functions  of  a  coordinate  branch  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  hundreds  of  times  thwarting  the  legis- 
lative will  by  a  reckless  and  wanton  use  of  the 
veto  power",  "sneering  at  the  old  veterans", 
"returning  Rebel  flags,  those  honored  trophies 
of  grand  victories,  to  Rebel  archives",  or  "pal- 
tering about  home  rule  in  Ireland"  and  then 
consenting  to  the  disfranchisement  of  six  hun- 
dred thousand  free  American  citizens  by  keep- 
ing "the  name  of  Dakota  from  the  shield  that 
designates  a  State."  On  the  contrary  the 
Colonel  predicted  that  Iowa's  favorite  son 
would  be  "true  to  country  and  the  principles  of 
our  party.  Wise  in  determining  the  better 
course,  courageous  in  pursuing  it,  honest  in  the 
administration  of  public  affairs,  calm,  deliber- 
ate, conservative,  kind  and  honest,  giving  the 
country  an  administration  that  would  meet  the 
demand  and  secure  the  benediction  of  a  con- 
tented people."  As  the  speech  closed  there  was 
prolonged  cheering  led  by  the  Iowa  delegation 
and  swelled  by  Maryland  and  the  Territories.^^-^ 
Before  the  convention  adjourned  that  evening 
five  more  candidates  had  been  named.  The 
balloting  began  on  the  following  day  without 
any  indication  of  the  final  result.  At  one  time 
a  number  of  influential  delegates,  representing 
enough  votes  to  nominate,  held  a  meeting  and 
agreed  to  swing  the  convention  to  Allison ;  but 
at  the  last  moment  the  New  York  delegation  re- 


STATE  POLITICS  145 

fused  to  support  a  candidate  who  represented 
the  agrarian  element.  The  result  was  the  nomi- 
nation of  Benjamin  Harrison.^ ^^ 

Colonel  Hepburn  returned  from  a  trip  to 
Washington  and  New  York  just  in  time  to  cast 
his  vote  for  Harrison  on  January  14,  1889, 
along  with  the  other  Presidential  electors  in 
Iowa.  About  the  same  time  rumors  began  to 
circulate  in  the  national  capital  to  the  effect 
that  ''Pete"  Hepburn  was  booked  for  a  place  in 
Harrison's  Cabinet.  There  seemed  to  be  "a 
great  deal  in  the  Hepburn  movement",  accord- 
ing to  one  dispatch  from  Washington.  By  the 
first  of  February,  however,  when  Allison  re- 
fused to  become  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  it 
was  generally  believed  that  there  would  be  no 
Cabinet  position  open  to  an  Iowa  man.-^*' 

On  the  eve  of  the  President's  inauguration 
Hepburn  was  mentioned  for  the  office  of  Com- 
missioner of  Patents.  Indeed,  nearly  a  month 
before  he  had  been  promised  the  support  of 
many  prominent  Republicans  and  the  entire 
Iowa  delegation  in  Congress  if  he  would  apply 
for  the  position.  It  appears,  however,  that  he 
had  hopes  of  being  placed  on  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission.  His  friend,  Robert 
Harris,  wrote  a  strong  recommendation  to  Vice 
President  Levi  P.  Morton  and  Senator  William 
M.  Evarts  in  which  he  declared  that  while  Hep- 
burn was  the  attorney  for  the  Chicago,  Burling- 

11 


146         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

ton,  and  Quincy  Railroad  Company  in  Iowa  the 
Colonel  had  "by  his  fair  and  broad  spirit, 
earnest  sympathy  with  the  community,  his  ab- 
solute integrity  and  his  ability  as  a  lawyer 
greatly  aided  the  managers  in  keeping  in  ac- 
cord with  the  public.  "^^"^ 

John  M.  Thurston,  general  attorney  for  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  declared  that 
he  could  not  "express  in  the  English  language 
the  high  appreciation ' '  he  entertained  for  Hep- 
burn and  urged  the  Nebraska  delegation  in 
Congress  to  join  in  presenting  the  Colonel's 
name  for  a  place  on  the  Commission.  To  the 
President  he  felt  "no  hesitation  in  saying"  that 
W.  P.  Hepburn  was  the  best  man  who  could  "be 
found  for  this  position  in  the  United  States  and 
his  appointment  would  give  unqualified  satis- 
faction to  the  whole  western  people.  "^^^ 

Grenville  M.  Dodge  informed  the  President 
that  the  "unquestioned  ability,  integrity  and 
fairness"  of  Mr.  Hepburn  "eminently  fitted" 
him  to  be  a  member  of  the  Commission.  Ap- 
parently President  Harrison  had  plans  of  his 
own,  however,  for  on  April  16,  1889,  "reposing 
special  trust  and  confidence  in  the  Integrity, 
Ability  and  Learning  of  William  P.  Hepburn 
of  Iowa"  he  appointed  him  to  the  office  of  So- 
licitor of  the  Treasury.2^^ 


XVII 

Solicitor  of  the  Treasury 

The  appointment  of  William  P.  Hepburn  to  the 
office  of  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury  seems  to  have 
elicited  general  approval.  ''Please  accept  my 
humble  but  very  sincere  congratulations  upon 
your  appointment",  wrote  R.  I.  Holcombe  from 
St.  Paul.  ''It  is  not  what  you  ought  to  have, 
but  will  suffice  for  the  present.  Looking  over  a 
volume  of  British  heraldry  the  other  day,  I  find 
that  the  ancient  motto  of  the  Hepburns  of  Scot- 
land was  'Expecto' — I  wait." 

Mr.  J.  C.  Cook  had  less  faith  in  future  pros- 
pects :  although  he  was  glad  to  see  the  Colonel 
get  the  job  he  could  not  help  thinking  that  his 
friend  had  "missed  it"  in  not  going  to  Sioux 
City  to  practice  law.  That  President  Harrison 
"not  only  made  no  mistake"  but  was  "more 
than  usually  fortunate"  in  this  appointment 
was  the  opinion  expressed  in  one  newspaper. 
An  "admirable  selection"  was  the  comment  of 
another,  followed  by  the  prediction  that  Hep- 
burn would  "prove  to  be  one  of  the  strong 
men"  of  the  administration.  It  was  thought 
that  the  appointment  would  be  received  "with 

147 


148         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

unqualifiecl  and  pleasurable  acceptation"  by 
the  people  of  Iowa,  while  the  whole  country 
might  rest  assured  that  the  honor  had  gone  to 
one  who  well  deserved  it  and  who  would  ''dis- 
charge all  its  duties  mth  a  zealous  fidelity  to 
the  interests  of  the  Grovernment."^^" 

No  sooner  had  Colonel  Hepburn  entered  upon 
the  duties  of  his  office  than  the  disposal  of 
patronage  commanded  his  attention.  Hundreds 
of  letters,  burdened  with  all  sorts  of  requests, 
were  addressed  to  the  new  Solicitor  of  the 
Treasury.  Two  days  after  his  appointment 
R.  A.  Carleton  wrote :  ' '  Permit  me  to  congrat- 
ulate you.  Now  if  you  can  aid  me  in  any  way 
or  assist  me  in  getting  a  position  it  will  be  ap- 
preciated. "^-^  The  following  day  came  a  letter 
in  behalf  of  the  professor  of  German  at  Tabor 
College  who  desired  an  appointment  as  consul 
at  some  German  port.-^^  James  R.  Hartsock 
announced  his  candidacy  for  a  similar  position 
at  Jerusalem.  One  of  the  surviving  members 
of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  with  the  ''highest 
and  most  honorable  endorsements  that  have 
ever  been  issued  by  the  state  of  Minnesota", 
solicited  assistance  in  procuring  an  inspector- 
ship in  the  land  department. 

A  saucy  "little  'Reb'  "  named  Alice  Norvell 
confessed  that  the  "sharp  but  gentle  reproof" 
Colonel  Hepburn  had  administered  while  on  the 
Meridian  expedition  had  never  been  forgotten. 


SOLICITOR  OF  THE  TREASURY       149 

She  liad  married  a  staunch  Republican,  and  her 
letter  closed  with  the  request  that  her  husband 
be  appointed  postmaster.  Because  the  Colonel 
had  a  reputation  for  being  ^'so  kind  and  nice" 
a  poor  woman  was  sent  to  him  to  obtain  a  job 
sweeping  his  office.  One  suppliant  declared 
that  **one  half  of  the  time,  forethought,  anxiety, 
scheming  and  inventive  genius"  that  she  had 
exerted  to  secure  a  position  would  have  made 
her  a  '^successful  diplomat  at  a  foreign 
court.  "223 

Many  of  these  appeals  were  not  made  in  vain. 
"Kind  Sir, —  It  is  with  profound  feelings  of 
gratitude  that  I  am  prompted  to  pen  these 
lines",  wrote  a  young  woman  who  was  ''alone 
&  in  a  strange  city".  "I  cannot  express  how 
much  I  already  feel  indebted  to  you  for  your 
kindness !  Truly  I  am  the  most  happy  girl  in 
this  city  to-night ! ' '  An  old  soldier  was  thank- 
ful for  the  Colonel's  assistance  in  settling  a 
"claim  for  services  in  1864"  and  added  that  the 
"amount  is  less  than  $200.00  but  comes  good 
after  waiting  for  it  25  years."  Besides  those 
who  Avere  grateful  enough  to  express  their  ap- 
preciation there  were  probably  many  others 
whose  selfishness  rendered  it  impossible  for 
them  to  recognize  the  value  of  Hepburn's  ef- 
forts in  their  behalf.^^^ 

It  was  the  duty  of  the  Solicitor  of  the  Treas- 
urv  to  take  cognizance  of  all  frauds  on  tlie  cus- 


150        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

toms  revenue.  As  the  law  officer  of  the  Treas- 
ury Department  many  matters  arising  under 
the  customs,  na\igation,  banking,  and  registry 
laws,  and  in  the  administration  of  the  Depart- 
ment were  referred  to  him  for  examination  and 
opinion.  He  was  charged  with  the  compromise 
of  debts  and  with  the  supervision  of  suits  for 
the  collection  of  money  due  the  United  States. 
His  approval  of  contracts  and  the  bonds  of 
specified  Federal  officers  was  required.  On  sev- 
eral occasions  Solicitor  Hepburn  was  sent  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  conduct  spe- 
cial investigations  of  affairs  pertaining  to  the 
Department."  ° 

During  the  first  year  in  office  Hepburn  made 
"earnest  endeavors"  to  collect  debts  for  the 
government,  many  of  which  had  been  long  in 
abeyance.  The  dockets  of  the  office  showed  that 
the  sum  of  about  thirty-five  million  dollars  was 
due  the  United  States,  but  there  were  no  of- 
ficers particularly  responsible  for  discovering 
the  debtors  or  collecting  the  money.  The  result 
of  extensive  and  painstaking  correspondence 
with  district  attorneys  and  marshals  was  far 
from  satisfactory.  The  Solicitor  therefore  rec- 
ommended an  appropriation  of  ten  thousand 
dollars  to  be  expended  in  the  collection  of  old 
judgments. ^^"^ 

While  William  P.  Hepburn  occupied  the  of- 
fice  of   Solicitor   of  the   Treasury  more  than 


! 


SOLICITOR  OF  THE  TREASURY       151 

twenty-one  thousand  suits  were  commenced 
under  his  direction  and  nearly  as  many  dis- 
posed of.  More  than  twenty  thousand  cases 
were  decided  in  favor  of  the  United  States  or 
settled  and  dismissed.  About  four  hundred  and 
fifty  written  opinions  were  rendered  on  various 
questions  of  law  submitted  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  or  the  heads  of  bureaus  and  divi- 
sions in  the  Department.  The  number  of 
official  bonds,  contracts,  leases,  and  deeds  exam- 
ined was  approximately  four  thousand.^^"^ 

In  the  administration  of  immigration  affairs 
under  the  contract  between  the  United  States 
Treasury  Department  and  the  Board  of  Com- 
missioners of  Emigration  of  the  State  of  New 
York  differences  of  opinion  had  arisen.  On 
December  6,  1889,  Secretary  William  Windom 
requested  "William  P.  Hepburn  to  proceed  to 
New  York,  ''there  to  meet  said  commissioners, 
discuss  with  them  the  various  matters  in  con- 
troversy and  so  far  as  possible  agree  upon  a 
settlement  and  adjustment  of  said  matters." 
According  to  later  instructions  Hepburn  ''gave 
some  attention  to  the  questions  involved  in 
landing  passengers  on  Sunday"  and  extended 
his  inquiries  into  the  "methods  of  administer- 
ing the  immigrant  and  alien  contract  labor 
laws."^^^ 

On  December  31,  1889,  Solicitor  Hepburn 
made  his  report.     Under  the  system  of  manage- 


152         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ment  by  the  Emigration  Commissioners  it 
would  be  impossible,  he  stated,  to  itemize  the 
expenditure  for  the  care  of  each  particular  im- 
migrant as  the  Department  desired.  He  could 
see  no  justice  in  the  demand  that  the  United 
States  should  pay  rent  for  the  buildings  on 
Ward's  Island  used  by  the  Commissioners  as  a 
hospital,  resort,  and  insane  asylum  for  immi- 
grants, when  nearly  a  third  of  all  those  who 
arrived  at  that  port  remained  within  the  State 
of  New  York.  Neither  could  he  understand 
why  the  money  arising  from  the  sale  of  privi- 
leges to  railroad  companies,  money  changers, 
and  keepers  of  boarding  houses  to  solicit  busi- 
ness among  the  immigrants  in  Castle  Garden  — 
privileges  that  were  valuable  solely  because  the 
government  permitted  immigrants  to  land  there 
—  should  not  be  expended  for  the  benefit  of  the 
immigrants  rather  than  in  the  payment  of  ren- 
tals to  the  State  and  City  of  New  York.  Inas- 
much as  the  majority  of  the  Commissioners 
entertained  radically  different  views  no  satis- 
factory settlement  was  possible. 

In  respect  to  the  landing  of  passengers  on 
Sunday  he  reported  that  the  condition  of  the 
''steerage  of  one  of  the  great  Atlantic  steam- 
ships after  it  had  been  inhabited  for  10  or  12 
days  by  several  hundred  immigrants;  some 
from  Eussia;  some  from  Bohemia;  some  from 
Assyria ;  some  from  Italy,  each  laden  with  the 


SOLICITOR  OF  THE  TREASURY       153 

vermin  and  odors  belonging  to  his  filthy  condi- 
tion, is  by  no  means  a  pleasant  place  for  one 
who  is  gifted  with  the  sense  of  smell  or  the 
nerves  of  sensation."  It  was  Hepburn's  con- 
clusion that  the  majority  of  the  immigrants 
would  prefer  the  discomfort  of  spending  a  night 
and  nearly  two  days  in  Castle  Garden,  with 
little  to  eat  and  no  place  to  sleep  except  upon 
the  wooden  benches  or  the  floor. 

The  greater  part  of  the  report  concerned  the 
administration  of  the  immigrant  and  alien  con- 
tract labor  laws.  It  was  shown  that  the  Emi- 
gration Commissioners  were  unqualified  for 
their  duties  on  account  of  their  pre-occupation, 
their  widely  different  opinions,  and  their  lack 
of  cooperation  with  the  Collector  of  the  Port. 
Furthermore,  the  examination  of  immigrants 
thought  to  be  criminals,  idiots,  insane  persons, 
or  paupers  was  often  delayed  a  month  or  more 
before  the  Commissioners  acted.  Only  those 
immigrants  who  had  no  transportation  to  their 
destination  or  who  excited  suspicion  were  ex- 
amined to  discover  violations  of  the  contract 
labor  law.  Even  in  the  case  of  those  who  were 
examined  the  interpreters  were  so  inefficient 
and  the  imported  laborers  so  well  instructed  in 
the  answers  they  should  give  that  the  discovery 
of  any  infringement  of  the  law  was  remarkable. 

Hepburn  advised  that  the  contract  with  the 
New  York  Board  of  Commissioners  of  Emigra- 


154        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

tion  should  be  terminated  within  sixty  days,  and 
that  "the  whole  supervision  of  the  contract  la- 
bor law  and  the  immigrant  laws  should  be 
placed  under  the  direction  of  an  officer  of  the 
Treasury  Department  under  the  collector  of  the 
port  of  New  York."  He  thought  the  use  of 
Castle  Garden  and  Ward 's  Island  was  unneces- 
sary. The  immigrants  who  needed  assistance 
should  either  be  cared  for  in  a  much  smaller 
establishment  than  Ward's  Island  or  placed  in 
some  institution  of  the  city  or  county;  while 
the  barge  office  should  be  used  for  the  purposes 
of  landing  or,  if  that  proved  inadvisable,  suit- 
able buildings  should  be  erected  on  Governor's 
Island,  on  the  grounds  of  the  Navy  Yard,  or  on 
other  property  of  the  United  States.  More 
rigid  examinations  and  more  vigorous  enforce- 
ment of  the  laws  would  result  if  better  qualified 
interpreters  were  provided. 

The  report  concluded  mth  a  general  comment 
upon  the  immigration  question.  The  govern- 
ment was  warned  against  the  danger  of  allow- 
ing the  country  to  be  flooded  with  cheap  immi- 
grant labor,  and  the  importance  of  interesting 
the  prospective  citizen  in  the  conduct  of  Amer- 
ican government  was  emphasized.  ''It  ought 
not  to  be  the  policy  to  throw  any  impediment 
in  the  way  of  the  honest,  industrious,  self-sup- 
porting immigrant",  wrote  Hepburn;  ''but  jus- 
tice to  those  that  are  here  as  well  as  to  the 


SOLICITOR  OF  THE  TREASURY       155 

whole  people,  requires  that  the  criminals  or  de- 
fective classes  and  the  paupers  of  Europe 
should  not  be  sent  to  this  country,  either  by 
charitable  societies,  by  municipalities,  or  by 
foreign  governments,  and  that  the  laws  while 
kindly  administered  should  be  enforced  with 
rigor  and  with  constant  watchfulness.  .  .  . 
When  coming  to  this  country  some  of  the  immi- 
grants labor  under  many  disadvantages;  a 
stranger  to  our  laws,  our  customs,  our  methods 
of  business,  he  is  still  frequently  oppressed 
with  a  sense  of  utter  loneliness  when  he  arrives 
at  Castle  Garden,  separated  from  every  fa- 
miliar scene  and  old  friends.  He  ought  to  have 
a  kindly  greeting  under  such  circumstances. 
.  .  .  .  The  authority  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment alone  should  be  seen  and  felt.  When 
a  prospective  citizen  comes  here,  his  first  of- 
ficial relations  with  authority  should  be  with 
that  of  the  nation.  His  sense  of  first  obligation 
refers  to  it." 

This  investigation  by  the  Solicitor  of  the 
Treasury  was  in  no  small  way  responsible  for 
the  establishment  of  the  immigrant  station  on 
Ellis  Island  and  the  complete  reorganization  of 
the  immigration  service.  On  March  12,  1890, 
Congress  ordered  an  extensive  investigation  by 
special  committees.  The  result  was  the  removal 
of  the  naval  magazine  and  the  erection  of  the 
immigrant  station  on  Ellis  Island,  the  creation 


156         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

of  the  office  of  Superintendent  of  Immigration 
in  the  Treasury  Department,  the  transfer  of  all 
powers  and  duties  formerly  exercised  by  State 
boards  and  commissions  to  inspection  officers 
of  the  United  States,  the  conduct  of  medical 
examinations  by  the  Marine  Hospital  Service, 
and  the  revision  of  the  alien  contract  labor  law. 
Hepburn  was  invited  to  accompany  the  Con- 
gressional committees  to  New  York,  and  later 
he  helped  to  prepare  the  bill  that  gained  enact- 
ment.^-^ 

More  than  a  month  before  the  Board  of  Gen- 
eral Appraisers  was  established  by  the  customs 
administration  act  of  June  10,  1890,  William  P. 
Hepburn  had  expressed  a  desire  to  be  appointed 
a  member.  ''I  most  sincerely  congratulate  the 
country  at  large  on  your  candidacy  —  for  of 
your  appointment  there  can  be  no  possible 
doubt,  "wdth  the  backing  you  will  have.  .  .  . 
I  do  not  know  of  a  man  in  this  country  so  emi- 
nently fitted  by  education  and  experience  and 
natural  bent  of  mind,  for  that  place,  as  your- 
self", wrote  B.  H.  Hinds,  whom  Hepburn  had 
requested  to  secure  letters  of  recommendation 
to  the  President.  Toward  the  end  of  June  it 
appears  that  the  newspaper  men  over  the  coun- 
try expected  Colonel  Hepburn  to  be  promoted 
to  the  new  position.  By  August,  however,  the 
nine  General  Appraisers  had  been  selected  and 
he  was  not  among  the  number.-^" 


SOLICITOR  OF  THE  TREASURY       157 

In  the  latter  part  of  1890  Hepburn  was  made 
chairman  of  the  Treasury  Commission  to  in- 
vestigate the  condition  of  the  customs  adminis- 
tration in  the  port  of  New  York.^-''^  Within  six 
months  the  commissioners  examined  every 
branch  of  the  service.  They  took  over  forty 
thousand  typewritten  pages  of  testimony  and 
made  more  than  thirty  reports  upon  a  great 
variety  of  subjects.  The  request  of  the  Collec- 
tor of  the  Port  for  an  additional  clerk,  the 
Passavant  glove  case,  the  methods  of  the  con- 
tractor for  the  cartage  of  public  store  packages, 
the  advisability  of  contracting  for  labor  at  the 
public  stores,  the  methods  of  the  Surveyor  of 
the  Port  in  connection  with  the  discharge  of 
cargoes  of  imported  merchandise,  entries  by 
appraisement,  bonded  warehouses  and  store- 
keepers, the  reduction  of  expenses  at  the  port 
of  New  York,  and  a  complaint  made  by  Special 
Inspector  E.  C.  Fuller  of  alleged  interference 
in  a  seizure  case  were  typical  subjects  of  these 
reports.  The  information  enabled  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  to  make  important  recom- 
mendations for  legislation  and  to  inaug-urate 
several  changes  in  the  customs  administration 
at  New  York.232 

Special  investigations  and  the  routine  duties 
of  the  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury  made  William 
P.  Hepburn  a  very  busy  man  from  the  time  he 
accepted  the  office  until  March  3,  1893,  the  date 


158         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

of  his  resignation.  He  conducted  important  in- 
vestigations of  the  seal  industry  of  Alaska  in 
connection  with  granting  a  twenty-year  lease 
to  the  North  American  Commercial  Company 
in  1890 ;  he  was  frequently  commissioned  to  se- 
lect sites  for  public  buildings  —  the  post  offices 
at  Milwaukee  and  Davenport,  the  Long  Branch 
Life  Saving  Station,  and  the  appraisers'  ware- 
house in  New  York  City  being  notable  in- 
stances ;  and  in  the  spring  of  1892  he  was  sent 
to  San  Francisco  to  conduct  an  investigation  of 
alleged  revenue  frauds.^ ^^  Altogether  the  ad- 
ministration of  Solicitor  Hepburn  as  the  law 
officer  of  the  Treasury  Department  was  marked 
by  energy,  aggressiveness,  and  the  faithful  pro- 
tection of  public  interests.^^^ 


XVIII 

Return  to  Congress 

While  William  P.  Hepburn  was  Solicitor  of 
the  Treasury  he  found  time  to  return  to  Iowa 
each  year  and  campaign  for  his  friends.  On 
the  way  he  usually  stopped  to  make  a  few 
speeches  in  Ohio  and  Indiana.  After  canvass- 
ing the  Third  Congressional  District  of  Iowa 
for  David  B.  Henderson  in  1890  he  spoke  at  a 
number  of  towns  in  the  western  part  of  the 
State.  At  Centerville,  where  a  ''great  victori- 
ous Democratic  demonstration"  had  been 
planned,  he  encountered  James  B.  Weaver, 
whom  he  is  reported  to  have  utterly  routed, 
thereby  winning  "lots  of  votes"  for  the  Re- 
publicans. In  1891  he  attended  the  reunion  of 
the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  at  Iowa  City  on  Oc- 
tober 7th  and  8th,  addressed  a  Women's  Chris- 
tian Temperance  Union  convention  at  Creston 
on  October  9th,  and  made  speeches  in  the 
eleven  counties  of  the  Eighth  Congressional 
District.  Everywhere  the  people  heard  him 
gladly,  and  with  the  return  of  prosperity  the 
farmers  forgot  the  prejudices  which  they  had 
entertained  in  1886.-^^ 

159 


160         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

Early  in  1892  Colonel  Hepburn  began  to  re- 
ceive urgent  requests  to  become  a  candidate  for 
Congress.  Many  of  the  letters  were  from  men 
who  had  opposed  him  six  years  before,  and  as 
the  suggestion  coincided  with  his  own  prefer- 
ences "much  persuasion  was  not  required"  to 
induce  the  Colonel  to  allow  his  name  to  be  used. 
Being  in  Iowa  about  the  first  of  February  he 
cautiously  sounded  public  opinion  upon  the 
prospect  of  his  candidacy.  Major  Anderson,  he 
learned,  was  out  of  politics  and  would  ''throw 
no  straw"  in  his  way.  Indeed,  the  Major  prom- 
ised to  ''help  as  far  as  he  could".  Many  of 
"those  who  opposed  you  in  '86  believe  you 
would  be  as  strong  as  anyone  we  could  name. 
And  those  who  supported  you  in  '86,  believe 
you  much  the  strongest  candidate  we  can  name, 
while  many  of  your  former  opponents  are  like 
myself  emphatic  in  the  belief  that  you  ought  to 
be  the  nominee",  was  the  statement  of  the  situ- 
ation by  William  Eaton.-'*^ 

Although  James  P.  Flick,  the  Representative 
from  the  eighth  district,  had  decided  to  retire 
from  Congress,  Colonel  Hepburn  by  no  means 
found  a  clear  field  for  the  Republican  nomina- 
tion. Early  in  the  season  J.  B.  Harsh,  a  State 
Senator  and  the  proprietor  of  a  stock  farm 
near  Creston,  entered  the  contest.^^'^  He,  like 
many  other  good  Republicans,  conceded  that 
Hepburn  was  an  able  politician  but  doubted  the 


RETURN  TO  CONGRESS  161 

advisability  of  allowing  him  to  become  the 
party  candidate  so  soon  after  the  experience  of 
1886.  Attention  was  called  to  recent  political 
history  in  the  eighth  district.  Election  returns 
showed  that  the  Republican  majority  of  two 
thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy-seven 
votes  for  Congressman  in  1884  and  six  hundred 
and  forty-five  in  1888  had  dwindled  to  a  plural- 
ity of  a  hundred  and  sixteen  in  1890.  Further- 
more, there  seemed  to  be  no  doubt  that  the 
Democrats  and  Populists  would  unite  in  order 
to  defeat  the  Republican  candidate  in  1892.238 

In  view  of  these  facts  several  leading  news- 
papers expressed  the  opinion  that  the  Repub- 
licans of  the  eighth  district  could  not  afford  to 
make  a  mistake  in  selecting  their  candidate  for 
Congress.  The  Seymour  Press  declared  that  it 
was  not  the  time  ''to  nominate  old  party  hacks 
as  pay  for  favors  bestowed  or  with  the  hopes  of 
future  reward.  This  will  not  be  a  good  year  to 
redeem  any  man's  record  of  unpopularity,  for 
the  party's  supremacy  in  the  district  is  at  stake 
and  no  man  or  his  friends  should  put  his  suc- 
cess over  and  above  that  of  the  party."  Colonel 
Hepburn  was  told  that  his  nomination  would 
drive  all  third  party  voters  to  the  ranks  of  the 
opposition  and  that  he  could  not  depend  upon 
the  presidential  campaign  to  keep  Republicans 
in  line. 

Meanwhile  Senator  Harsh  seemed  to  receive 

12 


162         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

wide  endorsement.  He  was  known  extensively 
as  a  stock  raiser,  a  banker,  and  a  promoter  of 
the  Creston  Blue  Grass  Palace.  In  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  he  had  a  reputation  for  ability, 
energy,  fearlessness,  and  persistency.  He  had 
championed  bills  which  provided  for  the  elec- 
tion of  the  railroad  commissioners,  the  re- 
straint of  unlawful  combinations  to  raise  the 
price  of  the  necessities  of  life,  and  the  creation 
of  a  non-partisan  commission  to  revise  the 
revenue  and  taxation  laws  of  the  State  —  meas- 
ures that  were  very  popular  with  his  constitu- 
ents. His  chief  purpose  in  going  to  Congress, 
it  was  asserted,  was  to  secure  the  enactment  of 
a  law  that  would  prevent  the  "big  four"  of 
Chicago  fixing  the  price  of  every  pound  of  tneat 
raised  in  lowa.-^^ 

W.  0.  Mitchell  and  M.  L.  Temple  were  other 
candidates  who  received  local  support.  Less 
than  a  month  before  the  date  set  for  the  Repub- 
lican convention  the  editor  of  the  Creston 
Gazette  believed  that  Hepburn  was  "not  as 
strong  with  the  people  as  any  one  of  the  other 
candidates"  and  that  his  nomination  would  be 
a  dangerous  experiment.  ^ '  No  man  who  has  his 
eyes  and  ears  open  can  fail  to  note  the  mur- 
murings  of  dissatisfaction  that  are  coming  from 
all  parts  of  the  district  since  it  has  become  cer- 
tain that  Mr.  Hepburn's  nomination  was  a 
probability.     Disguise  it  as  we  may,  strive  to 


RETURN  TO  CONGRESS  163 

ignore  it  as  we  may,  whether  right  or  wrong, 
the  stubborn  fact  remains  that  there  is  among 
republican  voters  in  many  parts  of  the  district 
a  distrust  of  Mr.  Hepburn  and  a  feeling  that  he 
has  not  been  faithful  to  the  people's  interests 
in  the  past.  "2 40 

Not^vithstanding  the  apparent  strength  of 
the  other  Republican  candidates  Colonel  Hep- 
burn steadily  gained  in  popularity  as  the  time 
for  the  district  convention  approached.  Not  a 
few  Republicans  who  at  first  were  inclined  to 
oppose  him  afterward  became  ardent  workers 
in  his  behalf.  There  were  others,  like  F.  M. 
Davis  of  Corning,  who  desired  to  ''vote  for  a 
Man,  and  one  of  brains  and  sense  and  states- 
manship," whatever  his  past  record  may  have 
been.  It  was  generally  admitted  that  Hepburn 
had  the  ability,  experience,  and  standing  to  be 
of  the  utmost  service  to  his  constituents.  Dur- 
ing his  three  terms  in  Congress  he  had  intro- 
duced and  secured  the  enactment  of  fifteen 
private  bills  and  one  public  bill,  whereas  the 
total  legislation  which  had  originated  with  all 
the  other  Representatives  from  the  eighth  Iowa 
district  since  its  establishment  in  1873  —  a  pe- 
riod of  fourteen  years  —  amounted  to  three 
public  bills  and  six  private  pension  bills.  As  to 
his  position  on  the  transportation  and  trust 
problems  the  people  were  assured  that  he  was 
"entirely  divorced  from  corporate  influences" 


164        "WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

and  in  ''full  sympathy  with  them  upon  these 
important  questions  ".-^^ 

The  Republican  Congressional  convention 
met  in  Chariton  on  July  20th.  After  the  perma- 
nent organization  had  been  effected,  resolutions 
adopted,  and  the  Clarinda  glee  club  had  regaled 
the  delegates  with  song,  the  convention  pro- 
ceeded to  nominate  a  candidate  for  Congress. 
Upon  the  informal  ballot  Hepburn  received 
seventy-eight  votes.  Harsh  fifteen,  Mitchell 
ten,  and  Temple  ten.  A  formal  ballot  was 
taken  with  the  same  result  and  then  the  nomi- 
nation of  "Pete"  Hepburn  was  made  unani- 
mous "amid  the  greatest  enthusiasm."  The 
result  was  welcome  news  to  prominent  Repub- 
licans all  over  the  country.^ ^^ 

Contrary  to  predictions  the  fusion  of  the 
Democratic  and  People's  parties  failed  to  ma- 
terialize. It  was  not  long  after  the  Republican 
convention  that  ' '  there  seemed  to  be  music  in 
the  air"  among  the  Democrats  and  the  third 
party  men.  On  August  9th,  the  Populists  nomi- 
nated W.  S.  Scott  of  Appanoose  County  whom 
the  Democrats  refused  to  accept.  A  fortnight 
later  Thomas  L.  Maxwell  of  Creston,  a  man 
with  a  third  party  record,  was  nominated  by 
the  Democrats.-'*^ 

With  the  opposition  divided  Hepburn  ap- 
peared to  be  in  little  danger  of  defeat,  but  there 
was   no   cessation   of   effort   on   that   account. 


RETURN  TO  CONGRESS  165 

''Everything  looks  riglit,  but  we  want  to  keep 
'em  so  lookin'  ",  lie  wrote  in  September.  By 
October  4th,  the  Republicans,  even  in  doubtful 
counties,  were  reported  to  be  ''all  in  line"; 
while  a  month  later  they  were  "head  and  shoul- 
ders" above  the  Democrats  and  "growing 
fast.  "2^4 

Though  in  great  demand  as  a  speaker  both 
within  and  without  the  eighth  district,  the  Colo- 
nel was  not  able  to  take  part  in  the  campaign 
more  than  a  few  days  at  a  time  during  Septem- 
ber and  October.  In  the  meantime,  however, 
the  campaign  was  well  managed  by  his  friends. 
The  State  central  committee  sent  speakers  into 
the  district,  and  many  influential  men,  includ- 
ing Senator  William  B.  Allison,  volunteered 
assistance.  Indeed,  the  success  of  his  candi- 
dacy from  the  beginning  was  due  to  the  loyalty 
and  unselfishness  of  the  many  friends  who 
came  to  his  support.  So  it  was  all  through  his 
career.  Although  "Pete"  Hepburn  made  bit- 
ter enemies  he  also  made  steadfast  friends.  "I 
think  there  never  was  a  man  who  had  better, 
more  devoted  and  more  unselfish  friends  than 
I  had",  he- wrote  on  one  occasion  during  the 
campaign  of  1892.-'*^ 

Because  the  Democrats  carefully  avoided  the 
money  question  or  fused  with  the  Populists  in 
those  States  where  the  inflation  movement  was 
strong,  and  because  they  were  able  to  make 


166        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

capital  for  tariff  reform  by  pointing  to  the 
Homestead  strike  as  the  failure  of  a  highly  pro- 
tected industry  to  satisfy  labor,  the  election  on 
November  8,  1892,  sent  Grover  Cleveland  to  the 
White  House  and  gave  the  Democrats  the  con- 
trol of  both  branches  of  Congress.  Iowa,  how- 
ever, returned  a  Republican  majority  as  usual; 
and  although  Hepburn  ran  slightly  behind  the 
head  of  the  State  ticket  in  every  county  except 
Wayne,  he  received  a  plurality  of  forty-three 
hundred  and  thirty-one  votes,  which  was  a  fair 
measure  of  Republican  strength  in  the  eighth 
district.24<^ 

For  weeks  follo^\dng  the  election  Colonel 
Hepburn's  mail  was  filled  with  letters  of  con- 
gratulation from  all  parts  of  the  country.  ' '  So 
many  of  our  friends  went  under  in  the  political 
flood  this  fall  that  the  survival  of  one  here  and 
there  is  hailed  mth  especial  delight.  I  beg  that 
you  w^ll  accept  my  hearty  congratulations  on 
your  personal  victory  in  the  campaign  and  on 
the  splendid  showing  of  your  state",  was  the 
communication  he  received  from  George  W. 
Whitehead.  "Your  work  was  splendid,  you 
never  made  a  better  canvass,  all  who  heard  jou 
uliite  in  praise  of  your  good  work",  was  the 
comment  of  a  member  of  the  Republican  State 
central  committee.  Albert  B.  Cummins  thought 
everyone  in  Iowa  ' '  should  feel  proud  and  happy 
to  know  that  we  are  to  be  represented  in  the 


RETURN  TO  CONGRESS  167 

next  Congress  by  men  like  yourself  and  the 
other  successful  Republican  candidates." 
Colonel  Hepburn  started  for  Washington  on 
the  evening  of  election  day.^^^ 


XIX 

The  Currency  Question- 
No  sooner  had  Colonel  Hepburn  reached  Wash- 
ington than  his  aid  was  solicited  to  procure 
pensions  for  Civil  War  veterans.  Old  soldiers 
in  other  States  who  were  not  acquainted  with 
their  own  Representatives  wrote  to  the  Colonel 
on  account  of  his  well-known  friendship  for  the 
man  who  had  served  in  the  Union  army.  ''I 
must  congratulate  you  on  your  Election  to  Con- 
gress &  hope  that  you  will  appreciate  it",  wrote 
a  constituent  from  Hopeville,  ''but  this  is 
Enough  of  this  nonsense.  I  will  now  write  con- 
cerning my  Pending  Claim  as  you  requested". 
A  farmer  who  lived  near  Sidney  stated  that  his 
"Examashun  tuck  plase  the  14  day  of  Last  Jan- 
uary" and  that  he  had  not  "bird  one  wird  from 
it  Sence".  Many  letters  urged  Hepburn  to  use 
his  influence  to  have  pending  claims  adjusted 
before  the  inauguration  of  President  Cleveland 
on  the  fourth  of  March,  1893.2^« 

But  the  flood  of  correspondence  from  old  sol- 
diers did  not  cease  with  Cleveland's  adminis- 
tration. In  1907  Colonel  Hepburn  estimated 
that  he  had  received  fifty  thousand  letters  re- 

168 


CURRENCY  QUESTION  169 

lating  to  pensions  during  the  time  he  had  been 
in  Congress.  All  of  these  letters  were  accorded 
prompt  attention.  Indeed,  he  felt  that  a  Con- 
gressman should  be  a  friend  of  the  people  to 
whom  they  might  appeal  in  confidence  for  aid 
in  transacting  their  business  with  the  govern- 
ment at  Washington.^'*^ 

Although,  as  he  sometimes  suggested  to  of- 
ficious constituents,  it  was  not  a  part  of  his 
duty  to  endorse  pension  claims  he  was  always 
glad  to  help  his  comrades.  Despite  the  fact 
that  only  four  per  cent  of  the  voters  in  the 
eighth  district  had  served  in  the  Union  Army 
more  than  half  of  the  Federal  positions  were 
filled  by  veterans  or  their  sons  upon  his  recom- 
mendation. He  improved  every  opportunity  to 
widen  the  scope  of  pension  legislation  and  to 
increase  its  value.  Nearly  sixty  old  soldiers  or 
their  widows  were  placed  on  the  pension  rolls 
by  private  bills  which  he  introduced  and  fos- 
tered.-^« 

Hepburn  defended  the  pension  system  not 
only  on  the  ground  that  the  Union  soldiers  had 
earned  the  recognition  of  a  grateful  nation,  but 
also  as  an  essential  part  of  the  volunteer 
scheme  of  military  organization.  ''The  pen- 
sion", said  he,  ''is  a  part  of  a  contract.  The 
law  authorizing  the  pension  goes  hand  in  hand 
w^ith  the  law  calling  for  the  volunteer.  The 
pension  is  a  part  of  the  compensation."     Its 


170        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

purpose  ''is  to  equalize,  as  nearly  as  possible, 
the  earning  capacity  of  the  men  who  are  in- 
jured in  the  military  service  and  those  who  are 
not. ' '  Even  from  the  standpoint  of  economy  — 
measured  in  dollars  and  cents  —  he  showed  that 
the  cost  of  pensions  for  volunteers  was  far  less 
expensive  than  the  maintenance  of  a  standing 
army.^^^ 

When  the  Fifty-third  Congress  convened  on 
August  7,  1893,  it  was  the  first  time  since  the 
Civil  War  that  the  Democrats  had  control  of 
both  the  executive  and  legislative  branches  of 
the  Federal  government.  Democrats  had  been 
elected  to  Congress  on  the  promise  of  reform- 
ing the  McKinley  tariff  and  of  revising  the 
currency  legislation;  and  now,  in  view  of  the 
perilous  financial  condition  of  the  country. 
President  Cleveland  had  called  a  special  session 
for  the  express  purpose  of  repealing  the  Sher- 
man Silver  Purchase  Act  of  1890.  The  opera- 
tion of  that  law,  the  President  believed,  was 
chiefly  responsible  for  the  depletion  of  the  gold 
reserve.  ''At  this  stage",  he  wrote,  "gold  and 
silver  must  part  company  and  the  Government 
must  fail  in  its  established  policy  to  maintain 
the  two  metals  on  a  parity  with  each  other.  "^^^ 

Enormous  pressure  was  brought  to  bear  upon 
Republicans  and  free  silver  Democrats :  they 
were  exhorted  to  rise  above  the  plane  of  party 
politics  and  patriotically  hasten  to  the  rescue 


CUKRENCY  QUESTION  171 

of  prostrate  business.  It  was  this  appeal  for 
non-partisansliip  that  brought  Colonel  Hepburn 
to  his  feet.  The  President,  he  said,  ''seeks  to 
utilize  a  condition  of  public  distress  and  by  its 
use  persuade  Republicans  in  aiding  his  party  to 
take  the  first  step  toward  the  permanent  disuse 
of  silver  as  one  of  the  money  metals  of  this 
country."  For  his  part  he  was  tired  of  the 
talk  of  non-partisanship.  "I  am  a  Republi- 
can", he  declared,  "because  I  believe  Repub- 
licanism to  be  right  to-day  as  in  other  days. 
I  am  a  Republican  because  I  believe  in  the  doc- 
trines announced  in  its  platform  as  the  best  of 
all  theories  and  principles  to  carry  this  Govern- 
ment and  the  people  to  the  highest  mark  of 
civilization  and  their  greatest  good;  and  I  am 
not  to  be  driven  from  these  ideas  and  from  the 
doctrines  of  my  party  because  it  suits  some 
man's  purposes  now  to  urge  aid  from  the  Re- 
publican party.  I  believe  I  am  most  patriotic 
when  I  adhere  closest  to  the  doctrines  of  my 
party.  I  know  of  no  sufficient  reason  why  this 
extraordinary  action,  the  repeal  of  the  act  of 
1890,  should  be  taken." 

He  found  the  critical  condition  of  the  country 
not  attributable  to  the  fact  that  the  ''Repub- 
lican party,  three  years  ago,  had  passed  the 
Sherman  bill ' ',  but  rather  he  believed  the  crisis 
was  the  direct  result  of  the  announcement  made 
nine  months  previous  that  the  Democratic  party 


172         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

for  the  first  time  in  many  years  would  have  an 
opportunity  of  making  good  its  promises  of 
radical  changes  in  the  industrial  system  and  the 
repeal  of  the  McKinley  tariff.  "Immediately, 
over  all  this  land,  there  came  paralysis.  The 
mills  stopped;  the  fire  of  the  forges  died  out; 
everywhere  there  was  a  swarming  multitude  of 
idlers  clamoring  for  labor  but  finding  no  places 
in  the  great  labor  field. ' ' 

The  assertion  that  the  business  interests  of 
the  whole  country  demanded  the  repeal  of  the 
Sherman  act  was  emphatically  denied  by  Hep- 
burn. On  the  contrary  he  was  convinced  that 
the  banks,  boards  of  trade,  and  chambers  of 
commerce  were  chiefly  responsible  for  the  agi- 
tation against  the  silver  purchase  law.  The 
importance  of  the  banks  and  cooperating  insti- 
tutions had  been  over-emphasized.  "Their 
business  begins  where  the  great  business  of 
production  ends.  They  simply  levy  toll  upon 
that  which  the  real  business  men  of  this  country 
create. ' '  Most  bankers  he  assumed  were  mono- 
metallists  who  saw  in  the  repeal  of  the  Sherman 
law  the  first  step  toward  a  single  gold  standard. 

For  the  argument  that  the  people  lacked  con- 
fidence in  the  treasury  notes  of  1890  Colonel 
Hepburn  had  no  sympathy.  Indeed,  he  thought 
this  currency  constituted  the  best  form  of 
money  in  the  United  States,  because  it  was 
backed  by  a  $100,000,000  gold  reserve  and  face 


CURRENCY  QUESTION  173 

value  in  silver  bullion.  That  these  notes  would 
drive  gold  out  of  circulation  he  could  not  be- 
lieve, since  they  were  redeemable  in  gold  and  in 
effect  simply  placed  additional  gold  in  circula- 
tion. Furthermore,  the  only  method  of  meeting 
the  demand  for  an  annual  increase  of  more  than 
$60,000,000  of  currency  was  in  the  maintenance 
of  this  much-abused  act  of  1890.  ''I  believe", 
he  concluded,  ''that  this  law  has  been  bene- 
ficial in  its  operation  at  all  times.  ...  It 
gives  us  more  of  circulation.  It  gives  us  a  most 
desirable  currency.  It  gives  us  the  best  form  of 
money  that  we  have.  It  is  our  only  hope  for 
expansion." 

In  tlie  opinion  of  Colonel  Hepburn  the  true 
solution  of  the  currency  question  lay  in  such 
judicious  legislation  as  would  thrpw  the  balance 
of  trade  in  favor  of  the  United  States  —  a  con- 
dition that  had  not  existed  in  fifty  years.  The 
change  from  a  debtor  to  a  creditor  nation  alone 
would  stop  the  exodus  of  gold  and  enable  the 
country  to  exercise  a  choice  of  the  kind  of 
money  to  be  established.  He  suggested  that  the 
merchant  marine  be  increased,  that  the  produc- 
tion of  more  sugar  be  encouraged,  and  that  such 
a  course  should  be  pursued  as  would  secure  the 
industrial  independence  of  America. 

In  closing  his  speech  Hepburn  warned  his 
colleagues  against  setting  at  naught  the  time- 
honored  declarations  of  the  Republican  party 


174        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

for  a  double  standard.  ''We  are  here",  lie  ex- 
claimed, "to  cast  a  vote  of  want  of  confidence 
in  Republican  statesmanship  and  Republican 
methods.    I  will  not  do  it.  "^^'^ 

During  the  year  1894  the  United  States 
treasury  became  more  and  more  embarrassed 
by  the  steady  decline  of  the  gold  reserve.  It 
was  toward  the  end  of  January  that  Secretary 
John  G.  Carlisle  negotiated  a  loan  from  which 
$58,661,000  in  gold  was  realized.  To  obtain  the 
gold,  however,  subscribers  withdrew  it  from  the 
treasury  by  the  presentation  of  legal-tender 
notes  and  then  transferred  it  back  in  payment 
of  the  loan.  Thus  an  endless  chain  was  ever 
''dipping  its  buckets"  into  the  gold  reserve  of 
the  treasury.  Another  loan  was  floated  in  No- 
vember with  t,he  same  result.  In  a  special  mes- 
sage to  Congress  on  January  28,  1895,  Presi- 
dent Cleveland  suggested  that  fifty-year  gold 
bonds  be  issued  for  the  redemption  and  can- 
cellation of  all  legal-tender  notes.- ^^ 

The  gold  bond  issue  came  to  a  vote  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  on  February  14, 
1895.  That  day  Hepburn  made  a  brief  but  in- 
fluential speech  in  which  he  declared  that  the 
inauguration  of  the  policy  of  issuing  gold  bonds 
would  mean  that  no  other  bonds  would  ever 
again  be  known  in  the  history  of  this  country. 
To  the  question,  "Are  we  ready  for  that?", 
there  were  cries  of  "No!"   "No!"    He  stood 


CUERENCY  QUESTION  175 

firmly  on  the  Republican  platform  wliicli  stated 
that  the  "debt-paying  power  of  the  dollar, 
whether  silver,  gold,  or  paper"  should  be  equal 
at  all  times.  He  asserted  that  there  was  ''not 
an  obligation  of  the  United  States  save  the  gold 
certificate"  wliicli  might  not  be  paid  honestly 
in  silver  dollars.  To  the  argument  that  the 
government  was  morally  obliged  to  pay  in  gold 
he  replied  that  there  were  no  moral  obligations 
outside  the  limitations  of  the  law  and  that  the 
government  preserved  at  all  times  the  alterna- 
tive to  pay  in  gold  or  silver.- ^^ 

On  February  8,  1896,  Colonel  Hepburn  spoke 
at  length  upon  the  question  of  silver  coinage. 
He  began  by  stating  that  he  was  not  surprised 
at  the  failure  of  the  International  Monetary 
Conference  in  1892  to  agree  to  the  coinage  of 
silver  at  a  fixed  ratio  if  members  of  the  Con- 
ference announced  before  the  tribunal  of  sa- 
vants at  Brussels  that  the  law  of  supply  and 
demand  fixes  value.  "Supply  and  demand", 
said  he,  "fix  price,  not  value.  .  .  .  You  are 
asking  for  the  restoration  of  the  dollar  of  the 
daddies.  You  propose  to  restore  its  value  by 
mere  coinage ' '.  While  a  dollar  might  be  coined 
that  would  contain  412i/^  grains  of  silver,  Hep- 
burn contended  that  in  order  to  give  such  a 
dollar  full  value  in  the  money  markets  of  the 
world  the  credit  of  the  United  States  would 
have  to  be  injected  into  it  to  make  good  the  de- 


176         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ficient  value  of  the  bullion.  He  believed  that 
the  majority  of  the  people  favored  a  double 
standard  and  that  the  only  hope  of  securing  a 
parity  of  gold  and  silver  lay  in  international 
agreement. 

In  reply  to  the  argument  that  the  enlarged 
use  of  silver  would  destroy  the  credit  of  the 
nation  he  cited  ''the  glorious  history  of  this 
country  under  Republican  Administration." 
At  a  time  when  the  country  had  just  ''emerged 
from  the  gloom  of  desolating  war,  and  when  a 
burden  of  two  and  three-quarters  billions  of 
debt  rested  upon  this  nation"  the  addition  of 
about  $60,000,000  of  silver  annually  had  not 
interfered  with  the  rise  of  the  credit  of  the 
United  States  to  a  point  "never  before  reached 
by  the  credit  of  any  nation  in  the  history  of  the 
world. ' '  Who  then  would  have  the  temerity  to 
assert  that  the  continuation  of  that  policy 
would  disparage  the  credit  of  this  country. 
"While  I  am  not  in  favor  of  the  free  coinage 
of  silver ' ',  he  said,  ' '  I  am  in  favor  of  the  use  of 
silver  to  the  extent  that  it  is  necessary  to  meet 
the  demand  for  expansion  resulting  from  our 
growth  in  population  and  our  development  as  a 
commercial  and  manufacturing  people  .... 
expansion  of  the  circulation  ought  to  be  con- 
tinued, and  it  were  much  better  that  it  should 
be  continued  by  the  use  of  the  mints  in  coining 
silver  rather  than  by  the  use  of  the  printing 


CURRENCY  QUESTION  177 

press  in  printing  promises  to  pay  ....  Re- 
member that  when  we  purchase  the  silver  we 
have  it ;  so  that  the  case  is  very  different  from 
issuing  promises  to  pay.  "-^^ 

Throughout  the  discussion  of  the  currency 
question  Colonel  Hepburn  stood  for  bimetal- 
lism as  advocated  by  the  Republican  party.  He 
was  '* unreservedly  for  sound  money"  and 
therefore  ''opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver 
except  by  international  agreement",  and  until 
such  an  agreement  was  obtained  he  was 
pledged  to  preserve  "the  existing  gold  stand- 
ard ".^s" 


13 


XX 

The  Campaigin^  of  1896 

Although  deeply  interested  in  the  currency 
question  during  the  years  from  1893  to  1896, 
Congressman  Hepburn  found  it  possible  to  give 
attention  to  other  subjects  of  legislation.  In- 
deed there  were  many  problems  upon  which  he 
freely  expressed  his  opinions.  He  opposed  the 
admission  of  Arizona  into  the  Union  on  ac- 
count of  the  sparse  population  and  meager  nat- 
ural resources;  and  he  objected  to  granting 
public  land  to  western  States  for  the  purpose  of 
reclaiming  arid  areas,  because  he  thought  rec- 
lamation should  be  made  a  national  project.-^^ 
A  bill  providing  for  the  arbitration  of  railroad 
labor  controversies  was  favored  by  him  not  for 
its  intrinsic  worth  but  because  the  necessity  of 
laborers  demanded  that  they  should  not  be 
thrown  out  of  employment  by  frequent  inter- 
necine disputes.2^® 

Hepburn  was  always  interested  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  District  of  Columbia  —  particu- 
larly in  the  reg-ulation  of  public  utilities.  An- 
other of  his  deep-seated  notions  was  that  first 
and   second  class  post   offices  were   receiving 

178 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1896  179 

more  than  their  share  of  appropriations  and 
that  more  money  should  be  spent  on  third  and 
fourth  class  offices.  That  the  Colonel  possessed 
a  very  considerable  influence  in  Congress  was 
indicated  by  the  many  important  questions 
upon  which  he  spoke  —  often  no  doubt  at  the 
solicitation  of  others.  The  record  of  his 
speeches  constitutes  an  index  of  his  ability  and 
versatility  no  less  than  a  measure  of  his  good 
will  toward  his  colleagues.-*^^ 

In  the  meantime  ^'Pete"  Hepburn  was  gain- 
ing political  prestige  in  Iowa.  Within  a  month 
after  his  election  to  Congress  in  1892  he  was 
frequently  mentioned  as  a  candidate  to  succeed 
James  F.  Wilson  in  the  Senate  three  years 
later:  indeed,  J.  H.  Cook  made  a  trip  to  Des 
Moines  in  the  latter  part  of  December  for  the 
special  purpose  of  sounding  political  opinion 
on  Hepburn's  prospects.  This  investigation 
revealed  a  widespread  endorsement  of  the  Colo- 
nel at  that  time  although  it  was  not  until  the 
following  November  that  his  candidacy  was 
formally  announced.  About  the  same  time 
John  H.  Gear,  Albert  B.  Cummins,  John  F. 
Lacey,  George  D.  Perkins,  and  John  Y.  Stone 
also  threw  their  hats  into  the  ring. 

In  the  campaign  that  followed  ex-Governor 
Gear  bore  the  brunt  of  the  factional  opposition 
within  the  Republican  party,  but  despite  his 
age,  his  residence  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 


180         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

State,  and  his  alleged  corporation  affiliations  he 
received  forty-two  votes  on  the  first  ballot  in 
the  party  caucus  on  January  15,  1894,  while 
William  P.  Hepburn,  his  nearest  competitor, 
polled  only  nineteen.  Once  more  the  Colonel's 
Senatorial  aspirations  had  been  blighted.  At 
the  election  in  the  following  November,  how- 
ever, he  experienced  little  difficulty  in  being 
returned  to  the  House  of  Representatives  by  a 
majority  of  more  than  four  thousand  votes. 
''Sanity  once  more  prevails  in  the  8th  district. 
Populism  seems  to  have  got  a  very  black  eye", 
was  the  comment  of  J.  W.  Blythe.^*'^ 

The  campaign  of  1896  was  one  of  the  most 
intense  political  struggles  in  American  history. 
In  Iowa  as  elsewhere  the  majority  of  Demo- 
crats fused  with  the  Populists  to  make  free 
coinage  of  silver  the  one  absorbing  issue. 
There  was  little  demonstration;  but  men  and 
women  would  sit  for  hours  listening  to  a  pre- 
sentation of  facts  and  statistics,  while  neigh- 
bors nearly  resorted  to  blows  to  clinch  bi- 
metallistic  arguments.  Nowhere  in  Iowa  was 
the  free  silver  sentiment  stronger  than  in  the 
Eighth  Congressional  District.-*'^ 

On  March  11th  more  than  a  thousand  Repub- 
licans met  in  Des  Moines  for  the  purpose  of 
selecting  delegates  to  the  national  convention. 
Amid  tremendous  enthusiasm  and  applause 
William  B.  Allison  was  formally  selected  as  the 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1896  181 

favorite  son  of  Iowa  for  the  Presidential  nomi- 
nation. A  resolution  that  David  B.  Plenderson, 
John  H.  Gear,  J.  S.  Clarkson,  and  William  P. 
Hepburn  be  named  delegates-at-large  to  pro- 
mote the  interests  of  Senator  Allison  in  the 
national  convention  was  carried  by  acclama- 
tion.2®^ 

Long  before  the  eleventh  national  Repub- 
lican convention  met  in  St.  Louis  on  June  16, 
1896,  it  was  generally  acknowledged  that  Wil- 
liam McKinley  would  be  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent. Through  the  untiring  efforts  of  Marcus 
A.  Hanna  a  powerful  and  intricate  political 
machine  was  organized  in  the  interests  of  the 
Ohio  candidate.  Although  the  convention  was 
supposed  to  be  cut  and  dried  from  start  to  finish 
an  obstacle  was  encountered  in  the  committee 
on  credentials  almost  at  the  beginning:  William 
P.  Hepburn  dared  to  oppose  the  McKinley 
organization.  The  first  indication  of  a  contest 
was  the  defeat  of  Hepburn  for  the  chairman- 
ship of  the  credentials  committee  by  a  vote  of 
nineteen  to  twenty-eight  in  favor  of  J.  F.  Fort 
of  New  Jersey.^^^ 

The  following  afternoon  when  Mr.  Fort  re- 
ported in  favor  of  permanently  seating  the 
delegates  on  the  temporary  roll  prepared  by 
the  national  committee,  including  the  McKinley 
delegations  from  Delaware  and  Texas,  Hep- 
burn presented  a  minority  report.     He  stated 


182         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

that  *'not  one  word  of  the  testimony  adduced 
was  read"  before  the  committee  on  the  contest 
of  the  rival  delegations  from  Delaware  and 
Texas  while  there  were  more  than  a  hundred 
and  sixty  contested  cases  upon  which  there  had 
been  no  hearing.  *'We  deem  it  to  be  a  most 
dangerous  precedent  to  permit  the  National 
committee  to  pass  final  judgment  in  the  election 
and  qualification  of  members  of  a  National 
convention",  he  declared,  and  in  ''powerful 
tones"  recommended  that  this  authority 
''should  be  retained  in  the  hands  of  the  con- 
vention. ' '  Fort  immediately  called  a  vote,  and 
Hepburn  raised  the  point  of  order  that  dele- 
gates whose  seats  were  contested  could  not  par- 
ticipate. When  this  point  of  order  was  over- 
ruled the  people  in  the  galleries  expressed  their 
opposition  to  the  McKinley  machine  in  a 
"mighty  hiss".  The  verdict  was  that  the  mi- 
nority report  "could  not  have  been  better 
handled",  but  Hepburn  spoke  against  an  over- 
whelming majority.  Although  the  Iowa  dele- 
gation remained  true  to  Senator  Allison  the 
struggle  was  hopeless :  McKinley  was  nomi- 
nated on  the  first  ballot.^^^ 

Four  days  before  the  national  convention 
was  called  to  order  Colonel  Hepburn  had  been 
nominated  for  Congress  without  opposition. 
On  July  15th  the  second  Eepublican  State  con- 
vention in  1896  met  in  Des  Moines  for  the  pur- 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1896  183 

pose  of  nominating  candidates  for  State  offices. 
No  convention  in  recent  years  had  shown  more 
of  the  old-fashioned  Republican  spirit.  With 
only  a  few  hours  notice  Hepburn  was  selected 
for  temporary  chairman.  He  proved  to  be 
eminently  qualified  to  meet  the  situation. 
'^ Thirty-five  years  ago,"  he  said,  '^when  met 
in  convention  the  Republicans  of  Iowa  were 
confronted  by  Democrats  in  arms  making  po- 
tential battle  in  the  unholy  cause  of  capital 
demanding  its  right  to  own  labor  .... 
To-day  our  enemies  in  politics,  the  Democratic 
party,  have  surrendered  all  but  their  proud 
name,  to  the  Populists  of  the  land."^^^ 

Rapidly  he  sketched  the  achievements  of  the 
Republican  party:  ''all  of  the  states  emanci- 
pated from  the  blight  of  human  slavery ;  all  the 
territories  preserved  for  free  labor;  a  million 
homesteads  given  to  the  people ;  a  labor  system 
that  has  doubled  the  wage,  and  given  employ- 
ment; and  a  financial  system  that  has  made  it 
possible  for  the  laboring  man  at  the  end  of 
each  day  to  receive  his  wage  in  a  money  equal 
to  the  best  in  the  world."  Within  the  brief 
space  of  four  years  Democratic  administration 
had  caused  such  hard  times  that  "gloom  is  not 
lifted  from  the  home,  the  little  children  cry  for 
bread,  and  the  wives  —  God  pity  them  —  are 
filled  with  apprehension." 

Republicans  had  not  ceased  to  stand  for  bi- 


184        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

metallism,  he  declared,  although  the  party  had 
recognized  the  fact  that  gold  coin  was  the  only- 
money  which  contained  its  full  intrinsic  value. 
Indeed,  he  claimed  that  the  Republican  party 
was  then  and  always  had  been  a  better  friend 
of  silver  than  were  the  Democrats.     In  com- 
parison with  the  suspension  of  silver  coinage 
by  Democratic  Presidents  from  1805  to  1834  the 
"crime  of  1873"  sank  into  insignificance.    Not 
only  had  sixty  times  as  much  silver  been  coined 
under  the  Republican  regime,  but  long  after  the 
bullion  value  of  silver  had  decreased  that  party 
had  preserved  a  parity  between  the  two  metals 
by  injecting  fifty  cents  of  the  credit  of  the  na- 
tion into  every  silver  dollar.    The  Republicans, 
Hepburn   explained,   proposed   to   restore   the 
bullion  value  of  silver  by  making  a  world  mar- 
ket for  it  at  a  fixed  price,  whereas  the  Demo- 
crats would  presume  to  restore  the  ratio  of 
sixteen  to  one  by  the  foolhardy  experiment  of 
free  coinage. 

It  would  be  folly,  the  Colonel  thought,  to  at- 
tempt the  expansion  of  currency  by  the  free 
coinage  of  silver  because  the  white  metal  would 
drive  gold  out  of  circulation  and  reduce  the 
purchasing  power  of  the  remaining  money  to 
the  bullion  value  of  silver.  Shrinkage  rather 
than  expansion  would  result.  As  soon  could  the 
march  of  the  seasons  be  checked  as  the  inex- 
orable laws  of  commerce  be  changed  by  legisla- 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1896  185 

tion.  ''The  piling  up  of  two  or  three  billions  of 
debt  would  be  as  nothing  to  the  universal  bank- 
ruptcy, the  utter  ruin,  the  suffering,  starvation, 
death,  that  would  come  to  us  if  we  tried  and 
failed  in  this  terrible  experiment  that  they  are 
urging  upon  us  now". 

It  soon  developed  that  the  Democrats  and 
Populists  had  selected  the  eighth  district  for 
concentrated  efforts  in  behalf  of  free  silver. 
To  counteract  the  work  of  his  opponents  Hep- 
burn sent  a  great  many  government  documents 
to  the  farmers.  The  agricultural  bulletins  and 
year  books  were  reported  to  be  ''doing  great 
good",  and  toward  the  end  of  September  the 
Colonel  felt  confident  that  the  literature  he  had 
distributed  would  be  largely  responsible  for 
holding  the  district.^^'^ 

On  account  of  his  national  reputation  Hep- 
burn was  impressed  into  the  Presidential  cam- 
paign in  other  States.  In  addition  to  his  work 
outside  of  Iowa  he  was  required  to  deliver  six 
speeches  in  this  State  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
the  eighth  district.  It  was  his  good  fortune  to 
accompany  Joseph  B.  Foraker  across  Iowa 
early  in  October  and  to  address  large  audiences 
at  Burlington  and  Red  Oak.^^s  His  speech  at 
Burlington  in  which  he  reiterated  what  he  had 
said  at  the  State  convention  in  July,  was  char- 
acterized as  a  "calm,  dignified,  scholarly  ad- 
dress ".^^o 


186        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

That  the  opposition  had  massed  a  large 
amount  of  their  resources  against  *'Pete" 
Hepburn  on  account  of  the  strong  silver  senti- 
ment in  his  district  became  very  apparent  when 
election  returns  were  reported.  He  was  re- 
turned to  Congress  by  a  majority  of  only  eight 
hundred  and  twenty-seven  votes  —  the  smallest 
Eepublican  margin  recorded  in  any  Iowa  dis- 
trict that  year.  The  Fusion  candidate,  W.  H. 
Eobb,  polled  a  majority  in  Decatur,  Fremont, 
Union,  and  Wayne  counties.^ ^*^ 


XXI 

Civil  Service  Refoem 

The  period  of  greatest  achievement  in  tlie  life 
of  William  P.  Hepbnrn  dates  from  the  Fifty- 
fourth  Congress  which  assembled  in  December, 
1895.  It  was  at  that  time  that  he  was  appointed 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and 
Foreign  Commerce,  a  position  which  he  held 
during  the  remainder  of  his  Congressional  ca- 
reer. Speaker  Thomas  B.  Reed  called  Hepburn 
to  the  chair  in  the  capacity  of  Speaker  pro  tem- 
pore three  times  during  the  Fifty-fourth  Con- 
gress, and  on  seventeen  occasions  the  Colonel 
presided  over  the  Committee  of  the  Whole.  It 
was  reported  that  Congressmen  who  were  in 
the  habit  of  obstructing  debate  were  very  quiet 
when  he  was  in  the  chair.  "He  is  so  quick, 
prompt,  resolute,  courageous,  knows  his  fact 
and  the  rules  so  well,  makes  so  crushing  a  retort 
when  challenged  that  obstructors  do  not  care  to 
put  their  intelligence  into  a  match  with  his", 
commented  a  newspaper  reporter. 

It  was  not  until  the  Fifty-fourth  Congress, 
however,  that  Hepburn  exhibited  the  character- 
istics of  genuine  statesmanship  in  his  Congres- 

187 


188        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

sional  debates.  For  many  years  he  had  occu- 
pied a  noteworthy  place  in  public  affairs,  but 
in  his  utterances  there  seemed  to  be  "a  cynical 
consciousness  of  his  own  powers".  Now  he  ap- 
peared to  be  unconscious  of  himself  and  his 
own  intellect:  he  was  interested  only  in  the 
great  national  ends  toward  which  the  people 
were  moving.  It  was  during  the  second  session 
of  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  that  he  was  chosen 
to  close  the  debate  on  the  annexation  of  Ha- 
waii, while  upon  civil  service  reform  he  deliv- 
ered what  many  Congressmen  judged  to  be  the 
greatest  argument  they  had  ever  heard  on  that 
subject.^ '^^ 

It  was  to  challenge  the  general  misapprehen- 
sion that  great  improvements  in  the  public 
service  had  been  secured  by  the  merit  system  — 
that  there  had  been  a  ''diminution  of  expendi- 
ture", that  a  "greater  measure  of  faithful  at- 
tention to  business"  had  resulted,  and  that  a 
"purer  class  of  men"  were  in  office  —  which 
prompted  Hepburn  to  discuss  the  civil  service 
question.  He  began  by  stating  that  the  spon- 
sors of  reform  had  gained  a  great  advantage 
by  the  use  of  the  term  "merit  system"  and  by 
attributing  to  their  opponents  the  unkindly  epi- 
thet of  "spoilsmen".  That  those  who  were 
opposed  to  the  merit  system  must  necessarily 
favor  some  scheme  that  did  not  have  merit  he 
denied.     Neither  was  it  fair  to  assume  that 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM  189 

those  who  did  not  advocate  the  merit  system  of 
reform  were  selfish  seekers  of  spoils  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  public  weal.  He  contended  that 
there  was  another  method  of  appointment  to 
the  civil  service  more  meritorious  than  the  so- 
called  merit  system.-"- 

Seldom  did  the  Colonel's  strong,  clear,  pene- 
trating voice  and  animated  style  of  speaking 
command  closer  attention  than  on  the  eighth  of 
January,  1898,  as  he  outlined  the  "darkened, 
subterranean,  irresponsible  methods"  of  the 
Civil  Service  Commission  and  proclaimed  that 
in  his  humble  judgment  the  old  way  of  making 
appointments  was  better  than  the  new.^'^^ 
*'Why,  sir,"  he  exclaimed,  "it  is  in  the  nature 
of  things  that  it  should  be  so.  There  is  nothing 
so  conducive  to  sloth,  indolence,  inattention  to 
duties,  as  that  feeling  of  security  that  comes  to 
men  through  the  civil  service."  It  is  "incident 
to  human  nature",  he  observed,  that  "life 
tenure  works  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  pub- 
lic. ' '  He  was  opposed  to  giving  any  man  vested 
rights  in  an  office.  Moreover,  in  his  opinion,  it 
had  not  been  satisfactorily  proved  that  ex- 
penses had  been  reduced  or  superior  men  se- 
lected by  the  merit  system.  Indeed,  the  salary 
expenditure  of  the  government  had  far  out- 
stripped the  growth  of  public  business,  while 
the  candidates  for  civil  service  positions  were 
not  experienced  men  but  mere  youths,   fresh 


190         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

from  tlieir  school  books,  who  were  content  to 
accept  a  thousand  dollar  clerksliip. 

To  secure  the  greatest  efficiency  in  any  execu- 
tive department  it  was  essential,  Hepburn 
thought,  that  those  in  subordinate  positions 
should  be  in  complete  sjTiipathy  ^^dth  their  su- 
periors. Cooperation  could  be  obtained  best  by 
allowing  responsible  officers  to  gather  their 
friends  about  them.  That  ward  heelers  or  po- 
litical bosses  would  constitute  the  class  ap- 
pointed under  such  a  system  he  refused  to 
believe.  On  the  contrary  it  was  more  probable 
that  the  appointee  would  be  the  faithful  friend 
who  had  ''a  laudable  ambition  to  participate  in 
some  way  ....  in  the  administration  of 
his  Government."  Hepburn  deplored  the  atti- 
tude that  would  permit  a  Congressman  to  de- 
ride the  ''hordes  of  hungry  office  seekers  that 
infest  the  corridors  of  the  Capitol"  and  then 
forsak-e  his  official  duties  for  weeks  to  implore 
these  same  men  to  stand  by  him  in  his  own  quest 
for  office.  ''I  condemn  the  men  who,  forgetful 
of  old  relations,  denounce  their  own  constitu- 
ents, the  voters  of  this  country,  whenever  any 
of  them  seek  that  public  employment  to  which 
every  citizen  ought  to  have  the  right  to 
aspire."-"'* 

Arguing  from  the  premise  that  American 
government  w^ill  always  be  operated  through 
the  medium  of  political  parties,  the  Colonel  was 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM  191 

convinced  that  the  best  results  could  be  obtained 
throug-h  the  maintenance  of  a  responsible  party 
organization  by  means  of  a  system  of  rewards 
for  party  workers.  The  idea  of  compensating 
party  workers  with  civil  service  positions,  he 
admitted,  might  grate  upon  the  sensitive  ears 
of  transcendentalists,  but  he  presumed  that  he 
was  talking  to  practical  men  about  a  practical 
question.  Found  the  party  organization  upon 
workers  desirous  only  of  the  privilege  of  serv- 
ing .their  country  as  a  reward,  he  advised,  and 
honest,  efficient  government  would  result,  but 
exclude  these  men  by  the  merit  system  and  they 
would  be  replaced  by  others  actuated  only  by  a 
desire  for  money.  With  the  advent  of  profes- 
sional politicians  he  predicted  that  campaign 
expenses  would  be  doubled  and  the  basis  of 
party  allegiance  would  shift  from  public  service 
to  private  ends. 

The  results  of  the  merit  system,  according  to 
Hepburn,  were  incommensurate  with  the  ex- 
pense involved.  Furthermore,  he  believed  it 
was  impossible  to  determine  the  qualifications 
of  applicants  for  admission  to  the  civil  service 
by  examinations  as  they  were  conducted.  Even 
if  the  ci"\il  service  officials  were  absolutely 
honest  —  of  which  there  was  less  assurance 
than  of  the  honesty  of  Congressmen  who  had 
been  declared  to  be  unfit  to  make  recommenda- 
tions   for    civil    service    appointments  —  there 


192         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

was  still  no  way  of  estimating  the  industry  or 
integrity  of  applicants. 

In  conclusion  Colonel  Hepburn  described  the 
civil  service  law  that  he  desired.  ' '  I  would  give 
the  appointing  power  to  the  heads  of  Depart- 
ments", he  explained.  '^I  would  require  that 
appointments  should  be  probationary,  and  that 
after  a  service  of  three  or  six  months  and  a  suc- 
cessful examination  by  the  Department,  or  by 
the  commission,  if  the  office  required  scientific 
knowledge,  the  examination  being  limited  to 
ascertaining  the  fitness  of  the  applicant  to  dis- 
charge the  duties  of  the  office  to  which  he 
aspired,  I  would  give  him  a  commission  for  a 
stated  period,  but  reserving  the  power  of  re- 
moval to  the  appointing  officer  for  any  cause  — 
save  a  political  one  —  that  he  regarded  suf- 
ficient. ' ' 

Regularly  after  the  memorable  speech  in 
1898  Colonel  Hepburn  expressed  his  condemna- 
tion of  "the  new-fangled  civil  service  that  we 
now  are  agonizing  under".  His  argument 
usually  followed  the  same  line  of  reasoning, 
varying  only  according  to  contemporary  cir- 
cumstances. He  always  resented  the  insinua- 
tion that  he  was  a  spoilsman  because  he  believed 
in  Congressional  patronage.  A  spoilsman  he 
defined  as  one  who  was  willing  to  use  his  in- 
fluence to  place  an  inefficient  or  dishonest  man 
in  office.     That  he  would  never  do.     He  was 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM  193 

equally  emphatic  in  his  conviction  that  a  Con- 
gressman would  not  dare  to  select  scalawags 
for  official  positions  lest  he  regret  the  act  at  the 
next  election.  For  a  number  of  years  the 
Colonel  earnestly  endeavored  to  repeal  the  civil 
service  law  preparatory  to  the  inauguration  of 
a  true  merit  system,  but  toward  the  end  of  his 
career  he  realized  that  his  efforts  were  futile, 
and  while  he  never  missed  an  opportunity  for  a 
thrust  at  civil  service  reform  he  resorted  to 
ridicule  for  the  expression  of  his  opinions 
rather  than  to  serious  argument.^"^^ 


J4 


XXII 

iMPERIAIiISM 

The  United  States  lias  been  an  empire  since  the 
date  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase,  April  30,  1803. 
At  that  time  scruples  against  territorial  expan- 
sion, based  upon  constitutional  grounds,  were 
sacrificed  to  the  demands  of  expediency.  The 
acquisition  of  territory  on  the  mainland  of 
North  America  before  1867  was  as  imperialistic 
in  principle  as  the  insular  annexations  since 
1898.  The  ine^dtable  consummation  of  the  pol- 
icy was  simply  hastened  by  the  war  with  Spain. 
Avowed  military  strategy  and  commercial  ag- 
grandizement were  responsible  for  tne  annexa- 
tion of  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico,  the  Philippines,  and 
Guam,  whereas  previous  expansion  was  due  to 
the  force  of  circumstances.  It  was  the  an- 
nouncement of  a  purpose  which  raised  the  cry 
of  "imperialism"  and  "colonial  aggrandize- 
ment" against  the  possession  of  "dominions 
beyond  the  sea".^^^ 

The  opinion  of  William  P.  Hepburn  on  the 
question  of  acquiring  insular  possessions  was 
best  expressed  on  June  15,  1898,  when  the 
Spanish- American  War  was  at  its  height.    That 

194 


IMPERIALISM  195 

day  lie  closed  the  debate  in  favor  of  the  annex- 
ation of  Hawaii  with  a  speech  which  left  the 
impression  that  ''a  great  advocate  had  spoken 
greatly  for  a  great  cause. ' '  Apparently  it  was 
one  of  the  occasions  when  his  ''capacity  for 
clear  statement  that  amounted  to  genius"  may 
have  "shot  away  the  dust  of  doubt"  in  the 
minds  of  fellow  Congressmen.-'''^ 

There  were  men,  he  said,  who  confused  exist- 
ing conditions  with  prophecy,  men  who  thought 
that  the  counsel  of  the  fathers  "to  avoid  all 
entangling  alliances,  to  confine  ourselves,  our 
efforts  and  our  hopes,  to  home  interests"  was 
about  to  be  abandoned  by  the  annexation  of 
Hawaii.  In  casting  an  affirmative  vote  for  that 
proposition  he  asserted  that  he  committed 
himself  to  no  policy  of  colonial  acquisition.  "I 
can  distinguish  between  a  colonial  policy  and  a 
commercial  policy",  he  declared.  "I  can  dis- 
tinguish between  the  policy  that  would  scatter 
colonies  all  over  the  islands  of  the  sea  and  the 
lands  of  the  earth  and  that  policy  which  w^ould 
secure  to  us  simply  those  facilities  of  commerce 
that  the  new  commercial  methods  make  abso- 
lutely essential. ' '  Having  in  mind  the  strategic 
value  of  the  islands,  he  announced  that  another 
purpose  of  annexation  was  to  prevent  other 
nations  from  obtaining  a  menacing  military 
base  in  the  Pacific  Ocean.^^^ 

While  he  denied  that  the  annexation  of  Ha- 


196         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

waii  would  commit  the  United  States  to  a 
colonial  policy,  nevertheless  he  was  mlling  to 
accept  that  venture.  "Gentlemen  tell  us",  he 
continued,  "that  if  we  pursue  this  course,  of 
acquisition  of  these  little  islands,  the  fate  of 
Greece,  the  fate  of  Rome,  the  fate  of  all  the  old 
empires  or  republics  will  surely  be  ours  .  . 
.  .  I  am  not  sure  that  their  self-aggrandize- 
ment, carrying  their  civilization,  as  they 
did,  to  all  parts  of  the  world,  was  not  a 
blessing  to  mankind,  although  it  might  have  re- 
sulted (yet  no  man  can  say  it  with  certainty) 
in  their  own  overthrow."  But  for  this  "thirst 
for  annexation,  this  desire  for  new  territory, 
this  passion  for  extending  civilization",  Alfred 
would  have  had  no  knowledge  of  law  and  juris- 
prudence upon  which  to  found  the  British 
Empire. 

Furthermore,  the  leading  nations  of  the  mod- 
ern world,  he  reminded  his  auditors,  maintain 
a  system  of  "territorial  expansion,  of  breadth 
and  greatness  and  grandeur,  of  extension  of 
empire"  to  the  detriment  of  the  United  States. 
The  Democrats  of  America,  alone  among  all  the 
statesmen  of  the  world,  he  proclaimed,  "are 
halting  in  the  procession. ' '  Indeed,  they  too  had 
subscribed  to  the  doctrine  of  imperialism,  and  to 
prove  his  point  the  Colonel  read  the  Ostend  Man- 
ifesto of  1854  which  advised  the  United  States 
to  buy  Cuba  or  take  the  island  by  force.-'^ 


IMPERIALISM  197 

Hepburn  was  "not  prepared  to  say  how 
Hawaii  would  be  governed".  He  could  not  tell 
whether  the  islands  would  ever  be  admitted  to 
Statehood ;  but  judging  from  past  experience  he 
was  confident  that  they  would  "undergo  such 
period  of  probation  as  will  assure  us  that  they 
are  fitted  for  republican  institutions." 

The  conclusion  of  his  speech,  in  which  he  ex- 
pressed the  most  radical  imperialism,  was 
greeted  with  prolonged  applause.  Conquest,  he 
declared,  was  a  legitimate  method  of  acquiring 
territory,  and  in  the  war  with  Spain  the  United 
States  was  duty-bound  to  cripple  the  enemy  by 
seizing  her  possessions  as  well  as  by  defeating 
her  military  forces.  "We  hope,"  he  exclaimed, 
"every  patriot  hopes,  that  Cuba,  Puerto  Rico, 
the  Philippine  Islands  will  be  ours  by  con- 
quest." What  should  be  done  with  the  terri- 
tory after  the  war  was  a  question  to  be  decided 
in  the  future;  but  upon  the  advisability  of  "re- 
taining such  portions  of  that  territory  as  will 
enable  us  to  meet  all  of  the  requirements  of 
modern  commerce"  he  thought  there  could  be 
no  doubt. 

On  later  occasions  Colonel  Hepburn  repeat- 
edly endorsed  imperialism.  In  January,  1899, 
he  was  loudly  applauded  for  defending  the  pol- 
icy of  the  Administration  in  the  Philippines. 
The  placing  of  the  American  flag  over  those 
people,  he  declared,  meant  that  they  were  enter- 


198         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ing  upon  a  new  era  of  liberty,  law,  peace,  and 
progress.  It  was  to  fulfill  the  promise  ex- 
pressed by  the  flag  that  President  McKinley 
had  undertaken  to  pacify  the  Filipinos,  to  give 
them  an  opportunity  to  express  their  wishes, 
and  to  ''sail  away"  from  Manila  as  soon  as 
they  should  be  able  to  maintain  their  own  gov- 
ernment, but  no  sooner.^®^ 

Again,  in  December,  1901,  Hepburn  voiced 
the  opinion  that  the  form  of  government  in  the 
Philippines  was  not  contrary  to  American 
principles.  He  recalled  that  he  had  lived  nearly 
six  years  upon  acquired  territory  of  the  United 
States  when  the  measure  of  self-government 
accorded  to  the  people  of  the  Territory  of  Iowa 
was  less  than  the  autonomy  enjoyed  by  Fili- 
pinos under  American  rule.  He  was  convinced 
that  the  recognition  of  Cuban  independence 
was  a  mistake.^®^ 

The  imperialistic  attitude  of  Colonel  Hep- 
burn may  be  partly  accounted  for  on  the  ground 
of  extreme  loyalty  to  his  country.  If  there  was 
anything  he  could  not  abide  it  was  a  lack  of 
patriotism.  When  the  incorporation  of  the 
German-American  Alliance  was  proposed  in 
Congress,  and  it  was  announced  that  among  the 
purposes  of  the  organization  was  the  ''protec- 
tion of  German  immigrants  against  imposition 
and  deception"  and  the  "cultivation  of  the 
German  language,  literature,  and  drama,  and 


IMPERIALISM  199 

the  perpetuation  of  the  memory  and  deeds  of 
those  early  German  pioneers  whose  influence 
has  been  of  incalculable  benefit  to  the  intellec- 
tual and  economic  development  of  this  coun- 
try", Hepburn  objected  to  the  consideration  of 
the  bill.  ' '  It  seems  to  me ' ',  he  said, ' '  that  there 
is  something  more  in  this  bill  than  what  ap- 
pears upon  its  surface;  that  it  is  not  a  mere 
social  organization,  but  that  it  is  political  in 
character."  When  the  measure  was  again 
brought  before  the  House  of  Representatives 
he  proposed  to  strike  out  the  word  ''German" 
where  it  appeared  "in  the  hyphenated  form  of 
German- American  alliance".  He  resented  the 
cultivation  of  the  German  language  instead  of 
English,  and  thought  there  was  nothing  to  be 
gained  by  perpetuating  national  distinctions. 
"When  a  man  comes  here  he  should  come  here 
to  be  an  American  ".-^^ 

Amos  J.  Cummings  of  New  York  is  reputed 
to  have  stated  in  his  press  correspondence  that 
it  was  "worth  a  trip  to  Washington  through  a 
blizzard"  to  hear  the  Colonel  pronounce  the 
words  "United  States".  There  was  "a  rising 
inflection  in  his  voice"  that  conveyed  "an  idea 
of  majesty."  It  combined  "the  scream  of  the 
eagle,  the  roar  of  the  lion,  the  defiance  of  the 
game  cock."  The  intense  Americanism  of 
' '  Pete ' '  Hepburn  was  reflected  even  in  the  tone 
of  his  voice.^®^ 


XXIII 

The  Isthmian  Canal 

During  more  than  three-quarters  of  a  century 
the  construction  of  a  canal  connecting  the  At- 
lantic and  Pacific  oceans  was  debated  in  Con- 
gress. As  on  many  other  questions,  the 
Spanish  War  marked  the  turning  point  from 
speculative  to  practical  discussion.  The  voyage 
of  the  ''Oregon"  around  the  Horn  held  the 
attention  of  the  American  people  for  weeks  and 
impressed  upon  them  as  nothing  else  could  have 
done  the  importance  of  an  isthmian  canal. 
After  the  war  the  question  became  closely  con- 
nected with  the  policy  of  commercial  and  colo- 
nial expansion  in  the  Pacific,  and  the  canal  was 
recognized  as  a  necessity.  It  was  to  be  ex- 
pected that  William  P.  Hepburn,  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and  Foreign 
Commerce,  would  play  an  important  role  in  pro- 
moting the  construction  of  an  inter-oceanic 
canal  and  that  his  attitude  would  be  character- 
ized by  intense  Americanism.^*^ 

Five  years  elapsed  after  Hepburn  became 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and 
Foreign  Commerce  before  he  could  secure  a 

200 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  201 

direct  vote  of  the  House  upon  the  proposition 
of  building  an  isthmian  canal.  During  the 
Fifty-fourth  Congress  this  committee,  after 
giving  the  subject  careful  attention,  reported  a 
bill  which  provided  that  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment should  furnish  financial  support  to  the 
Maritime  Canal  Company  of  Nicaragua  to  car- 
ry on  the  work.  It  was  the  opinion  of  the  com- 
mittee, based  upon  the  report  of  the  Nicaragua 
Canal  Board  of  1895,  that  ''a  commanding 
sense  of  patriotic  duty  to  our  whole  country 
demands  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  give  such  aid  to  the  enterprise  as  will 
assure  its  speedy  and  economical  construction." 
The  newspapers  with  one  acclaim  urged  Con- 
gress to  take  prompt  action.  Although  more 
than  three  hundred  members  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  petitioned  that  a  special  order 
be  made  for  the  consideration  of  the  canal  bill, 
Speaker  Reed  and  the  Committee  on  Rules 
stood  firm  in  opposition,  so  the  measure  ex- 
pired quietly  with  the  adjournment  of  the 
Fifty-fourth  Congress.^^^ 

During  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty-fifth 
Congress  the  President  was  authorized  to  ap- 
point another  commission  to  survey  the  various 
canal  routes  and  obtain  full  information  as  to 
the  feasibility  and  cost  of  the  project.  The 
pressure  for  canal  legislation  was  steadily  in- 
creasing   and    new   diplomatic    entanglements 


202         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

were  adding  to  the  difficulties  of  the  situation. 
In  January,  1899,  the  Senate  passed  a  bill  which 
proposed  the  reorganization  of  the  Maritime 
Canal  Company  and  provided  that  the  United 
States  government  should  descend  ''from  the 
character  of  a  sovereign  to  become  a  majority 
stockholder  in  a  corporation"  it  had  created. 
The  government  was  to  furnish  all  the  money 
and  bear  the  responsibilities,  and  at  the  same 
time  share  the  pecuniary  benefits  with  other 
stock-holders. 

Meanwhile  four  bills,  including  one  drafted 
by  Colonel  Hepburn,  had  been  introduced  in 
the  House.  On  February  IStli  the  Committee 
on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  reported 
in  favor  of  substituting  the  text  of  the  Hepburn 
bill  for  the  Senate  bill.  The  substitute  author- 
ized the  President  to  purchase  from  Costa  Rica 
and  Nicaragua  the  territory  through  which  to 
build  the  canal ;  and  the  Secretary  of  War  was 
to  construct  a  waterway  of  proper  capacity 
from  Greytown  to  Brito,  build  harbors,  and 
erect  all  necessary  fortifications.  Engineers 
from  the  Army  and  Navy  were  to  be  detailed  to 
assist  in  the  work.  To  cover  the  cost  of  con- 
struction the  sum  of  $115,000,000  was  to  be 
appropriated.^*^ 

Hepburn's  canal  bill  was  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  —  which  precluded  any 
possibility  of  consideration  except  by  unani- 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  203 

mous  consent  or  a  special  order  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Rules.  The  same  men  who  controlled 
the  House  during  the  Fifty-fourth  Congress 
were  in  power  during  the  Fifty-fifth,  so  that 
the  prospect  of  canal  legislation  seemed  rather 
gloomy.  Moreover,  every  moment  of  the  re- 
mainder of  the  session  was  needed  for  the 
consideration  of  five  major  appropriation  bills. 
In  this  plight  Hepburn  determined  to  offer  his 
bill  as  an  amendment  to  the  sundry  civil  appro- 
priation bill  of  which  wary  Joseph  G.  Cannon 
was  in  charge.  He  hoped,  in  case  a  point  of 
order  against  such  procedure  should  be  sus- 
tained by  the  Chair,  that  the  friends  of  the 
canal  bill  would  be  numerous  enough  to  over- 
rule the  decision.  Cannon  was  on  his  guard, 
however,  and  with  the  full  sympathy  of  the 
Speaker  he  mustered  every  influence  to  prevent 
the  contemplated  coup.^*"^ 

Events  transpired  precisely  as  they  were 
planned.  On  February  14th  Hepburn  offered 
his  amendment,  and  Cannon  made  the  point  of 
order  that  it  was  not  germane,  that  it  proposed 
new  legislation,  and  that  it  appropriated  money 
in  pursuance  of  a  public  work  not  in  progress. 
To  these  objections  the  Colonel  replied  that  the 
only  questions  of  order  that  could  properly 
arise  were  whether  the  work  was  in  progress 
and  whether  the  amendment  proposed  new  leg- 
islation.   Progress  in  the  work  of  construction 


204        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

he  defined  as  ''any  steps  from  the  point  of  in- 
ception to  the  point  of  conclusion",  and  he 
insisted  that  the  surveys  of  the  canal  commis- 
sions of  1895  and  1897  were  progressive  steps 
in  the  contemplation  of  the  rule.  He  main- 
tained that  the  building  of  an  isthmian  canal 
had  been  the  object  of  legislation  for  at  least 
two  sessions  of  Congress  —  in  the  sundry  civil 
bills  of  1895  and  1898  —  and  was  therefore  not 
new  legislation.  Even  if  no  such  precedent  had 
existed  he  held  that  the  major  proposition  in 
his  amendment  was  the  appropriation  of  funds 
and  that  the  other  provisions  of  the  bill  were 
nothing  more  than  limitations  upon  the  manner 
of  expending  the  money.  The  section  which 
prescribed  that  the  President  should  purchase 
territory  was  simply  declaratory  of  a  power  he 
already  possessed.^®^ 

^^^len  Colonel  Hepburn  concluded  his  speech 
Joseph  G.  Cannon  secured  the  floor  to  defend 
the  point  of  order  and  pronounce  his  interpre- 
tation of  the  Hepburn  amendment.  That  done 
he  accused  the  Committee  of  Interstate  and 
Forei.gn  Commerce  of  dela^dng  two  months  and 
a  half  before  reporting  the  Nicaragua  canal 
bill.  With  only  three  weeks  in  which  to  pass 
the  appropriation  bills,  he  exclaimed,  "in  comes 
the  Iowa  joker  turning  a  double  somersault  and 
champing  on  the  bit,  and  seeks  to  move  this  bill 
upon  the  great  sundry  civil  bill  and  tries  to 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  205 

juggle  with  the  House  and  persuade  it  that  it 
is  the  only  chance  which  the  House  has  to  pass 
the  bill."  The  amendment,  he  declared,  was 
''not  germane  to  anything  in  this  bill",  and  as 
for  himself  he  proposed  to  ''stand,  not  with  the 
cross,  but  with  the  rules,  containing  Rule  XXI, 
the  concrete  wisdom  of  the  Congress  for  the 
guidance  in  the  enactment  of  law  for  one  hun- 
dred and  ten  years"  and  to  "hold  it  up  and 
interpose  it  ...  .  and  say  it  can  not  in 
this  way  be  dishonored".  In  an  impassioned 
peroration  he  charged  Hepburn  with  attempt- 
ing to  humble,  disgrace,  discredit,  and  spit  upon 
the  rules  of  the  House. 

Every  member  of  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole  "was  impressed  not  only  with  the  lan- 
guage, but  the  manner  and  the  spirit  of  the 
gentleman  from  Illinois  when  he  pronounced 
his  eulogy  upon  the  rules,  their  sacred  char- 
acter, as  he  held  them  aloft,  speaking  of  the 
cross,  and  assimilated  their  sacredness  to  that 
sacred  emblem",  said  the  Colonel  in  reply.  "It 
was  a  very  dramatic  episode  in  the  gentleman's 
speech,  and  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the 
rules  of  this  House  had  some  coercive  force 
upon  his  action,  and  that  the  rules  of  this 
House,  he  thought,  ought  to  be  obeyed.  Yet  the 
gentleman  charged  me  with  an  otfense  against 
the  House,  in  juggling  with  it." 

"Mr.  Chairman,  look  at  this  bill",  he  con- 


206        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

tinuecl,  referring  to  the  sundry  civil  bilL  ''In 
the  first  19  pages  of  it  the  gentleman  himself 
thirteen  times  violated  that  rule.  Thirteen 
times !  And  I  undertake  to  say  that  I  can  find 
75  distinct  and  substantive  violations  of  the 
rules."  The  Colonel  then  proceeded  to  point 
out  a  few  striking  instances. 

Cannon  hastened  to  explain  that  all  general 
appropriation  bills  contained  similar  examples. 
"They  sometimes  pass  and  sometimes  do  not; 
but  they  always  go  out  if  the  gentleman  from 
Iowa  or  any  other  member  invokes  the  rule.  I 
here  invoke  the  rule." 

''Undoubtedly  the  gentleman  can  be  kept 
within  the  rule  if  the  gentleman  from  Iowa 
could  always  be  after  him",  Hepburn  answered. 

"Well,  I  am  after  you  in  this",  returned 
Cannon. 

"If  I  can  bring  it  about,  I  intend  you  shall 
continue  to  be  after  me,  and  a  long  way  be- 
hind", retorted  the  Colonel.  "Bringing  in  a 
bill  making  an  appropriation  and  hoping  it  may 
escape  observation,  that  others  may  not  be  dili- 
gent, and  in  that  way  the  rule  may  be  violated. 
I  say  ....  he  has  spat  on  the  rules  over 
and  over  again. ' ' 

At  this  juncture  the  debate  became  general. 
Sarcasm  was  answered  with  vituperation  and 
the  air  became  mephitic.  Joseph  W.  Bailey  of 
Texas  tried  to  "put  out  the  fire  with  constitu- 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  207 

tional  kerosene",  but  the  experiment  failed. 
Alexander  M.  Dockerty  boldly  asserted  that  the 
majority  of  the  House  was  expected  to  over- 
rule the  decision  of  the  chair  and  hold  the  canal 
proposition  to  be  in  order.  William  H.  Moody 
and  William  A.  Smith  indulged  in  a  lively  in- 
tellectual tilt  which  added  parliamentary  fuel 
to  the  fiery  contest.  Finally,  Charles  H.  Gros- 
venor,  who  could  not  understand  what  made 
Cannon  "shout  like  a  leader  in  a  camp  meet- 
ing", closed  the  debate  with  as  much  fervor  as 
any  of  his  predecessors.  After  an  extended 
argument  the  Chairman  sustained  the  point  of 
order  made  by  "the  gentleman  from  Illinois" 
and  held  that  the  canal  amendment  was  not  in 
order.  Thereupon  Hepburn,  "with  the  very 
greatest  respect",  appealed  from  the  decision 
of  the  Chair.  On  the  division  that  followed,  his 
appeal  was  defeated  by  a  majority  of  eighteen 
votes.  Thus  ended  the  possibility  of  the  Fifty- 
fifth  Congress  authorizing  the  construction  of 
the  isthmian  canal.-*^ 

From  the  time  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  ad- 
journed until  the  beginning  of  the  Fifty-sixth, 
the  fight  against  the  Nicaragua  canal  project 
never  abated.  The  transcontinental  railroads 
were  prepared  to  array  their  influence  against 
any  plan  that  seemed  likely  to  succeed ;  and  the 
New  Panama  Canal  Company^  fearful  of  losing 
its  franchise  and  property,  maintained  a  power- 


208         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ful  lobby  in  Washington,  invited  Congressmen 
to  visit  the  Isthmus  at  the  expense  of  the  com- 
pany, and  employed  powerful  agencies  to  in- 
fluence public  opinion  in  favor  of  the  Panama 
route.  The  situation  was  further  complicated 
by  the  negotiation  of  the  Hay-Pauncefote 
treaty.  Throughout  the  controversy  Hepburn 
never  wavered  in  his  determination  that  an 
isthmian  canal  should  be  built  through  Nica- 
ragua.^^^ 

The  parliamentary  situation  changed  in  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress  the  instant  that  David  B. 
Henderson  took  the  Speaker's  chair.  Although 
the  Reed  rules  were  adopted  it  was  understood 
that  the  new  administration  would  allow  the 
Nicaragua  canal  bill  to  come  before  the  House 
for  consideration  on  its  merits.  On  March  3, 
1899,  the  Isthmian  Canal  Commission  had  been 
authorized  to  make  a  complete  investigation  of 
the  possible  canal  routes,  but  Hepburn  refused 
to  await  the  report.  He  introduced  a  bill  on 
December  7, 1899,  which  in  substance  was  prac- 
tically the  same  as  the  one  he  had  fathered  in 
the  previous  session  of  Congress.  The  Com- 
mittee on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce 
amended  the  bill  by  substituting  more  guarded 
phrases  in  reference  to  the  defense  of  the  canal, 
by  removing  the  restriction  upon  the  President 
relative  to  detailing  engineers  of  the  Army 
and  Navy  for  the  work,  and  by  appropriating 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  209 

only  ten  million  of  tlie  one  hundred  and  forty 
million  dollars  fixed  as  the  aggregate  cost.^^^ 

On  February  17,  1900,  Hepburn  reported  his 
bill  as  amended  to  the  House  where  it  was  re- 
ferred to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole.  In  his 
report  the  Colonel  showed  very  clearly  that  he 
wanted  an  American  canal,  built  by  Americans 
with  American  capital,  and  protected  by  Amer- 
ican fortifications.  Having  briefly  summarized 
the  need,  practicability,  cost,  and  probable  rev- 
enue to  be  derived  from  the  canal  he  launched 
into  a  discussion  of  the  international  problems 
connected  with  the  project.  He  adhered  strictly 
to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  declared  that  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  had  long  before  ceased 
to  have  any  binding  force.^^^ 

People  who  favored  an  isthmian  canal  con- 
curred in  the  vigorous  American  policy  so 
tersely  stated  by  Colonel  Hepburn.  The  editor 
of  the  Review  of  Revieivs,  Albert  Shaw,  heart- 
ily endorsed  ''the  able  and  sound  report". 
''Stand  by  your  guns!"  wrote  0.  E.  Payne. 
"No  such  opportunity  to  make  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  or  to  undo  it,  was  ever  presented  to 
our  country.  It  will  be  the  greatest  achieve- 
ment in  American  statesmanship,  during  the 
past  twenty-five  years".  Another  correspond- 
ent informed  the  Colonel  that  his  "logical  and 
convincing  construction  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer 
Convention"  was  irrefutable.    "Seldom  have  I 


15 


210         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

read  a  state  document,"  he  continued,  '4n  any 
of  the  five  languages  over  which  my  study  of 
international  politics  and  general  political  sci- 
ence extends,  which  for  concise  and  exhaustive 
statement  of  the  subject-matter  could  excel  the 
terse  and  yet  comprehensive  and  lucid  presen- 
tation of  the  Nicaragua  canal  question  in  your 
report.  "^^^ 

There  was  of  course  much  opposition  to  the 
bill.  The  opponents  of  any  isthmian  canal  re- 
newed their  activity.  There  were  others  who 
desired  a  different  route.  Among  those  who 
favored  the  Nicaragua  canal  there  were  di- 
vergent opinions.  The  Outlook  disparaged  the 
idea  of  making  the  canal  a  national  highway  of 
the  United  States  and  advocated  neutralization 
according  to  the  terms  of  the  original  Haj^- 
Pauncefote  treaty.  A  minority  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce, 
while  agreeing  w^ith  the  majority  on  an  exclu- 
sively American  canal,  wished  to  postpone 
action  until  the  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty  was 
amended  to  give  the  United  States  the  absolute 
right  to  own  and  control  the  canal.  The 
Chicago  Inter-Ocean  took  the  attitude  that  the 
Nicaragua  canal  bill  was  in  plain  violation  of 
the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  and  insinuated  that 
Hepburn,  because  he  saw  no  necessity  of  the 
Hay-Pauncefote  treaty,  was  therefore  urging 
the  passage  of  liis  bill,  under  which  no  canal 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  211 

could  be  constructed,  in  order  to  defeat  the 
whole  project  and  thereby  secure  the  friendship 
of  the  transcontinental  railroads.-^^ 

Three  days  after  the  Nicaragua  canal  bill  was 
reported  Hepburn  asked  unanimous  consent  to 
set  a  day  for  its  consideration,  but  Joseph  G. 
Cannon  objected;  and  on  two  later  occasions 
Theodore  E.  Burton  objected  to  similar  mo- 
tions. Weeks  passed  and  a  discussion  of  the 
bill  could  not  be  obtained.  At  last,  however,  it 
was  made  a  special  order  for  the  first  and  sec- 
ond of  May,  1900.-^^ 

At  the  appointed  time  Colonel  Hepburn 
opened  the  debate  by  reviewing  the  history  of 
American  efforts  to  build  an  inter-oceanic 
canal.  In  anticipation  of  the  arguments  of 
Eepresentatives  who  had  doubts  in  regard  to 
the  engineering  features  of  the  Nicaragua  canal 
— "and  doubts  are  all  they  have  upon  these 
matters  of  engineering",  he  added  parenthet- 
ically —  the  Colonel  enumerated  the  many  sur- 
veys and  verifications  of  surveys  of  the 
Nicaragua  route,  every  one  of  which  had  re- 
ported the  canal  to  be  feasible.  Indeed,  every 
portion  of  the  route  had  been  so  thoroughly 
investigated  that  he  felt  almost  justified  in 
saying  that  a  photograph  had  been  obtained  "of 
every  grasshopper  and  bug  that  could  be  found 
in  all  that  179  miles  of  tropical  country."  In 
the  light  of  that  information  there  seemed  to  be 


212      willia:\i  peters  hepburn 

no  necessity  for  further  postponement  of  legis- 
lation.^'^*^ 

The  diplomatic  aspect  of  the  question  next 
occupied  Hepburn's  attention.  He  cited  a  long 
list  of  statesmen  who  maintained  that  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  was  no  longer  operative 
because  it  had  become  obsolete  or  had  been 
''violated  by  Great  Britain  in  such  a  degree  as 
to  justify  us  in  no  longer  recognizing  its 
potency".  Even  if  that  were  not  true  he  in- 
sisted that  the  United  States  would  be  justified 
in  abrogating  the  treaty  on  the  ground  that  the 
right  to  make  a  treaty  is  dependent  on  circum- 
stances and  therefore  no  treaty  is  binding  for 
all  time.  "I  say  that  the  conditions  have  so 
changed,  I  say  that  our  necessities  have  so 
changed,  I  say  that  our  interests  are  so  great 
as  to  demand  that  the  people  of  this  generation 
will  not  longer  be  bound  by  the  barrier  that  was 
interposed  by  another  generation  half  a  century 
ago." 

When  it  was  suggested  that  the  ratification 
of  the  pending  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty  giv- 
ing England  equal  rights  in  the  canal  would 
nullify  the  provisions  of  the  canal  bill,  Hepburn 
asked  if  it  was  proposed  "to  stop  now  because 
of  the  fear  that  something  may  lie  in  the  fu- 
ture". His  opinion  was  "that  if  this  House  of 
Eepreseritatives,  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote, 
declares  that  it  ought  to  be  the  policy  of  the 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  213 

American  people  to  own  that  canal,  untram- 
meled  by  entangling  alliances  with  any  nation 
or  nations,  there  is  no  official  in  the  United 
States  that  will  dare  to  say  nay  to  that. ' ' 

Colonel  Hepburn  wanted  "an  American 
canal  to  be  built  and  controlled  by  our  own 
people  absolutely  and  exclusively.  We  want  a 
canal  that  will  discriminate,  if  discrimination  is 
to  be  made,  in  favor  of  our  own  people.  In 
other  words,  we  want  to  control  the  enterprise 
ourselves  absolutely  and  entirely."  With  those 
objects  in  view  he  could  not  see  how  the  Panama 
route  would  subserve  the  purposes  of  the 
United  States.  Two  hundred  and  fifty-six  mil- 
lion dollars  had  been  squandered  on  the  Panama 
Canal  and  none  of  the  chief  engineering  feats 
of  construction  were  past  the  stage  of  specu- 
lation, and  the  major  portion  of  the  stock  of  the 
New  Panama  Canal  Company  was  scattered  all 
over  France  and  not  for  sale.  So  Hepburn  had 
no  hesitation  in  advocating  the  Nicaragua  route 
which  could  be  controlled  by  the  government 
and  which  would  not  cost  more  than  one  hun- 
dred and  forty-five  million  dollars. 

In  connection  with  the  advantages  of  govern- 
ment ownership  the  Colonel  declared  that  the 
free  use  of  the  canal  by  American  ships  would 
be  the  "means  of  stimulating  shipbuilding  in 
the  shipyards  in  the  United  States"  and  the 
law  which  authorized  the  construction   of  the 


214        AVILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

canal  by  the  government  would  be  "tlie  most 
important  item  of  legislation  tbat  this  country 
has  undertaken  to  enact  in  the  last  thirty 
years." 

This  speech  by  Colonel  Hepburn  opened  the 
flood  gates  of  Congressional  oratory.  Indeed, 
so  many  members  wished  to  speak  that  some 
difficulty  was  experienced  in  dividing  the  time 
among  the  contending  factions.  For  hours  men 
declaimed,  and  extended  their  remarks  in  the 
Congressional  Record  until  every  phase  of  the 
question  had  been  exhausted.  As  usual  Joseph 
G.  Cannon  constituted  the  disturbing  element  in 
the  debate.  He  urged  further  postponement  of 
canal  legislation  and  insinuated  that  Hepburn 
was  promoting  the  bill  because  in  reality  it 
would  tend  to  delay  the  construction  of  the 
canal.^^^ 

In  the  evening  the  Colonel  replied  ''to  certain 
strictures  upon  the  pending  bill  indulged  in  by 
the  gentleman  from  Illinois  ....  in  his 
hysterical  assault"  and  challenged  Cannon's 
sincerity.  He  closed  with  an  appeal  to  support 
the  Nicaragua  canal  bill.  "It  is  possible,  I 
know,"  he  said,  "that  a  better  bill  than  this 
should  be  had;  it  was  not  possible  for  me  to 
draw  one  ....  I  know  that  I  have  yielded 
much  of  my  convictions  as  to  what  was  best  in 
order  to  secure  that  which  was  possible.  Let 
me  urge  you  to  do  the  same." 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  215 

On  the  following  day  Cannon  took  occasion  to 
remark  that  "when  a  man  anywhere  is  ready  to 
challenge  the  sincerity  of  a  fellow-member  on 
the  floor  of  the  House  that  he  is  only  ready  to 
do  so  perhaps  because  he  turns  his  glance  in- 
ward and  applies  the  proposition  to  himself  as 
to  what  he  might  do  under  similar  circum- 
stances. "^^^ 

Thereupon  Hepburn  arose  to  say  that  on  all 
occasions  where  Cannon  ''has  had  an  oppor- 
tunity, by  insolent  interference,  he  has  at- 
tempted to  stop  the  progress  of  this  great  work 
.  .  .  .  Twice  in  the  last  five  years  his  com- 
mittee, that  never  gave  a  word  of  attention  or 
study  to  the  subject,  have  intervened  and  have 
secured  a  suspension  of  action  ....  I  say 
this  to  him,  if  he  means  to  father  it,  that  the 
man  who  said  that  I  was  not  in  good  faith,  that 
I  had  any  other  purpose  than  that  of  securing 
at  the  earliest  moment  that  canal  that  would 
most  benefit  us,  I  say  that  he  lied ;  and  if  it  was 
parliamentary  to  do  it,  I  would  say  the  man 
that  attempted  to  give  currency  to  it  by  its  repe- 
tition here  was  a  liar." 

*'I  have  seen  in  my  time  other  men  and  mem- 
bers trying  to  play  the  cuttlefish  act  and  muddy 
the  waters  and  swim  away",  jeered  Cannon. 

"I  propose  no  cuttlefish  movement  here", 
retorted  Hepburn.  "  I  do  not  propose  to  muddy 
the  waters  and  get  away.    I  am  responsible  for 


216        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

what  I  have  said  to  the  gentleman  and  to  this 
House.  I  have  weighed  my  words;  and  while 
they  are  earnest,  I  know  what  they  mean.  I 
believe  that  he  tried  to  dishonor  me  here,  and  I 
resent  it.    I  want  him  to  understand  it. ' ' 

Every  effort  was  made  to  rob  the  bill  of  its 
exclusive  American  features  when  it  was  de- 
bated section  by  section.  Hepburn,  was  on  the 
alert,  however,  and  the  bill  passed  by  a  vote  of 
two  hundred  and  twenty-four  to  thirty-six  in 
practically  the  same  form  that  it  was  reported. 
In  the  Senate  the  Hepburn  canal  bill  was  re- 
ported without  amendment,  but  during  the  re- 
mainder of  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty-sixth 
Congress  and  throughout  the  second  session  it 
was  impossible  to  obtain  a  discussion  of  the 
measure.-^^ 

The  Fifty-seventh  Congress  had  been  in  ses- 
sion only  four  days  when  Hepburn  again  intro- 
duced his  Nicaragua  canal  bill.  On  December 
19,  1901,  three  days  after  the  ratification  of  the 
Hay-Pauncefote  treaty  which  expressly  abro- 
gated the  Clayton-Bulwer  convention  and  gave 
the  United  States  exclusive  control  of  the 
canal,  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and  For- 
eign Commerce  reported  the  Hepburn  canal 
bill  with  the  "earnest  recommendation"  that  it 
pass.  Except  that  one  hundred  and  eighty  mil- 
lion dollars  instead  of  one  hundred  and  forty 
million  dollars  was  fixed  as  the  limit  of  cost, 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  217 

this  bill  was  identical  with  the  one  that  passed 
the  House  in  the  previous  Congress.^^^ 

Colonel  Hepburn  opened  the  debate  upon  his 
bill  on  January  7,  1902.  He  emphasized  the 
fact  that  the  bill  "invested  the  President  with 
all  the  authority  necessary  to  accomplish  all 
that  is  preliminary  and  then  to  accomplish  this 
great  work  ....  There  is  no  divided 
authority  under  the  terms  of  this  bill.  There  is 
no  commission.  There  is  no  place  made  in  this 
bill  for  the  retirement  of  partially  defunct 
statesmen."  The  increased  cost,  he  explained, 
was  due  to  plans  for  a  wider  and  deeper  canal. 
Again  he  touched  upon  the  free  use  of  the  canal 
as  a  subsidy  for  American  shipping.^^^ 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  the  Colonel  was 
asked  what  objection  there  w^ould  be  to  pro- 
viding in  the  bill  for  an  alternative  route  if  the 
interests  of  the  New  Panama  Canal  Company 
could  be  purchased  at  a  fair  price.  "I  believe 
so  supremely  in  the  superiority  of  the  route 
that  is  nearest  to  us",  he  replied,  "that  I  want 
to  labor,  if  I  can,  to  carry  out  the  views  of  the 
committee  that  I  represent ;  and  I  look  upon  any 
attempt  to  entangle  us  in  any  way  with  the 
Panama  Canal  as  simply  another  effort  in  the 
direction  of  delay."  Besides  being  four  hun- 
dred miles  nearer  the  United  States,  he  stated, 
the  Nicaragua  route  possessed  the  advantage 
of  being  at  a  point  where  trade  winds  prevail 


218         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

for  the  benefit  of  sailing  vessels  and  contribute 
towards  making  that  route  the  "healthiest  of 
all  tropical  regions"  in  contrast  to  "the  ceme- 
tery owned  by  the  Panama  Canal  Company". 
Moreover,  he  had  been  told  that  the  passage 
of  a  vessel  through  the  distance  of  fresh  water 
in  the  Nicaragnia  Canal  would  have  an  appreci- 
able effect  in  freeing  the  ships  from  barnacles. 
As  to  the  probability  of  the  Panama  Canal  be- 
ing completed  to  compete  with  the  Nicaragua 
Canal  he  replied  that  the  French  government 
would  build  its  capital  on  the  Mall  in  Washing- 
ton as  soon.  Admitting  that  the  locks  of  the 
canal  might  be  destroyed  by  a  stick  of  dynamite, 
he  added  that  there  was  also  a  possibility  of  the 
assassination  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States. 

After  two  hours  of  discussion  led  by  Colonel 
Hepburn  the  general  debate  began  and  con- 
tinued through  three  days.  Conditions  had 
changed  since  1900  so  that  there  was  no  direct 
opposition  to  the  bill  and  only  a  few  members 
of  the  House  had  the  temerity  to  offer  amend- 
ments. The  relative  merit  of  the  Panama  and 
Nicaragua  routes  was  the  subject  of  most  of  the 
debate,  although  the  control  and  fortification  of 
the  canal  received  some  attention.  Many  of  the 
speakers  paid  a  timely  tribute  to  the  zeal  and 
perseverance  of  Colonel  Hepburn  who  had 
"pressed  this  bill  before  the  House  for  so  many 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  219 

years."  Toward  the  end  of  the  debate  Cannon 
delivered  a  long  address  in  which  he  advised 
further  delay ;  and  Hepburn  replied  in  a  speech 
replete  with  stinging  sarcasm.  It  was  a  little 
after  five  o'clock  on  January  9,  1902,  w^hen  the 
vote  on  the  passage  of  the  Hepburn  canal  bill 
was  taken:  three  hundred  and  eight  Repre- 
sentatives  responded  yea   and   only   two   said 

jjg^y    302 

The  passage  of  the  Hepburn  canal  bill  was 
hailed  in  Iowa  as  '  *  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
legislative  acts  recorded  in  history"  and  the 
''greatest  compliment  ever  paid  by  the  house  to 
a  congressman".  Elsewhere,  however,  the  of- 
fer of  the  New  Panama  Canal  Company  to  sell 
its  interests  for  forty  million  dollars  caused  a 
marked  trend  of  public  opinion  away  from  the 
Nicaragua  route.  On  January  18th  the  Isth- 
mian Canal  Commission  filed  a  report  in  favor 
of  the  Panama  route  and  when  the  Hepburn  bill 
came  before  the  Senate  for  debate  John  C. 
Spooner  offered  an  amendment  authorizing  the 
President  to  acquire  the  property  of  the  New 
Panama  Canal  Company  and  a  strip  of  land 
from  Colombia  within  a  reasonable  time  and 
upon  reasonable  terms ;  but  if  that  could  not  be 
accomplished  then  he  was  to  secure  the  neces- 
sary territory  through  Nicaragua  and  proceed 
to  build  the  canal  there.  Furthermore,  the  con- 
struction of  the  canal  was  to  be  in  the  hands  of 


220         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

a  commission  of  seven  members.  Tlie  bill  as 
.  amended  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  sixty- 
seven  to  six.  At  first  the  House  refused  to 
concur  in  the  Senate  amendments,  but  after  a 
conference  the  Spooner  measure  was  adopted 
by  a  vote  of  two  hundred  and  sixty  to  eight, 
probably  because  the  majority  in  the  House  be- 
lieved the  President  would  not  be  able  to  make 
acceptable  negotiations  for  the  Panama  route 
wdthin  a  reasonable  time.  The  act  was  signed 
by  President  Roosevelt  on  June  28,  1902.^*^^ 

In  moving  the  adoption  of  the  conference  re- 
port Colonel  Hepburn  said  that  he  had  not  in 
''any  manner  modified"  his  opinions  of  the 
"wisdom  of  the  action  of  the  House  on  the  9th 
day  of  last  January",  for  he  still  believed  in 
the  Nicaragua  route  and  in  the  concentration  of 
authority  in  the  President.  Despite  all  the  de- 
fects of  the  Senate  amendments,  however,  he 
believed  it  would  be  better  to  do  something  than 
to  delay  any  longer  "the  beginning  of  some 
work  in  the  direction  of  accomplishment".  In- 
deed, as  early  as  January  28,  1902,  he  had  writ- 
ten to  a  friend  that  he  wanted  a  canal  and 
preferred  the  Nicaragua  route,  but  if  that  route 
could  not  be  obtained  he  w^ould  support  the 
Panama  route  rather  than  have  no  canal.^*^^ 

Seizing  advantage  of  an  opportune  revolu- 
tion in  Colombia,  the  government  of  the  United 
States  recognized  the  independence  of  Panama 


ISTHMIAN  CANAL  221 

on  November  6,  1903 ;  and  on  November  18tli  a 
treaty  was  signed  with  tlie  new  republic  which 
granted  to  the  United  States  in  perpetuity  the 
use,  occupation,  and  control  of  a  canal  zone 
across  the  Isthmus.^*^°  On  April  16,  1904,  a 
Senate  bill  which  appropriated  ten  million  dol- 
lars in  payment  for  the  Canal  Zone  and  outlined 
a  form  of  government  for  the  same  was  re- 
ferred to  the  House  Committee  on  Interstate 
and  Foreign  Commerce.  Two  days  before 
President  Roosevelt  had  written  to  Colonel 
Hepburn:  "I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  put 
through  the  Panama  legislation.  It  seems  to 
me  absolutely  necessary  that  we  should  have 
something  of  the  kind. ' '  Hepburn  reported  the 
bill  on  April  20th,  it  passed  the  House  on  the 
following  day,  and  was  approved  by  the  Presi- 
dent a  week  later.^'^^ 

Thus  ended  the  long  struggle  for  legislation 
authorizing  the  construction  of  the  isthmian 
canal  by  the  United  States.  There  were,  of 
course,  many  questions  pertaining  to  the  canal 
which  remained  to  be  decided  by  Congress,  and 
until  the  end  of  his  public  career  Colonel  Hep- 
burn was  prominent  in  shaping  canal  legisla- 
tion. For  the  purpose  of  securing  first-hand 
information  of  conditions  in  the  Canal  Zone  be 
made  two  trips  to  Panama  with  the  Committee 
on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  —  once  in 
November,  1904,  and  again  in  December,  1908. 


222         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

He  was  the  author  of  a  bill  to  regulate  the 
finances  connected  with  the  construction  of  the 
canal :  the  measure  was  introduced  on  the  open- 
ing day  of  the  Fifty-ninth  Congress,  ran  the 
gauntlet  of  both  chambers,  and  was  approved 
by  the  President  seventeen  days  later.  Again, 
in  1906  when  it  became  necessary  to  determine 
whether  the  Panama  Canal  should  be  of  sea- 
level  or  lock  type  a  Senate  bill  providing  for  a 
lock  canal  identical  with  one  introduced  in  the 
House  by  Colonel  Hepburn  gained  enactment.^^'^ 
Both  the  Republican  and  Democratic  mem- 
bers of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and  For- 
eign Commerce  united  in  giving  William  P. 
Hepburn  the  credit  for  making  the  Panama 
Canal  a  reality.  Ir^dng  P.  Wanger  declared 
that  ''it  was  through  the  determined,  able, 
broadminded  efforts  of  our  chairman  that  the 
construction  of  an  Isthmian  canal,  has  been 
made  an  immediate  possibility,  and  its  comple- 
tion within  a  reasonable  time  a  positive  cer- 
tainty," It  was  the  opinion  of  William  C. 
Adamson  that  when  this  great  waterway  should 
be  completed  ''the  name  of  William  Peters 
Hepburn  will  be  lauded  by  mankind  as  that  of 
the  man  who  built  the  canal.  "^^'^ 


XXIV 

The  Election  of  1904 

During  the  period  William  P.  Hepburn  was 
engaged  in  championing  the  cause  of  the 
canal  he  experienced  little  difficulty  in  keeping 
his  seat  in  Congress.  To  be  sure,  in  1898  he 
encountered  some  disaffection  '^  growing  out  of 
post  office  matters";  but  by  October  8th,  when 
the  campaign  was  formally  opened,  conditions 
had  greatly  improved.  Since,  however,  '^  pru- 
dent men  do  not  fail  to  fight",  the  Colonel  cam- 
paigned as  vigorously  as  his  health  would  per- 
mit.^"'' A  Republican  majority  of  twenty-six 
hundred  and  five  votes  completely  discredited 
the  assertion  that  the  nomination  of  Hepburn 
would  be  dangerous  on  account  of  his  small 
majority  in  1896.^^*^ 

When  Senator  John  H.  Gear  died  on  July  14, 
1900,  Colonel  Hepburn  was  urged  to  become  a 
candidate  for  the  vacant  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate.  Buren  R.  Sherman  wrote  to 
Governor  Leslie  M.  Shaw  that  there  was  "no 
more  competent  or  efficient  man  in  all  Iowa,  for 
the  position  of  Senator,  than  William  P.  Hep- 
burn", since  he  combined  "ability  and  experi- 

223 


224        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ence,  with  the  highest  personal  accomplish- 
ments and  correct  habits".  Jonathan  P. 
Dolliver,  Albert  B,  Cummins,  and  John  F. 
Lacey  were  other  prominent  men  who  were  con- 
sidered for  the  place.  The  question  was  settled 
on  August  22nd  when  it  was  announced  that 
Jonathan  P.  Dolliver  had  been  selected.  Three 
days  later  Colonel  Hepburn  wrote  to  the  Gov- 
ernor expressing  his  approval  of  the  appoint- 
ment. Governor  Shaw  replied  that  ''no  letter 
of  the  hundreds"  that  had  come  to  his  desk  was 
more  valued.  "I  think  I  can  appreciate  the 
heart-throbs  it  must  have  cost  you,  whatever 
may  have  been  your  judgment,  to  see  another 
advanced  to  a  position  which  you  had  honorably 
aspired  to  fill."^^^ 

Though  Colonel  Hepburn  had  planned  to 
participate  extensively  in  the  campaign  of  1900 
he  found  himself  in  such  ill  health  that  after 
delivering  a  few  speeches  seated  in  a  chair  and 
doubled  up  with  rheumatism  he  cancelled  his 
engagements  and  went  to  Hot  Springs,  Arkan- 
sas, early  in  September.  He  returned  to  Iowa 
in  October,  however,  and  in  spite  of  severe  pain 
made  a  number  of  able  addresses  before  election 
day.  He  was  reelected  to  Congress  by  a  ma- 
jority of  forty-six  hundred  and  fifteen  votes. ^^^ 

The  panic  of  1893  was  the  closing  episode  of 
the  first  period  of  industrial  concentration. 
After  1896  the  recovery  of  public  confidence 


ELECTION  OF  1904  225 

caused  a  revival  of  speculation,  and  the  drift 
toward  monopoly  was  renewed.  The  Repub- 
lican party,  through  the  leadership  of  Marcus 
A.  Hanna,  became  the  avowed  ally  of  organized 
business.  Under  the  protection  of  the  Dingley 
Tariff  of  1897  trusts  grew  amazingly:  pros- 
perity reigned  throughout  the  country.  The 
people  had  lost  none  of  their  antipathy  for 
monopoly,  however,  and  from  the  West  there 
came  the  suggestion  that  the  way  to  control  the 
trusts  was  through  the  tariff.  In  1901  Albert  B. 
Cummins,  the  leader  of  a  liberal  Republican 
faction,  was  elected  Governor  of  Iowa  on  a 
platform  which  demanded  "any  modification  of 
the  tariff  schedules  that  may  be  required  to 
prevent  their  affording  a  shelter  to  monopoly. ' ' 
For  several  years  following  1901  trusts  and  the 
tariff  constituted  the  chief  topics  in  Iowa 
politics. ^^^ 

In  the  uneventful  campaign  of  1902  Colonel 
Hepburn  defeated  T.  M.  Stuart  by  a  majority 
of  sixty-eight  hundred  and  sixty  votes  —  which 
drew  from  Senator  Dolliver  the  comment  that 
"this  thing  seems  to  grow  more  easy  for  you  at 
each  election."  The  political  chessboard  in 
1904,  however,  did  not  present  such  a  simple 
problem.  Governor  Cummins  had  been  making 
capital  out  of  the  "Iowa  idea"  that  the  protec- 
tive tariff  operated  as  a  shelter  to  monopoly. 
Supported    by    the    liberal    Republicans    the 

16 


226        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

Governor  declared  in  his  inaugural  address 
on  January  15,  1904,  that  he  favored  reciproc- 
ity with  Canada  in  competitive  agricultural 
products. 

Nearly  two  months  earlier  Hepburn,  repre- 
senting the  conservative  element  in  the  Repub- 
lican party,  had  delivered  a  notable  speech  in 
Congress  in  which  he  said:  "I  believe  in  the 
doctrine  of  reciprocity",  but  with  the  reciprocal 
arrangement  confined  to  the  ''noncompetitive 
articles  that  will  not  interfere  with  our  labor  or 
with  our  industries."  It  must  have  been  with 
feelings  of  satisfaction,  therefore,  that  he  re- 
ceived the  news  toward  the  end  of  January, 
1904,  that  the  prevailing  sentiment  in  Iowa  was 
to  endure  the  Governor's  ''vagaries"  no  longer 
and  that  the  Republicans  did  "not  stand  for 
free  trade  with  Canada  and  the  country  ought 
to  know  it. "^^^ 

An  interview  which  had  wide  circulation  in 
Iowa  newspapers  early  in  March  credited  Hep- 
burn with  the  statement  that  the  man  "who 
calls  himself  a  republican  and  does  not  believe 
in  protection  is  not  a  republican  —  he  is  a 
democrat."  He  added,  however,  that  revision 
of  the  tariff  "along  the  lines  of  progress  and 
advancement  is  one  of  the  principles  of  protec- 
tion." An  "unqualified  denial"  was  the  best 
answer  he  could  give  to  the  claim  that  the  tariff 
sheltered  monopoly.    He  could  see  no  benefit  to 


ELECTION  OF  1904  227 

the  United  States  from  reciprocity  with  Can- 
ada, and  he  believed  that  the  "level  headed 
farmers"  of  Iowa  would  repudiate  any  attacks 
upon  the  principle  of  protection. ^^^ 

On  April  5,  1904,  Hepburn  was  renominated 
for  Congress  with  more  enthusiasm  than  had 
been  evinced  in  many  years.  ''Standpatism 
reigned  supreme."  Indeed,  from  the  spirit 
manifest  in  the  Creston  convention  and  from 
news  of  the  action  of  many  county  conventions 
Hepburn  was  enabled  to  say,  when  he  returned 
to  Congress  a  few  weeks  later,  that  the  ''Iowa 
idea"  had  been  ''put  to  rest"  and  that  the  Re- 
publicans of  Iowa  had  asserted  themselves  in 
harmony  with  the  time-honored  principles  of 
the  party.^^*' 

In  accepting  his  eleventh  Congressional  nomi- 
nation Colonel  Hepburn  delivered  a  speech 
which  was  received  everywhere  as  a  pronounce- 
ment of  the  Republican  doctrines  that  were  to 
dominate  the  ensuing  campaign.  Protection  of 
the  labor  of  the  country,  he  asserted,  was  the 
basis  of  Republican  political  organization  and 
the  foundation  upon  which  had  been  built  the 
"great  superstructure  of  our  prosperity." 
Conceived  in  the  interest  of  free  labor,  the  Re- 
publican party  had  always  adhered  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  ameliorating  labor  conditions.  The 
protective  tariff  was  simply  the  product  of  the 
idea  that  "capital  should  not  own  labor. "■'^^" 


228         "WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

He  iterated  the  idea  that  there  was  no  *'sa- 
credness  in  schedules"  because  changing  con- 
ditions would  always  demand  the  revision  of 
taritf  rates  but  to  the  protective  principle  Re- 
publicans would  continue  to  cling.  "Some- 
times ' ',  he  said,  ' '  we  have  been  told  by  men  in 
our  own  party  that  adhesion  to  this  great  prin- 
ciple meant  stagnation  ....  that  it  is  only 
the  dead  that  'stand  pat.'  "  Those  who  make 
such  a  charge,  Hepburn  declared,  are  ''as  faulty 
in  their  theology  as  they  are  in  their  politics." 
He  understood  that  death  "ushers  in  more 
glorious  possibilities"  and  constitutes  "the 
hope  and  the  consolation"  of  Christians.  To 
him  the  synonym  of  "stand  pat"  was  "hold 
fast",  and  with  that  definition  in  mind  he  de- 
duced that  St.  Paul,  "the  wisest  of  men",  was 
a  "standpatter",  for  it  was  he  who  said: 
"Prove  all  things:  hold  fast  that  which  is 
good." 

To  Hepburn's  mind  the  benefits  of  protection 
had  been  proved  beyond  a  doubt.  Seventy-two 
years  of  free  trade  had  made  the  United  States 
a  debtor  nation,  but  under  the  fostering  influ- 
ence of  the  protective  tariff  the  balance  of  trade 
had  turned  in  favor  of  the  United  States  and 
the  wealth  of  other  nations  poured  into  this 
country.  In  1860  the  surplus  wealth  in  the 
United  States  accumulated  by  "all  the  toilers 
during  eight  generations  of  men  and  nearly  two 


ELECTION  OF  1904  229 

hundred  and  fifty  years  of  struggle"  was  six- 
teen billion  dollars  because  Americans  had 
bought  the  necessities  of  life  abroad.  ''Then 
we  changed  our  policy  and  we  began  to  make 
for  ourselves  and  to  keep  here  at  home  that 
which  we  made.  We  have  in  the  United  States 
today  not  less  than  eighty-six  billions  of 
wealth."  In  view  of  these  results  the  Colonel 
pronounced  the  protective  policy  to  be  good. 
"I  am  inclined  to  think",  he  continued,  "that  it 
is  the  opinion  of  the  republican  party,  in  this 
part  of  the  state  at  least,  that  w^e  will  'hold 
fast'  and  that  probably,  we  will  be  careful  here- 
after to  see  to  it  that  those  we  honor  and  that 
those  we  place  in  positions  of  leadership  and 
trust  have  proven  this  matter". 

Before  concluding  his  speech  Colonel  Hep- 
burn could  not  refrain  from  reviewing  the 
mistakes  of  the  Democratic  party  and  congratu- 
lating the  Republicans  upon  the  leadership  of 
Theodore  Roosevelt,  whom  he  characterized  as 
being  ' '  honest  beyond  criticism  or  cavil ;  truth- 
ful in  all  utterances;  bold  under  all  circum- 
stances ;  wise  in  the  policy  of  government ;  well 
grounded  in  the  principles  that  have  made  this 
nation  great  ".^^* 

On  the  relation  of  the  protective  tariff  to 
monopoly  Hepburn  stated  his  position  best  in  a 
brilliant  speech  delivered  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives on  April  23,  1904.    "We  are  not  in 


230         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

favor  of  taking  away  the  tariff  from  an  article 
simply  because  it  may  become  the  creature  of  a 
trust",  he  declared.  ''If  there  is  such  a  shelter 
found  by  the  trusts  as  a  tariff  schedule,  we  ^^dll 
take  care  of  the  trusts  in  some  other  Avay.  We 
will  not  pull  down  the  scaffolding  of  our  pros- 
perity in  order  to  reach  a  trust.  "^^^ 

When  Hepburn  was  selected  to  be  the  tempo- 
rary chairman  of  the  Republican  State  conven- 
tion on  July  20,  1904,  both  Standpatters  and 
Progressives  knew  that  the  key-note  speech 
would  resound  w^ith  genuine  Republicanism.  If 
there  was  any  apprehension  that  the  Colonel's 
declaration  of  principles  would  offend  the 
"Iowa  idea"  men  the  fear  was  allayed  on  the 
evening  before  the  convention  Avhen  Governor 
Cummins,  in  a  public  address,  practically  re- 
versed his  attitude  on  reciprocity  and  the  rela- 
tion of  the  tariff  to  trusts. ^-^  Hepburn  devoted 
the  major  portion  of  his  speech  to  a  vivid  por- 
trayal of  the  work  of  the  Republican  party, 
lingering  especially  upon  the  tariff  question  as 
though  protection  was  a  magic  w^ord  which 
would  transform  America  into  a  land  of  peace 
and  plenty.  A  more  extreme  statement  of  con- 
servative Republicanism  was  scarcely  possible, 
and  when  Governor  Cummins  declared  that  "in 
its  every  line  and  in  its  every  sentiment"  the 
speech  expressed  his  belief.  Standpatters  and 
Progressives  vied  with  each  other  in  applause. ^^^ 


322 


ELECTION  OF  1904  231 

The  harmony  which  prevailed  in  the  State 
convention  continued  throughout  the  campaign. 
Scarcely  a  day  passed  from  the  middle  of 
August  until  the  first  of  November  that  Colonel 
Hepburn  did  not  make  a  political  speech.  If  he 
was  not  participating  in  a  Republican  rally 
somewhere  in  the  eighth  district  he  was  work- 
ing for  the  good  of  his  party  elsewhere  in  Iowa, 
praising  the  protective  tariff  in  New  Jersey  and 
Pennsylvania,  or  electioneering  for  his  com 
mittee  colleagues  in  Michigan  and  Minnesota 

In  the  course  of  the  campaign  the  Colonel 
was  asked  to  state  his  attitude  toward  railroad 
regulation.  On  August  9th  he  was  requested  to 
prepare  an  article  to  be  published  in  Freight 
upon  the  subject  of  legislation  to  increase  the 
powers  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commis- 
sion, and  the  following  day  Henry  Wallace,  the 
editor  of  Wallaces'  Farmer,  tendered  him  a 
similar  invitation.  Both  of  these  proposals  he 
declined,  but  in  his  reply  to  Wallace  he  vouch- 
safed a  belief  ''in  the  necessity  of,  and  the  duty 
of  securing,  legislative  means  by  which  all  ex- 
tortions and  all  discriminations  as  to  persons, 
place,  and  commodities  shall  be  not  only  pro- 
hibited by  law,  but  prevented  in  fact."  He  was 
not  prepared  to  say,  in  advance  of  committee 
hearings,  that  he  favored  * '  giving  the  power  of 
rate  fixing  into  the  hands  of  a  majority  of  five 
men"  and  if  he  believed  that   Congress  was 


232         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

dominated  by  corporations  he  ''certainly  would 
not  vote ' '  to  delegate  that  power  to  the  kind  of 
men  who  usually  composed  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission.^*^^ 

A  week  later  Henry  Wallace  replied  that  ''it 
is  not  enough  for  a  member  of  Congress  to  be  in 
favor  of  legislation  by  means  of  which  all  dis- 
crimination and  extortion  shall  be  prevented  in 
law  and  in  fact.  It  is  his  duty  to  devise  the 
effective  method."  Whether  true  or  false,  the 
suspicion  that  Congress  was  under  the  control 
of  corporations  afforded  "a  plausible  explana- 
tion of  the  present  condition  of  affairs."  The 
farmers  of  Iowa,  he  said,  could  ' '  find  little  com- 
fort in  the  thought  that  they  are  represented  in 
Congress  by  men  of  unusual  ability,  if  that 
ability  is  used  against  them  instead  of  for 
them."  Colonel  Hepburn  was  advised  to  give 
the  Commission  "power  to  make  prima  facie 
rates.  "324 

Stimulated  by  the  activity  of  the  Corn  Belt 
Meat  Producers'  Association  and  the  Western 
Cattle  Growers'  Association,  the  editor  of  Wal- 
laces' Farmer  was  induced  to  publish  a  long 
open  letter  to  W.  P.  Hepburn  on  September  16, 
1904.  It  began  with  the  statement  that  the 
"farmers  and  stockmen  of  Iowa  are  learning 
wdth  surprise  and  not  a  little  humiliation  that 
by  reason  of  the  attitude  of  some  of  their  repre- 
sentatives in  the  national  consfress  on  the  trans- 


ELECTION  OF  1904  233 

portation  question,  they  are  regarded  by  the 
farmers  of  other  states  as  standing  in  the  way 
of  sorely  needed  reforms  ....  Particu- 
larly they  are  not  able  to  understand  why  the 
representative  of  the  Eiglith  District  .... 
should  throw  the  weight  of  his  influence  against 
any  attempt  to  amend  the  interstate  commerce 
law."  Hepburn  was  reminded  that  he  was  de- 
feated in  1886  because  the  people  ''were  suffer- 
ing from  discriminations  in  railroad  traffic" 
and  he  "would  promise  them  no  relief."  Con- 
ditions in  1904,  it  was  alleged,  were  much  the 
same  as  they  had  been  eighteen  years  previous 
—  a  situation  which  was  entirely  satisfactory  to 
the  railroads.  "What  your  constituents  and 
the  people  of  Iowa  generally  want  to  know  is, 
Is  it  satisfactory  to  Youf"  There  was  never 
a  more  appropriate  time  to  give  evidence  of 
statesmanship,  the  letter  declared.  "Why  not 
take  up  a  subject  in  which  the  people  have  a 
^dtal  interest  and  tell  the  farmers  of  your  dis- 
trict why  they  should  pay  $9.50  per  car  more 
on  hogs  and  $10  more  on  cattle  in  order  that 

the  beef  trust  may  pile  up  yet  other  mil- 
lions ".^^5 

This  open  letter  Colonel  Hepburn  refused  to 
answer.  He  believed  that  his  Congressional 
record  on  railroad  regulation  was  above  criti- 
cism, and  he  preferred  then  as  in  the  past  to 
allow  his  deeds  to  speak  for  the  honesty  of  his 


234        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

motives.  Later  events  proved  that  his  attitude 
was  unfortunate,  for  it  led  to  unpleasant  mis- 
understandings. But  since  he  had  no  confidence 
in  the  personnel  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission  it  could  hardly  be  expected  that  he 
would  be  enthusiastically  in  favor  of  increasing 
the  powers  of  an  incompetent  body.^-^ 

Although  the  agitation  for  a  new  railroad 
rate  law  probably  had  no  effect  upon  the  elec- 
tion of  1904  it  was  the  first  indication  of  falling 
action  in  the  drama  of  Hepburn's  life.  While 
he  was  returned  to  Congress  by  a  majority  of 
nearly  eleven  thousand  votes  —  the  widest  mar- 
gin ever  polled  by  a  Congressman  in  the  eighth 
Iowa  district  —  the  forces  set  in  motion  by 
Henry  Wallace  at  that  time  compassed  his  ulti- 
mate defeat.  Strange  to  relate  the  railroad 
question  was  the  rock  upon  which  Hepburn's 
public  career  was  twice  wrecked  but  upon  which 
nevertheless  he  attained  the  pinnacle  of  his 
fame.^^'^ 


XXV 

Teip  to  the  Orient 

Eaely  in  the  spring  of  1905  William  H.  Taft, 
then  Secretary  of  War,  invited  a  number  of 
Senators  and  Representatives  to  accompany 
him  on  a  trip  to  the  Orient.  Colonel  Hepburn 
was  among  those  who  accepted  the  invitation. 
Although  the  party  did  not  depart  until  July, 
the  Colonel  and  Mrs.  Hepburn  sailed  from  San 
Francisco  on  the  first  of  June  in  order  that  they 
might  spend  a  few  weeks  with  their  daughter, 
Margaret  Hepburn  Chamberlain,  in  Hono- 
lulu.328 

Colonel  Hepburn  had  scarcely  set  foot  upon 
the  soil  of  Hawaii  before  he  was  beset  by  news- 
paper reporters  armed  with  a  multitude  of 
questions.  He  told  them  that  the  possession  of 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  "as  a  defensive  measure 
for  the  Pacific  coast"  was  of  "great  value  to 
the  United  States."  To  Hawaii  the  Panama 
Canal  would  prove  to  be  a  boon  both  in  Occi- 
dental and  Oriental  trade.  The  immigration 
question,  he  said,  was  becoming  very  serious  in 
America  because  undesirable  classes  from 
southeastern  Europe  were  lodging  in  the  cities 

235 


236         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

where  until  the  third  generation  they  retained 
their  native  language.  He  thought  there  would 
be  no  change  in  the  policy  of  Chinese  exclu- 
sion.^-^ Whatever  the  outcome  of  the  Russo- 
Japanese  War,  the  United  States  was  bound  to 
maintain  the  open  door  in  the  Orient.  '^ That's 
what  the  navy  is  for",  he  added  significantly. 
His  impressions  of  Honolulu  were  very  pleas- 
ant, and  he  anticipated  that  his  sojourn  would 
be  full  of  interest.^^^ 

Judging  by  the  number  of  addresses  Colonel 
Hepburn  delivered  it  is  probable  that  his  visit 
in  Hawaii  was  productive  of  as  much  good  to 
his  hosts  as  to  himself.  It  was  said,  indeed, 
that  he  ''gained  the  Aloha  of  the  people  of  Ha- 
waii" by  his  talks  and  his  attractive  person- 
ality. So  varied  were  the  occasions  on  which 
he  spoke  that  an  opportunity  was  afforded  to 
express  his  views  on  many  important  ques- 
tions.^^ ^ 

"American  Citizenship"  was  the  subject  of 
his  speech  at  the  celebration  of  Flag  Day  and 
Kamehameha  Day.  He  spoke  of  the  great 
problem  that  was  settled  by  the  Civil  War,  but 
more  especially  of  the  problems  yet  to  be 
solved.  If  the  United  States  was  to  endure, 
said  he,  it  would  be  because  "civic  virtue,  high 
national  ideals,  and  an  intelligent  conception  of 
the  principles  of  government"  were  main- 
tained.     To    attain   that   end   he   would   have 


TRIP  TO  THE  ORIENT  237 

people  put  their  trust  in  party  organization  be- 
cause political  parties  had  become  a  part  of 
republican  government :  he  had  '  *  always  been  a 
partisan."  ''But  I  have  never  excused  my- 
self" he  continued,  "for  voting  for  a  candidate 
known  to  be  unfit  by  saying  that  he  was  regu- 
larly nominated  by  my  party,  perhaps  through 
my  own  negligence  at  the  primaries.  I  can  see 
no  line  of  difference  between  these  public  duties 
and  our  private  duties."  Mere  obedience  to  the 
laws  did  not  constitute  good  citizenship  in  the 
Colonel's  opinion. ^•'^- 

"The  philosophy  of  the  ballot  is  not  always 
understood",  said  Hepburn  at  a  Republican 
rally  in  July.  ' '  The  ballot  is  not  given  to  men 
as  an  asset.  The  ballot  imposes  duty  and  obli- 
gation upon  the  men  who  have  it.  The  man 
who  has  the  right  to  cast  a  ballot  has  a  duty 
imposed  upon  him  of  casting  it  righteously  and 
rightly,  of  knowing  what  it  means,  and  recog- 
nizing the  fact  that  when  he  voted  for  his  candi- 
date, not  because  he  loves  the  man,  or  believes 
in  immediate  personal  benefit,  but  because  he 
knows  that  man  is  pledged  to  administer  his 
office  along  the  lines  that  the  voter  believes  to 
be  right  and  possible.  "^^^ 

On  the  evening  of  June  12th  William  P. 
Hepburn  was  a  guest  of  honor  at  a  banquet 
given  by  the  president  of  the  Haw^aiian  board  of 
health.    The  object  of  the  gathering  was  to  eel- 


238         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ebrate  the  appropriation  by  Congress  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  to  establish 
on  the  leper  reservation  on  Molokai  Island, 
''a  hospital  station  and  laboratory  of  the  Public 
Health  and  Marine-Hospital  Service  of  the 
United  States  for  the  study  of  the  methods  of 
transmission,  cause,  and  treatment  of  leprosy." 
This  measure  had  been  introduced  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  by  Colonel  Hepburn  on  De- 
cember 21,  1904,  reported  favorably  by  him 
from  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and  Foreign 
Commerce,  and  passed  by  the  House  on  Febru- 
ary 28,  1905,  after  he  had  obtained  unanimous 
consent  for  the  consideration  of  the  bill.^^^ 

The  felicity  of  this  banquet  was  duplicated 
by  another  on  the  evening  of  July  3rd  at  which 
Colonel  Hepburn  responded  to  a  toast  to  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt  in  a  manner  that  ''aroused  the 
patriotism  of  the  guests  to  the  highest  pitch ".^^^ 
In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  declared  that 
the  labor  problem  was  the  most  serious  question 
with  which  the  President  had  to  deal.  "Are  we 
to  alloAv  an  interest  in  this  country  —  a  labor 
interest  though  it  may  be  —  to  re-write  the  con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  or  are  we  going 
to  adhere  to  our  belief  that  all  men  have  the 
right  to  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  embodying  as 
it  does  the  right  to  make  contracts;  to  control 
labor,  embodying  as  it  does  the  right  to  select 
one's  own  employers  and  the  amount  of  stipend 


TRIP  TO  THE  ORIENT  239 

and  the  duration  of  the  hours  for  work?"  ex- 
claimed the  Colonel.  ''Are  we  going  to  say  that 
certain  gentlemen  who  claim  to  be  the  especial 
guardians  of  labor,  shall  determine  and  make  it 
their  right  that  no  American  citizen  without  the 
card  of  some  union  and  who  pays  tribute  in  the 
form  of  a  tax  to  a  labor  organization,  shall 
workr'33G 

The  steamship  Manchuria,  bearing  the  Taft 
party,  arrived  at  Honolulu  on  the  morning  of 
July  14th  and  departed  in  the  evening  of  the 
same  day  on  the  long  voyage  to  the  Orient. 
During  the  remainder  of  the  tour  Colonel  and 
Mrs.  Hepburn  were  members  of  the  official 
party.  At  daybreak  of  July  25th  the  Man- 
churia was  greeted  with  a  magnificent  display 
of  fireworks  in  Tokyo  Bay  and  a  few  hours  later 
the  Taft  party  disembarked  at  Yokahama  to 
board  a  special  train  bound  for  Tokyo.  For  a 
week  the  people  of  Japan  overwhelmed  their 
American  guests  with  Oriental  hospitality. 
Not  since  General  Grant  visited  Nippon  had 
foreign  tourists  received  such  a  splendid  recep- 
tion. Everywhere  Secretary  Taft  was  greeted 
with  shouts  of  ''Banzai",  while  for  Miss  Alice 
Roosevelt  there  was  always  a  gorgeous  bouquet. 
The  whole  party  was  invited  to  a  luncheon  with 
the  Emperor,  and  it  was  said  to  be  almost  woi'th 
a  trip  to  Japan  to  see  Colonel  "Pete"  Heplmrn 
enter  the  presence  of  the  "Son  of  Heaven". 


240         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

From  Tokyo  the  party  went  to  Kyoto,  thence  to 
Kobe  where  the  Manchuria  was  waiting,  and 
then  out  to  sea  by  way  of  Nagasaki.^^^ 

It  was  August  5th,  early  in  the  morning,  when 
the  big  Pacific  liner  steamed  past  the  frowning 
fort  of  Corregidor  and  entered  the  placid  wa- 
ters of  Manila  Bay.  For  more  than  a  week  the 
Taft  party  remained  in  Manila,  listening  to 
arguments  for  changes  in  the  government,  vis- 
iting the  schools,  reviewing  parades,  and  at- 
tending banquets.^^^ 

One  event  w^as  made  notable  by  Colonel  Hep- 
burn's ''eloquent  and  powerful"  reply  to  some 
Filipino  orators  who  demanded  a  reduction  of 
taxes,  more  participation  in  the  government, 
and  early  independence.  He  said  he  could  as- 
sure them  that  the  United  States  had  no  inten- 
tion of  exploiting  the  islands,  was  prompted  by 
no  purpose  of  selfishness,  and  entertained  no 
other  desire  than  to  secure  the  happiness  and 
prosperity  of  the  Filipino  people.  He  ventured 
to  predict  that  by  the  time  the  Filipinos  were 
"capable  of  self-government  they  would  so  honor 
American  customs  and  government  that  they 
would  be  loath  to  sever  their  allegiance  to  ' '  the 
starry  banner  of  liberty  and  religious  toler- 
ance." He  reminded  his  auditors  that  free 
government  had  usually  been  founded  upon 
centuries  of  political  experience  and  the  wisdom 
of  great  statesmen.    In  respect  to  high  taxes  he 


TRIP  TO  THE  ORIENT  241 

suggested  tliat  thoughtful  men  would  recognize 
the  need  of  providing  highways,  railroads,  and 
ports  in  anticipation  of  future  commercial 
development.^^^ 

The  afternoon  of  August  14tli  found  Secre- 
tary Taft  and  his  companions  ''sagging  south" 
along  the  rock-bound  coast  of  Panay  Island  on 
a  tour  of  the  archipelago.  Their  purpose  was 
to  listen  to  grievances  and  acquire  information 
which  might  have  a  bearing  upon  future  legisla- 
tion or  administration.  A  day  was  spent  in 
Iloilo,  the  city  of  beautiful  sunsets,  and  then 
the  party  crossed  Guimoras  Strait  to  Bacolod 
on  Negros  Island  where  the  usual  appalling 
program  of  processions,  luncheons,  and  drives 
was  endured.  Next  they  touched  at  Zamboan- 
ga  on  Mindanao  Island,  the  home  of  the  Moros. 
Jolo,  the  capital  of  the  Sulu  Archipelago,  far 
into  the  southern  seas,  was  the  turning  point 
of  the  long  voyage  to  the  most  remote  region 
of  American  dominions. ^^^^ 

On  the  return  northward  the  Taft  party  was 
given  a  glimpse  of  a  tropical  forest  on  Minda- 
nao Island,  and  they  stopped  for  a  few  hours 
at  Cebu,  the  ancient  seat  of  government  in  the 
Philippines,  established  by  Magellan  in  1521. 
They  touched  at  Tacloban  on  the  island  of 
Leyte;  felt  their  way  into  the  shallow  harbor 
of  Legaspi  near  the  old  Spanish  town  of  Albay ; 
and  crossed  the  phosphorescent  bay  of  Sorso- 

17 


242         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

gon  on  a  ' '  blazing  tropic  niglit ' '  when  the  wake 
of  the  boat  formed  ''a  welt  of  light".  On  the 
morning  of  August  28th  the  tourists  found 
themselves  once  more  inside  the  Manila  break- 
water.^^^ 

After  two  days  spent  in  listening  to  argu- 
ments for  and  against  Philippine  independence, 
Secretary  Taft  and  his  companions  boarded  the 
United  States  army  transport  Logan  bound  for 
Hongkong,  China.  From  there  they  steamed 
up  Pearl  River  to  visit  the  squalid  city  of  Can- 
ton. On  September  6th  the  Pacific  Mail  steam- 
er Korea,  with  most  of  the  Taft  party  on  board, 
passed  out  into  the  China  Sea  and  took  her 
course  northeastward.  She  stopped  at  Amoy 
to  take  on  a  cargo  of  Formosa  tea,  lay  at  anchor 
a  few  hours  in  the  harbor  of  Shanghai,  coaled 
at  Nagasaki,  picked  her  way  through  the  en- 
chanting Inland  Sea  to  Kobe,  thence  to  Yoka- 
hama,  and  then  out  to  the  open  sea,  booming 
along  the  great  circle  route  to  San  Francisco, 
back  from  the  East  to  the  West.^^^ 


XXVI 

Raileoad  Regulation 

In"  every  man's  life,  no  matter  liow  versatile 
he  may  be,  there  can  be  discovered  some  inter- 
est more  determinate  of  the  course  of  his 
career  than  all  others,  some  events  so  porten- 
tous that  they  form  the  guide  posts  of  his  con- 
duct, some  deeds  so  important  that  in  contrast 
all  other  acts  seem  overshadowed.  So  it  was 
with  William  P.  Hepburn.  As  a  pioneer  he 
shared  in  the  great  work  of  building  the  West; 
he  participated  in  the  mighty  conflict  to  pre- 
serve the  Union;  and  he  was  instrumental  in. 
enacting  some  of  the  most  momentous  legisla- 
tion of  the  twentieth  century.  But  it  was  his 
work  upon  the  transportation  problem  that 
constituted  his  principal  achievement  and 
earned  for  him  enduring  fame. 

When  Colonel  Hepburn  returned  to  Congress 
in  1893  he  was  appointed  to  the  Committee  on 
Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  and  the 
Committee  on  Pacific  Railroads.  For  fourteen 
years  he  was  the  chairman  of  the  former  com- 
mittee, and  he  served  upon  the  latter  until 
1903.     It  was  in  connection  with  the  work  of 

243 


244        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

these  committees  that  he  exerted  the  influence 
of  his  convictions  on  the  relation  of  the  govern- 
ment to  the  railroads. 

The  settlement  of  the  United  States  subsidy 
claims  against  the  Pacific  railroads  constituted 
a  vexed  question  in  the  halls  of  Congress  for 
many  years,  and  Hepburn  devoted  much  time 
to  the  study  of  the  intricate  details  of  the  prob- 
lem. The  railroad  companies,  anxious  to  nego- 
tiate a  settlement  with  the  United  States,  of- 
fered several  reasonable  refunding  schemes 
which  were  invariably  defeated  —  despite  the 
support  of  the  majority  of  the  Committee  on 
Pacific  Railroads.  Some  Congressmen  were 
opposed  to  any  plan  which  savored  of  accom- 
modation to  corporations  no  matter  how  fair 
the  proposition  might  be.  There  were  others, 
led  by  the  California  delegation,  who  wished  to 
force  the  government  to  foreclose  and  become 
the  owner  of  the  torso  of  a  non-paying  trunk 
road  (without  terminals  or  feeders)  at  a  price 
above  the  value  of  the  line.^^^ 

Colonel  Hepburn  consistently  advocated  the 
adoption  of  various  refunding  proposals  be- 
cause he  thought  they  offered  the  best  attain- 
able solution  of  the  problem.  He  had  no 
sympathy  with  the  notion  that  there  was  no 
obligation  to  be  honest  with  a  corporation.^*^ 
It  was  proposed  in  1897  to  withhold  the  money 
appropriated  to  pay  a  government  debt  of  more 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  245 

than  a  million  dollars  to  the  Southern  Pacific 
Company  for  transportation  and  apply  the  sum 
on  the  debt  of  the  Central  Pacific  to  the  United 
States,  on  the  ground  that  the  owners  of  the 
Southern  Pacific  and  the  Central  Pacific  were 
practically  the  same  persons.  Hepburn  pro- 
tested vigorously.  ''The  whole  argument  of 
the  gentlemen",  he  said,  "must  rest  upon  the 
fact  of  the  absolute  identity  of  the  individual 
atoms  composing  the  corporations.  If  there  is 
one  man  who  is  a  stockholder  in  one  of  the 
roads,  and  not  in  the  other,  then  the  act  pro- 
posed here  is  a  robbery  of  that  man."  He  re- 
fused to  conform  his  ideas  of  equity  and  justice 
to  ' '  this  highwayman 's  plea ' '  that  might  makes 
right.^^^ 

Settlement  of  the  Pacific  railway  claims  by 
foreclosure  was  favored  by  the  Colonel  only  as 
a  last  resort.  The  United  States  was  dealing 
with  delinquent  debtors,  he  explained,  and  held 
inadequate  security  in  the  form  of  second  mort- 
gages upon  trunk  lines  without  terminals.  He 
contended  that  foreclosure  would  result  in  the 
total  loss  of  the  government  claims,  because  in 
order  to  make  the  security  available  it  would  be 
necessary  to  pay  off  first  mortgages  at  a  cost 
greater  than  the  value  of  the  railroads.  Speak- 
ing of  such  a  contingency  in  connection  with 
the  Union  Pacific,  he  declared  that  the  govern- 
ment would  hold  the  title  to  a  railroad  worth  at 


246         AVILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

the  most  fifty  or  sixty  million  dollars  in  which 
had  been  invested  more  than  one  hundred  and 
sixty-four  million  dollars. ^^^ 

Furthermore,  the  roads  acquired  by  fore- 
closure would  have  no  terminals  and  very  little 
local  traffic.  Hepburn  described  the  Central 
Pacific  as  "a  road  that  starts  from  no  place 
[five  miles  west  of  Ogden,  Utah]  and  runs  to  no 
place  [San  Jose,  California]".  Five  hundred 
miles  of  the  road  crossed  the  arid  plains  of 
Nevada  and  did  not  "furnish  local  traffic 
enough  to  this  road  to  pay  for  the  oil  and  waste 
with  which  the  axles  are  greased.  "^^^ 

That  foreclosure  would  be  the  first  step  to- 
w^ard  the  ownership  and  operation  of  ''every 
mile  of  railway  in  the  United  States"  the 
Colonel  had  no  doubt.  He  felt  safe  in  sur- 
mising that  the  Populists  and  the  Congress- 
men from  California  would  be  willing  to  lose 
the  entire  debt  due  to  the  United  States  if  they 
could  secure  the  ownership  and  operation  of 
the  Pacific  railroads  by  the  government.  "I 
have  studied  that  phase  of  this  question",  he 
said,  and  "I  do  not  believe  that  we  are  ready  to 
go  into  that  experiment."  He  asserted  that 
the  ''burdensome  and  costly"  undertaking  had 
failed  in  seven  States  and  in  every  European 
country  except  Belgium  and  Hungary.  He  was 
not  willing  that  the  United  States  should  ex- 
pend billions  of  dollars  to  purchase  the  rail- 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  247 

ways  of  the  country  and  add  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  names  to  the  list  of  government 
employees.^^^ 

This  "striking"  chapter  in  the  history  of 
transportation  in  the  United  States"  was 
closed  abruptly  and  with  unexpected  felicity 
between  1897  and  1899  when  the  main  Pacific 
railways,  creatures  of  the  government  and  the 
targets  of  unnumbered  debates,  paid  or  amply 
guaranteed  to  pay  the  huge  sum  of  principal 
and  accumulated  interest  on  the  government 
loan.  Apprehension  lest  the  government 
claims  would  be  entirely  lost  subsided  and 
dreams  of  government  ownership  vanished.^^" 

The  most  potent  factor  causing  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Pacific  railway  claims  was  the  am- 
bition of  Edward  H.  Harriman  to  convert  the 
various  lines  into  a  transcontinental  system. 
The  Interstate  Commerce  Act  of  1887  had  pro- 
hibited cooperation  among  railroads  by  making 
pools  and  rate  agreements  illegal.  To  avoid 
destructive  competition  the  stronger  lines 
leased  the  weaker  with  the  result  that  at  the 
opening  of  the  twentieth  century  nearly  all  the 
railroads  had  been  combined  to  form  a  few  ex- 
tensive systems.  The  direct  effect  of  consoli- 
dation was  a  continual  rise  of  freight  rates  and 
the  revival  of  rebates  and  discrimination,  much 
to  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  public.^^^ 

In  the  midst  of  the  spreading  discontent  it 


248         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

was  discovered  that  the  regulative  machinery 
of  the  government  was  not  adequate  to  cope 
with  the  new  emergency.  In  1896  the  Supreme 
Court  held  that  the  Interstate  Commerce  Com- 
mission had  no  power  to  modify  railroad  rates ; 
and  in  the  following  year  the  same  tribunal 
denied  the  right  of  the  Commission  to  establish 
the  reasonableness  of  relative  rates  between 
competing  places,  thereby  nullifying  the  ^'long 
and  short  haul"  clause  of  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Act  of  1887.  Stripped  of  its  force  the 
law  was  in  imperative  need  of  amendment,  but 
Congress  was  engrossed  with  the  Spanish  War, 
imperialism,  and  the  isthmian  canal.  Not  until 
President  Roosevelt  began  to  brandish  the  ''big 
stick"  and  preach  the  "square  deal"  were 
steps  taken  to  meet  the  situation. ^^^ 

In  1903  the  Elkins  Act  passed  Congress  with 
remarkable  celerity.  According  to  the  terms  of 
that  law,  common  carriers  were  confined  strict- 
ly to  published  rates;  discrimination  could  be 
restrained  by  injunction;  shippers  were  made 
liable  to  prosecution;  and  the  penalty  of  im- 
prisonment was  revoked.  Framed  in  "conso- 
nance and  in  harmony"  with  oft-repeated  rec- 
ommendations of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission,  the  bill  was  good  though  "possibly 
not  the  best",  said  Hepburn  in  support  of  the 
measure.  During  sixteen  years  there  had  not 
been  a  single  conviction  for  discrimination  or 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  249 

rebating,  simply  because  ''the  community  of 
kindly  feeling"  among  the  malefactors  com- 
bined with  the  penalty  of  imprisonment  pre- 
vented one  member  of  the  group  from  testify- 
ing against  his  fellows.  The  Colonel  believed 
that  the  Elkins  Act  would  stop  discrimination, 
and  if  that  could  be  accomplished  most  of  the 
evils  would  "cease  to  exist. "^^- 

While  the  Elkins  law  helped  to  stabilize  rates 
for  the  time  being  it  was  scarcely  more  than  ''a 
truce  of  the  principals  to  abolish  piracy." 
During  the  second  session  of  the  Fifty-eighth 
Congress  the  Cooper-Quarles  bill  to  define  the 
powers  and  duties  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission  received  some  attention,  but  no 
definite  action  was  taken.  Meanwhile  the  public 
demand  for  general  remedial  legislation  was 
becoming  more  urgent.  Manifestly  something 
had  to  be  done  to  guarantee  reasonable  rates 
to  all  shippers  and  to  smash  the  system  where- 
by enormous  industrial  monopolies  were  cre- 
ated by  gross  favoritism  in  transportation 
through  the  operation  of  rebates,  drawbacks, 
terminal  facilities,  and  private  car  lines. •"^•'-'^ 

The  situation  was  brought  to  a  crisis  by 
President  Roosevelt 's  declaration  in  his  annual 
message  to  Congress  in  December,  1904,  that  it 
was  ''necessary  to  put  a  complete  stop  to  all 
rebates"  and  that  "the  most  important  legis- 
lative act"  then  needed  was  a  law  conferring 


250        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

upon  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission 
"the  power  to  revise  rates  and  regulations, 
[when  a  particular  rate  was  challenged  and 
found  to  be  unreasonable]  the  revised  rate  to  at 
once  go  into  effect,  and  to  stay  in  effect  unless 
and  until  the  court  of  review  reverses  it." 
"That  message",  wrote  Colonel  Hepburn, 
"changed  the  question  of  rate  making  by  the 
Commission  from  an  academic  one  to  a  very 
actual  one.  No  matter  what  might  be  said  ab- 
stractly against  the  policy  of  Governmental  in- 
terference, or  about  the  rights  of  property 
under  the  theory  of  the  Constitution  the  matter 
had  to  be  treated  as  one  of  those  well  nigh  uni- 
versal demands  where  the  interests  of  the  peo- 
ple overshadowed  all  mere  ethical  discussion 
and  policy."  The  Colonel  was  "satisfied  that, 
although,  perhaps  Government  interference 
might  not  be  best,  and  that  some  rights  of  cor- 
porations might,  perhaps,  be  invaded,  yet  con- 
trol was  to  come,  and  was  to  be  the  Govern- 
mental policy.  "^^^ 

The  third  session  of  the  Fifty-eighth  Con- 
gress had  scarcely  begun  before  the  House 
Committee  on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Com- 
merce commenced  to  conduct  hearings  on  rail- 
road regulation;  it  devoted  the  following  two 
months  almost  entirely  to  the  consideration  of 
that  subject.  An  enormous  amount  of  evidence 
was  submitted  by  representatives  of  railroads. 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  251 

mercantile  associations,  and  producers,  all  of  it 
essentially  selfisli  though  usually  screened  be- 
hind an  apparent  solicitude  for  the  public  wel- 
fare. With  remarkable  dexterity,  however,  the 
members  of  the  Committee,  and  particularly 
Chairman  Hepburn,  succeeded  in  stripping  the 
masks  of  sincerity  from  the  witnesses  and  in 
revealing  their  real  motives.^'' ^ 

Before  the  end  of  January,  1905,  no  less  than 
twenty-three  bills  to  increase  the  powers  of  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  to  expedite 
its  action,  and  to  provide  for  judicial  review  of 
its  orders  had  been  considered  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce. 
The  Cooper-Quarles  bill  still  had  a  few  friends. 
Two  supplementary  bills  introduced  by  John  J. 
Esch  and  Charles  E.  Townsend  were  supposed 
to  enjoy  Presidential  favor.  Robert  C.  Davey 
had  framed  a  measure  embodying  the  ideas  of 
several  Democratic  Congressmen,  and  William 
R.  Hearst  was  the  author  and  chief  advocate  of 
a  bill  of  his  own.^^^ 

Meanwhile  Colonel  Hepburn  was  "quietly  at 
work  ....  trying  to  evolve  a  legislative 
scheme  that  would  meet  the  demands  of  the 
people ;  that  would  be  effective  in  its  operation, 
and  that  would  not  be  detrimental  to  public  in- 
terests." With  the  assistance  of  Attorney 
General  William  H.  Moody  he  incorporated  his 
views  in  a  bill  that  was  introduced  in  the  House 


252         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

of  Representatives  on  January  21,  1905.^^' 
The  Hepburn  bill  provided  that  a  new  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commission  composed  of  seven 
members  with  salaries  of  ten  thousand  dollars 
a  year  should  be  established  and  invested  with 
power  to  fix  reasonable  rates  that  would  be- 
come effective  within  sixty  days.  The  orders 
of  the  Commission  were  subject  to  review  by  a 
Court  of  Commerce  to  be  composed  of  five  cir- 
cuit judges  sitting  as  a  court  of  equity.  Pend- 
ing judicial  review  the  orders  of  the  Commis- 
sion might  be  suspended  if  they  seemed  unjust 
to  the  court,  and  in  that  event  the  railroads 
were  required  to  give  a  bond  to  cover  all  dam- 
ages to  shippers  caused  by  the  delay. 

The  provisions  of  the  Hepburn  bill  excited 
comment  throughout  the  country,  for  it  was 
generally  known  that  the  measure  had  been 
framed  with  the  cooperation  of  the  President, 
the  Attorney  General,  and  railroad  experts  — 
particularly  J.  W.  Blythe,  general  solicitor  for 
the  Burlington  railroad  and  political  dictator 
in  southern  Iowa.  The  sanction  of  the  Presi- 
dent raised  one  presumption,  but  the  ''circum- 
stances attending  the  birth  of  the  measure" 
raised  another  in  the  mind  of  the  Washington 
correspondent  for  the  Chicago  Record-Herald. 
The  Chicago  Tribune  declared  that  the  bill  had 
''all  the  earmarks  of  a  measure  created  by  a 
corporation  attorney"  purely  in  the  interests  of 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  253 

the  railroads. ^^^  There  were  newspaper  editors 
like  George  D.  Perkins  of  the  Sioux  City  Jour- 
nal, however,  who  realized  that  there  were  two 
sides  to  the  rate  question  and  that  the  object 
of  legislation  was  not  to  penalize  the  railroads 
but  to  secure  justice  between  shippers  and  car- 
riers. If  Hepburn,  seeking  to  obtain  the  best 
ideas  on  the  subject,  closeted  himself  with  rep- 
resentatives of  the  railroads  on  the  assumption 
that  they  might  know  something  about  rate 
making,  this  was  to  his  credit.  The  Phila- 
delphia Press  pronounced  the  bill  to  be  a  fair, 
rational,  practical,  and  constitutional  scheme  of 
protecting  the  property  rights  of  railroads  and 
at  the  same  time  affording  relief  from  unfair 
rates.  ''There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that 
Congressman  Plepburn  has  proposed  a  law 
which  will  answer  the  needs  of  the  hour,  and  in 
doing  so  has  performed  a  distinct  and  signal 
service  for  the  people"  was  the  opinion  ex- 
pressed in  the  Burlington  Hawk-Eye.^^^ 

Prejudice,  however,  gave  currency  to  the  sus- 
picion that  there  was  a  joker  somewhere  in  the 
bill.  The  notion  that  Hepburn  was  not  in  sym- 
pathy with  President  Roosevelt's  program  of 
railroad  regulation  seems  to  have  been  preva- 
lent. Henry  Wallace  —  wdio  had  addressed 
several  open  letters  to  W.  P.  Hepburn  demand- 
ing that  he  stop  "talking  wisely  of  the  intricacy 
of  the  transportation  question,  of  the  danger  of 


254        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

placing  so  much  power  in  the  hands  of  the  com- 
mission, of  the  doubt  whether  such  a  law  would 
be  constitutional,  of  the  necessity  of  acting  with 
caution"  and  report  a  measure  in  accord  with 
the  President's  message  —  attacked  the  Hep- 
burn bill  w^ith  candid  opposition.  Associations 
of  manufacturers  and  producers  likewise  pro- 
tested, chiefly  perhaps  because  they  had  favored 
the  Cooper-Quarles  bill  and  were  reluctant  to 
have  it  displaced.  Governor  Cummins  was  so 
prominent  in  criticizing  the  bill  that  the  New 
York  Press  concluded  that  a  *' cyclone  of  popu- 
lar wrath"  had  been  raised  in  the  West  which 
would  demand  ''that  the  perfidious  lowan  side- 
track his  obstruction  to  the  Presidential  train, 
for  which  the  people  have  ordered  the  right-of- 
way."^*^*^ 

Among  the  members  of  the  Committee  on 
Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  there  was 
disagreement  over  the  provisions  of  the  pro- 
posed rate  law.  The  six  Democrats  were 
pledged  to  support  either  the  Davey  or  Hearst 
bill ;  Mr.  Esch  and  Mr.  Townsend  stood  by  their 
own  bills  with  the  added  endorsement  of  Mr. 
Lovering ;  while  only  eight  Republicans  —  one 
less  than  a  majority  —  could  be  mustered  in 
favor  of  the  Hepburn  bill.  In  that  emergency, 
Chairman  Hepburn,  anxious  to  obtain  legisla- 
tion on  the  subject  and  desirous  of  protecting 
his  committee  from  the  taunts  "of  every  scrib- 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  255 

Her  who  wanted  sensational  headlines",  pro- 
posed that  the  Esch  bill  which  enlarged  the 
powers  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commis- 
sion and  the  Townsend  bill  which  established  a 
court  of  transportation  should  be  combined 
and  supplemented  with  a  few  amendments  sug- 
gested by  himself.  After  consultations  with 
President  Roosevelt  the  resultant  Esch-Town- 
send  bill  was  reported  on  January  31,  1905,  and, 
the  Colonel  having  whipped  several  obstinate 
Congressmen  into  harmony,  it  passed  the 
House  nine  days  later  by  a  vote  of  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty-six  to  seventeen.  In  spite  of 
that  remarkable  vote  the  Esch-Townsend  bill 
was  promptl}^  killed  in  the  Senate  by  the  adop- 
tion of  a  resolution  for  an  elaborate  investiga- 
tion of  railroad  regulation  that  consumed  the 
greater  part  of  the  ensuing  spring  and  sum- 
mer.^*^^ 

The  feature  of  the  four-day's  debate  in  the 
House  was  the  closing  speech  by  Colonel  Hep- 
burn. To  an  audience  that  filled  the  floor  and 
galleries  he  spoke  for  more  than  an  hour  in  a 
manner  acknowledged  by  his  opponents  to  be 
masterly.  One  newspaper  correspondent  seems 
to  have  expressed  the  consensus  of  opinion 
when  he  wrote  that  the  speech  was  "the  most 
complete  and  eloquent  exposition  of  the  aims  of 
the  president  and  the  republican  party  in  the 
direction  of  interstate  commerce  reform  that 


256        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

was  ever  made  on  the  floor  of  the  house  of 
representatives. "  ^^^ 

Some  of  the  Colonel's  critics  were  gracious 
enough  to  admit  that  his  action  in  supporting 
the  Esch-Townsend  bill  was  manly  and  fair. 
Several  members  of  the  Committee  on  Inter- 
state and  Foreign  Commerce  also  took  occasion 
during  the  debate  to  express  the  opinion  that 
"no  man  could  have  been  fairer  or  more  con- 
siderate, more  conscientious  in  his  efforts  to 
get  at  the  truth  and  then  to  enact  into  law  the 
best  bill  that  could  be  prepared"  than  ''the  dis- 
tinguished chairman"  of  the  Committee,  Hon. 
W.  P.  Hepburn,  who  ''should  be  awarded  the 
honor  for  whatever  of  benefit"  the  Esch-Town- 
send bill  might  accomplish.^''^ 

There  were  some  faultfinders,  however,  who 
could  not  believe  that  Colonel  Hepburn  was 
capable  of  honest  conduct.  A  report  that  some 
fanatics  in  Cass  County,  Iowa,  had  hanged  him 
in  effigy  was  given  wide  publicity,  and  for  the 
first  time  during  the  eighteen  years  he  had 
been  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
the  Colonel  was  compelled  to  "obtrude  a  mat- 
ter of  personal  interest"  into  the  proceedings. 
Hitherto  when  criticised  he  had  borne  it  and 
when  slandered  he  had  submitted  to  it,  content 
that  his  acts  should  answer  the  libels  of  those 
who  traduced  him.  For  years  he  had  been 
hounded  "as  a  railroad  attorney  and  as  one 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  257 

ready  to  respond  to  demands  of  corporate  in- 
fluence", yet  he  could  truthfully  say  that  he  had 
helped  to  prepare,  advocated,  and  voted  for 
''every  shred  of  legislation"  on  the  subject  of 
railroad  control  except  the  inconsequential 
amendments  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act 
adopted  in  1889  when  he  was  not  in  Con- 
gress.^^■^ 

On  the  morning  of  February  11th  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and  For- 
eign Commerce  presented  to  Chairman  Hep- 
burn a  splendid  silver  loving  cup  as  a  ''slight 
token  of  their  heartfelt  esteem."  Speaker 
Joseph  G.  Cannon  dignified  the  occasion  by  his 
presence,  while  Republicans  and  Democrats 
alike  praised  the  "statesmanship  and  tact"  of 
their  "honored  chairman"  without  reserva- 
tion. It  was  Robert  C.  Davey  who  addressed 
these  words  to  Colonel  Hepburn:  "we  admire 
you  for  your  strict  integrity  and  we  honor  you 
for  your  manhood ;  and  in  reply  to  some  of  the 
charges  we  have  seen  published,  this  presenta- 
tion is  our  answer."  "This  testimonial",  said 
Hepburn  as  he  accepted  the  gift  of  his  col- 
leagues, "coming  to  me  at  this  moment,  it  seems 
to  me  as  an  answer,  from  the  men  who  know  me 
best,  and  who  have  been  the  closest  observers 
of  that  which  I  have  been  striving  to  do,  and 
that  which  we  all  regard  as  being  for  the  public 
interest,  is  gratifying  beyond  conception.  "-^^^ 

18 


258         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

Meanwhile,  disgruntled  farmers  in  the 
eighth  Iowa  district,  who,  it  was  alleged,  al- 
lowed the  editor  of  Wallaces'  Farmer  to  think 
for  them,  were  becoming  more  persistent  in 
their  criticism  of  Colonel  Hepbnrn.  Many- 
years  before,  while  engaged  in  the  military  ser- 
vice of  the  country,  he  had  written:  "To  per- 
sons of  sensitive  temperament  a  sense  of  abuse 
is  more  galling  than  any  other  feeling,  and  we 
can  more  easily  forget  any  other  offense 
against  us,  than  that  our  motives  have  been 
misconstrued,  and  our  best  intentions  cherished 
to  our  prejudice."  So  now  when  a  letter  came 
describing  the  critical  situation  at  home  and 
announcing  that  Henry  Wallace  would  address 
a  farmers'  institute  at  Corning  on  February  23, 
1905,  Hepburn  immediately  telegraphed  to  Wal- 
lace that  he  would  be  there  also.  At  the  ap- 
pointed time  and  place  there  was  staged  "one 
of  the  most  sensational  incidents"  in  the  polit- 
ical history  of  Iowa  as  well  as  the  most 
dramatic  episode  in  Hepburn's  career.^*^^ 

The  opera  house  in  Corning  was  filled  with  a 
thousand  voters  when  Henry  Wallace  was  in- 
troduced as  the  leading  advocate  of  railroad 
rate  reform.  It  was  in  May,  1904,  at  a  meeting 
of  live-stock  men  in  Denver,  he  said,  that  he 
had  first  heard  of  the  opposition  of  the  chair- 
man of  the  House  Committee  on  Interstate  and 
Foreign  Commerce  to  railroad  regulation.    Not 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  259 

willing  to  believe  that  rumor  he  had  made  a 
personal  investigation  and  had  found  evidence 
in  committee  hearings  which  satisfied  him  that 
Hepburn  regarded  railroads  as  private  prop- 
erty contrary  to  the  grange  decisions  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  Some  correspondence  had  en- 
sued between  himself  and  the  Colonel  which 
seemed  to  be  convincing  proof  of  Hepburn's 
friendship  for  the  railroads.  These  letters  Mr. 
Wallace  read  to  the  farmers  in  Corning,  and 
after  recounting  the  grievances  of  the  people 
against  the  trusts  and  the  railroads  he  ex- 
claimed amid  vociferous  applause,  ''We  want 
just  what  the  president  wants.  "^^^ 

''It  is  a  great  pleasure  to  me  to  be  able  to  be 
here  to-day",  said  Colonel  Hepburn  a  few  min- 
utes later,  because  he  knew  that  "prominent 
among  those"  who  had  attempted  to  prejudice 
the  farmers  against  their  representatives  in 
Congress  was  the  gentleman  who  had  just 
spoken.  "I  have  been  charged,"  he  continued, 
"with  abandonment  of  your  interests  and  pur- 
suing the  interests  of  other  men  whose  interests 
were  at  war  with  yours  ....  and  I  want 
to  remind  my  brother  Wallace  that  19  years 
ago  he  was  making  the  same  charges  against 
me."  The  Colonel  then  related  the  long  and 
honorable  record  of  his  participation  in  the  en- 
actment of  legislation  to  control  the  railroads. 
He  admitted  that  he  had  refrained  from  declar- 


260         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ing-  his  purpose  in  advance  of  important  hear- 
ings the  previous  summer.  "What  would  you 
think  of  a  man",  he  asked,  "charged  with  a 
duty  to  hear  and  then  to  determine,  who  would 
announce  beforehand,  before  he  had  heard,  be- 
fore witnesses  had  testified,  as  to  what  his 
judgment  was!" 

The  most  difficult  feature  of  the  rate  ques- 
tion, Hepburn  explained,  was  to  find  some 
means  of  expediting  litigation.  "Some  gentle- 
men say,  why  don't  you  make  this  rate  [fixed 
by  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission]  go 
into  effect  and  keep  it  in  effect  beyond  the  reach 
of  the  courts.  You  cannot  do  it  ...  .  The 
constitution  provides  that  all  men  shall  have 
the  equal  protection  of  the  laws ;  that  property 
shall  not  be  taken  for  public  uses  without  com- 
pensation ;  that  all  men  shall  be  secure  in  their 
property.  The  courts  have  their  powers  and 
their  rights  fixed  by  the  constitution^  among 
them  the  power  to  issue  an  injunction  when  any 
citizen  complains  that  he  is  about  to  suffer  ir- 
remediable wrong."  With  those  legal  difficul- 
ties in  mind  and  with  the  endorsement  of  many 
prominent  men,  Hepburn  had  framed  his  bill 
providing  for  a  Court  of  Commerce,  yet  he  had 
heard  that  it  did  not  "meet  the  approval  of  the 
governor"  of  Iowa. 

Reluctantly  he  told  how  he  had  prepared  his 
bill,  how  he  had  conferred  frequently  with  the 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  261 

President  and  Cabinet  members,  how  the  Attor- 
ney General  had  couched  the  measure  in  legal 
phraseology,  how  the  compromise  had  been  ne- 
gotiated in  the  committee,  and  finally  how  he 
himself  had  forced  the  Esch-Townsend  bill 
through  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  was 
not  pleasant,  he  said,  to  speak  as  he  had  done 
"because  of  the  seeming  egotism",  but  he 
wanted  to  read  a  letter  from  Attorney  General 
William  H.  Moody.  This  letter  verified  in 
every  particular  the  account  of  the  passage  of 
the  rate  bill  as  Hepburn  had  just  related,  and 
closed  with  the  statement:  ''At  all  times  I  take 
pleasure  in  saying,  you  have  exhibited  an  ear- 
nest desire  to  deal  with  this  important  subject 
in  a  way  which  would  conform  with  the  letter 
and  the  spirit  of  the  president's  recommenda- 
tion." 

Moreover,  the  Attorney  General  had  submit- 
ted the  letter  to  President  Roosevelt  who  added 
his  own  endorsement.  "I  cordially  concur  in 
the  above",  the  President  wrote.  "Col.  Hep- 
burn—  like  senators  Allison  and  Dolliver  — 
has  aided  in  every  possible  way  in  this  rate 
bill;  and  when  it  seemed  possible  to  expedite 
by  dropping  his  own  measure,  and  pushing  the 
Townsend-Esch  measure,  which  achieved  sub- 
stantially the  same  result,  he  at  once  followed 
this  course.  We  have  all  been  after  the  same 
result ;  and  I  am  very  certain  we  will  in  the  end 


262         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

achieve  it,  from  the  very  fact  that  we  are 
striving  in  the  spirit  CoL  Hepburn  has  shown 
in  this  affair,  a  spirit  which  is  concerned  with 
getting  the  substance  and  which  is  therefore 
entirely  willing  to  make  concessions  on  unim- 
portant differences  of  detail." 

The  effect  of  such  confirmation  of  the  Colo- 
nel's good  faith  was  electrical.  ''Read  it 
again ! ' '  yelled  a  farmer  after  the  applause  had 
subsided.  Hepburn  read  the  letters  again  and 
once  more  the  audience  cheered.  Immediately 
the  vindication  of  "Pete"  Hepburn  became  the 
most  absorbing  topic  of  discussion.  Every- 
where it  was  conceded  that  he  had  confounded 
his  critics.  Those  who  had  been  made  sus- 
picious by  misrepresentations  were  compelled 
to  admit  that  "the  aspersions  upon  his  char- 
acter in  connection  with  the  railroad  rate  legis- 
lation" were  "base  and  unfounded  calumnies". 
In  spite  of  the  bitter  denunciations  exchanged 
by  Hepburn  and  Wallace  the  two  men  ate  din- 
ner together.  It  was  characteristic  of  the 
Colonel  that  he  should  speak  invectively  with- 
out the  slightest  malice.^'"'^ 

During  the  summer  of  1905  the  congestion  of 
railroads,  the  insurance  investigation  in  New 
York,  the  Pennsylvania  coal  car  scandal,  the 
Atchison  rebate  disclosures,  and  the  exposure 
of  the  outrageous  publicity  campaign  methods 
of  the  railroads  brought  public  opinion  to  the 


RAILKOAD  REGULATION  263 

boiling  point  on  the  transportation  question. 
In  Iowa  the  leaders  of  the  so-called  progressive 
faction  of  the  Republican  party,  who  delighted 
to  call  their  policies  Rooseveltian,  stirred  up  no 
end  of  discontent.  Hepburn  advised  the  farm- 
ers to  ''unhorse  Governor  Cummins  and  Henry 
Wallace,  and  other  political  gentry"  and  de- 
vote their  efforts  to  aiding  in  the  enforcement 
of  the  law.  Zealous  speeches  he  said  would  not 
diminish  the  evils  from  w^hich  society  suffered  ; 
but  if  the  agitators  would  take  the  trouble  to 
lay  a  specific  case  before  the  Federal  authori- 
ties much  good  might  be  accomplished. ^^^ 

Railroad  rate  legislation,  declared  President 
Roosevelt  in  his  annual  message  to  Congress  on 
December  5,  1905,  was  the  most  urgent  prob- 
lem then  confronting  the  national  legislators. 
In  his  judgment  it  was  imperative  that  Federal 
legislation  should  be  enacted  which  would  con- 
fer upon  an  "unequivocally  administrative" 
body  the  power  to  decide  upon  reasonable  max- 
imum rates  in  particular  cases  of  complaint, 
those  rates  to  go  into  effect  within  a  reasonable 
time  and  remain  in  force  subject  to  review  by 
the  courts.  The  illegality  of  discriminating 
concessions  such  as  free  passes,  reduced  pas- 
senger rates,  or  fictitious  damages  should  be 
explicitly  reasserted;  but  rate  agreements  be- 
tween railroads,  if  in  the  interest  of  the  public, 
ought  to  be  permitted.     He  recommended  that 


264        "WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

private-car  lines,  industrial  roads,  and  refrig- 
eration charges  should  be  brought  "vvithin  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Com- 
mission, or  a  similar  body,  and  suggested  that 
publicity  of  accounts  should  be  required  of  all 
common  carriers. ^'"^ 

When  Congress  convened  on  January  4, 1906, 
after  the  holiday  recess,  William  P.  Hepburn 
introduced  a  rate  bill  which  was  acknowledged 
to  be  framed  in  accordance  with  the  President's 
program.^"^^  The  measure  was  in  the  form  of 
amendments  to  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act  of 
1887.  Transportation  was  redefined  to  include 
private-car  lines  and  terminal  services.  All 
'^  unjust  and  unreasonable"  transportation 
charges  w^ere  declared  to  be  unlawful,  and  dis- 
crimination "under  substantially  similar  cir- 
cumstances" was  prohibited  in  the  identical 
terms  of  the  original  act.  "Midnight  tariffs" 
were  abolished  by  a  provision  that  no  schedule 
could  be  changed  without  thirty  days'  notice. 
The  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  w^as 
given  power  to  establish  "just  and  reasonable 
and  fairly  remunerative"  maximum  rates, 
which  were  to  take  effect  thirty  days  after  no- 
tice and  remain  in  force  until  suspended  or 
modified  by  the  Commission  or  a  court  of  com- 
petent jurisdiction.  The  Commission  was  also 
empowered  to  decide  reasonable  charges  for 
private  cars,  and  to  determine  the  division  of 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  265 

rates  on  through  routes  if  the  carriers  could  not 
agree.  For  violating  the  orders  of  the  Commis- 
sion, which  were  to  be  enforced  in  the  Circuit 
Courts,  the  penalty  was  a  fine  of  five  thousand 
dollars.  To  hasten  litigation  the  Expediting 
Act  of  1903  was  made  applicable  to  rate  cases 
before  the  Circuit  Courts,  and  appeals  lay  di- 
rectly to  the  Supreme  Court  but  did  not  vacate 
or  suspend  the  order  from  which  the  appeal  was 
taken.  Furthermore,  the  Commission  was 
given  authority  to  require  reports  from  all 
common  carriers  and  prescribe  the  method  of 
accounting,  the  records  to  be  accessible  to  the 
Commission  at  all  times.  The  number  of  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commissioners  was  increased 
to  nine,  their  tenure  of  office  extended  to  nine 
years,  and  their  annual  salary  fixed  at  ten  thou- 
sand dollars. ^'^- 

Although  seventeen  railroad  rate  bills  had 
been  introduced  in  the  House  of  Eepresenta- 
tives  it  was  generally  conceded  that  the  Hep- 
burn bill  would  be  the  basis  for  the  measure 
eventually  reported  by  the  Committee  on  Inter- 
state and  Foreign  Commerce,  It  was  no  sur- 
prise, therefore,  when  on  January  10th  the  Re- 
publican members  of  the  Committee  agreed  to 
support  the  Hepburn  bill  with  a  few  changes, 
most  of  which  were  suggested  by  Representa- 
tive Townsend  and  related  to  judicial  pro- 
cedure.    That  the  discussion  in  the  Committee 


266         "WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

might  be  based  upon  a  measure  which  would 
command  the  approval  of  the  majority,  Chair- 
man Hepburn  introduced  a  new  bill  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  with  the  caucus  amendments  incor- 
porated. After  the  caucus  bill  had  been  debated 
in  detail  and  altered  in  several  particulars 
Hepburn  introduced  a  third  bill  which  included 
the  amendments  proposed  in  the  Committee. 
It  was  this  bill,  perhaps  'Hhe  most  important 
piece  of  economic  legislation"  that  had  been  at- 
tempted in  many  years,  which  Colonel  Hepburn 
had  the  notable  honor  to  report  to  the  House  on 
January '  27th  with  the  recommendation  of 
"every  member  of  the  committee ".^"^ 

The  Hepburn  rate  bill  in  its  final  form  did  not 
differ  materially  from  the  first  draft.  The  lan- 
guage was  more  specific  in  several  places,  the 
definition  of  railroads  was  broadened,  an 
amendment  proposed  by  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission  was  inserted,  the  number  of 
Commissioners  was  reduced  from  nine  to  seven 
with  a  term  of  seven  years,  and  railroad  rate 
litigation  was  given  priority  in  the  Supreme 
Court  over  all  except  criminal  cases. ^'''"^ 

Although  consideration  of  the  bill  on  the 
floor  of  the  House  revealed  some  differences  of 
opinion  on  particular  phases  of  rate  regulation 
no  serious  opposition  developed.  In  truth  the 
sentiment  was  so  overwhelmingly  favorable 
and  the  bursts  of  oratory  so  frequent  and  elo- 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  267 

quent  that  the  New  York  World  was  moved  to 
comment  sarcastically:  ''The  Hepburn  bill  is 
more  than  legislation;  it  is  a  prose-poem.  It 
mounts  to  the  Senate  on  wings  of  song. "^''^ 

Nevertheless  it  became  apparent  from  the  de- 
bate in  the  House  that  several  provisions  of  the 
bill  were  somewhat  ambiguous.  Indeed,  the 
New  York  World,  which  favored  radical  rate 
legislation,  called  the  whole  measure  "a  half- 
baked  hodge-podge  of  uncertain  phrases". 
Representative  Townsend,  who  opened  the  de- 
bate, was  sure  that  express  companies  would  be 
under  the  surveillance  of  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission,  but  the  author  of  the  bill, 
who  closed  the  debate,  was  equally  certain  that 
they  would  not.  An  amendment  to  specifically 
include  express  companies  resulted  in  a  tie  vote 
and  the  proposition  was  defeated  on  a  division 
with  tellers.  Similar  amendments  to  define 
telephone,  telegraph,  and  sleeping-car  compa- 
nies as  common  carriers  were  decisively  re- 
jected. A  proposal  to  establish  uniform  freight 
classifications  was  summarily  voted  down; 
while  an  amendment  to  abolish  free  passes  was 
defeated  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  eleven 
to  one  hundred  and  forty-seven.  Efforts  were 
made  to  modify  the  section  relating  to  judicial 
review,  to  clothe  the  Commission  with  authority 
to  regulate  differential  rates  between  competing 
places  and  commodities,  and  to  initiate  investi- 


268         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

gations  of  rates  upon  its  own  motion  —  all 
without  avail.  On  February  8,  1906,  the  Hep- 
burn rate  bill  passed  the  House  unamended 
with  only  seven  dissenting  votes. ^"^ 

In  the  Senate  the  proposed  law  was  destined 
to  encounter  powerful  opposition.  Eight  mem- 
bers of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  Commerce, 
including  all  five  Democrats,  Jonathan  P.  Dol- 
liver,  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  and  Moses  E.  Clapp, 
favored  the  policy  of  regulation  embodied  in  the 
Hepburn  bill,  but  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee, Stephen  B.  Elkins,  together  with  Nelson 
W.  Aldrich  and  Joseph  B.  Foraker,  constituted 
a  formidable  ultra-conservative  trio  who  were 
determined  to  defeat  the  measure.  All  attempts 
to  destroy  the  etfectiveness  of  the  bill  by 
amendments  in  the  Committee  were  successfully 
thwarted,  but  the  lack  of  harmony  among  the 
proponents  of  rate  legislation  precluded  the 
possibility  of  putting  the  measure  into  accep- 
table form  in  the  Committee  according  to  cus- 
tom. Consequently  the  conservatives,  probably 
for  the  purpose  of  discrediting  and  eventually 
defeating  the  bill,  cleverly  accomplished  the 
anomaly  of  reporting  this  administration  meas- 
ure unaltered  to  run  the  gauntlet  of  unlimited 
Senatorial  debate  under  the  sponsorship  of 
Benjamin  R.  Tillman,  a  member  of  the  minority 
party  and  a  bitter  adversary  of  President 
Roosevelt.      This   unprecedented   action,   how- 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  269 

ever,  served  to  emphasize  the  nonpartisan 
character  of  rate  legislation  and  resulted  in  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  and  able  debates  ever 
heard  in  the  United  States  Senate. ^'^" 

The  definition  of  common  carriers,  differen- 
tial rates,  and  free  passes  were  all  but  neg- 
lected by  the  Senators  in  their  anxiety  to 
determine  the  precise  scope  of  judicial  review 
of  the  decisions  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission.  It  was  admitted  that  rate-making 
power  might  be  granted  to  an  administrative 
body,  but  it  was  equally  obvious  that  an  abso- 
lute denial  of  the  right  of  judicial  review  would 
be  unconstitutional.  To  confer  broad  powers 
of  review  upon  the  courts,  however,  might 
frustrate  the  rate-making  function  of  the  Com- 
mission. The  simplest  plan  would  have  been 
to  leave  the  bill  as  Hepburn  framed  it,  without 
prescribing  the  exact  jurisdiction  of  the  courts 
and  relying  upon  the  constitutional  guarantee 
of  the  protection  of  property  by  due  process  of 
law  to  safeguard  the  right  of  judicial  review. 
There  were  some  Senators,  however,  who  in- 
sisted that  judicial  review  should  be  specifically 
limited ;  while  others,  influenced  perhaps  by  one 
of  the  most  powerful  lobbies  ever  maintained  in 
the  national  capital,  demanded  that  the  courts 
should  be  unrestricted  in  their  power  to  review 
the  rate-making  acts  of  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission.^"^® 


270         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

During  March  and  April  the  Senate  chamber 
resounded  with  profound  legal  arguments  on 
the  subject  of  government  rate-making.  The 
debate  was  opened  on  February  28th  by  Sen- 
ator Foraker  who  delivered  the  principal 
speech  in  opposition.  He  declared  that  the 
Hepburn  bill  was  ' '  so  contrary  to  the  spirit  of 
our  institutions  and  of  such  drastic  and  revo- 
lutionary character"  that  the  consequences 
would  be  "most  unusual  and  far-reaching." 
The  existing  law,  properly  amended  and  en- 
forced, he  contended,  would  remedy  the  evils  of 
excessive  rates,  rebates,  and  discriminations. 
The  ''general  supervision  by  a  political  board, 
appointed  by  the  President,  of  a  business  so 
tremendous  as  to  be  practically  incomprehen- 
sible, and  so  complicated  and  difficult  in  its 
character  as  to  be  almost  beyond  the  power  of 
human  intellect  to  master  it,  with  authority  to 
change  rates  with  the  stroke  of  a  pen"  and  to 
act  as  "legislator,  prosecutor,  judge,  jury,  and 
marshal,  all  combined",  he  exclaimed,  "would 
be  alarming  if  its  utter  unconstitutionality  were 
not  as  apparent  as  its  unreasonableness."^'^ 

On  the  following  day,  when  the  floor  and  gal- 
leries of  the  Senate  chamber  were  crowded  to 
overflowing.  Senator  Dolliver  held  the  attention 
of  his  auditors  for  more  than  two  hours  in  an 
equally  able  and  brilliant  defense  of  the  Hep- 
burn bill.    Between  his  unqualified  approval  of 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  271 

the  measure  and  the  avowed  hostility  of  Sen- 
ator Foraker  there  were  many  shades  of 
opinion.  A  multitude  of  amendments  were 
introduced  representing  the  numerous  diverse 
views  on  all  phases  of  the  rate  problem,  but 
it  remained  for  Senator  Allison  to  formulate 
an  acceptable  compromise  on  the  question  of 
judicial  review.  Finally,  on  the  eighteenth  of 
May,  the  Hepburn  rate  bill,  amended  in  more 
than  fifty  particulars,  passed  the  Senate  by  a 
vote  of  seventy-one  to  three.^**^ 

While  the  Allison  amendment  affirmatively 
empowered  the  circuit  courts  to  ''enjoin,  set 
aside,  annul,  or  suspend  any  order"  of  the 
Commission,  it  did  not  specify  the  grounds  on 
which  such  a  decision  could  be  based.  The  con- 
servatives interpreted  the  clause  to  confer  un- 
limited powers  of  judicial  review,  thereby  ma- 
terially circumscribing  the  powers  of  the  Com- 
mission; while  President  Roosevelt,  who  advo- 
cated liberal  rate-fixing  authority  for  the  Com- 
mission, declared  that  the  amendment  ''did  not, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  work  any  change  in  the  bill 
at  all."  Consequently  the  question  of  judicial 
review  was  left  "in  the  fogbank  where  Hep- 
burn" placed  it,  capable  of  any  convenient 
interpretation  until  the  courts  should  establish 
a  preccdent.^^^ 

Although  most  of  the  Senate  amendments 
were  only  technical  changes,  some  of  them  were 


272         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

of  tremendous  importance.  In  addition  to  the 
court  review  amendment,  common  carriers  were 
defined  to  include  pipe  lines,  sleeping-car  com- 
panies, and  express  companies.  Free  passenger 
transportation  (with  many  exceptions)  was  pro- 
hibited. A  ''Jim  Crow"  amendment  was  de- 
signed to  secure  equal  service  for  equal  fare. 
Eailroads  could  be  compelled  to  install  switches 
for  shippers.  Common  carriers  were  forbidden 
to  transport  their  own  commodities  except  tim- 
ber and  timber  products.  The  words  "fairly  re- 
munerative" and  "in  its  judgment"  as  applied 
to  rates  fixed  by  the  Interstate  Commerce  Com- 
mission were  stricken  out  —  amendments  of 
vital  importance  to  the  determination  of  what 
constituted  "just  and  reasonable"  rates.  Dis- 
crimination and  rebating  were  made  criminal 
offenses  punishable  by  imprisonment.  Orders 
of  the  Commission  were  to  take  effect  within  a 
reasonable  stated  time  (not  less  than  thirty 
days)  and  remain  operative  not  longer  than  two 
years.  No  injunctions  restraining  the  orders 
of  the  Commission  could  be  granted  without 
five  days'  notice  to  the  Commission,  and  ap- 
peals from  such  orders  lay  directly  to  the 
Supreme  Court.  The  Senate  also  struck  out 
the  section  increasing  the  size  and  salary  of  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission.=^«- 

On  May  25th  the  House  of  Representatives 
disagreed  to  the  Senate  amendments  and  W.  P. 


RAILROAD  REGULATION  273 

Hepburn,  J.  S.  Sherman,  and  William  Richard- 
son were  appointed  to  confer  with  Senators 
Tillman,  Elkins,  and  Cullom  in  an  effort  to 
reach  an  agreement.  As  a  result  nearly  all  of 
the  Senate  amendments  were  accepted  by  the 
House  conferees,  but  not  without  some  impor- 
tant modifications.  The  conference  committee 
recommended  that  sleeping-car  companies 
should  not  be  deemed  common  carriers,  that 
free  passenger  transportation  should  be  pro- 
hibited absolutely,  that  common  carriers  should 
not  be  permitted  to  transport  any  of  their  own 
products,  that  the  provision  for  compulsory  in- 
stallation of  switches  should  be  broadened  to 
accommodate  lateral  and  branch  railroads  as 
well  as  shippers,  that  the  Senate  should  recede 
from  the  "Jim  Crow"  amendment,  and  that  the 
original  provision  for  increasing  the  size  and 
salary  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission 
should  be  restored.^*^ 

This  report  caused  a  storm  of  protest  in  the 
Senate.  The  members  of  the  conference  com- 
mittee were  charged  with  having  exceeded  their 
authority  by  inserting  new  legislation  into  the 
bill.  The  "Jim  Crow"  amendment  was  de- 
fended, and  absolute  prohibition  of  free  pas- 
senger transportation  was  emphatically  con- 
demned. Indeed,  the  proposed  anti-pass  clause 
raised  a  veritable  tempest  throughout  the  coun- 
try.   Congressmen  were  deluged  with  telegrams 

19 


274         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

and  letters  pleading  for  a  less  stringent  provi- 
sion. An  "army  of  railway  employees"  ap- 
pealed to  President  Roosevelt  in  the  name  of 
"common  justice"  to  defeat  this  most  "ob- 
noxious piece  of  legislation  ever  proposed  by 
Congress".  On  June  7th  the  Senate  rejected 
the  report  of  the  committee  of  conference,  in- 
sisted upon  its  amendments,  and  requested  a 
further  conference  with  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives.^®^ 

In  the  second  conference  the  principal  points 
of  disagreement  were  on  free  passes  and  the 
commodity  clause.  The  House  conferees  agreed 
that  sleeping-car  companies  should  be  included 
as  common  carriers  but  that  only  railroads 
should  be  forbidden  to  transport  their  own 
products  except  timber,  thus  permitting  oil 
companies  to  own  their  own  pipe  lines.  The 
anti-pass  pro^dsion  was  restated  to  prohibit 
free  transportation  only  to  national,  State,  and 
local  officials,  except  those  in  the  postal  service. 
On  all  other  Senate  amendments  the  decision 
reached  in  the  first  conference  was  practically 
retained.-*^®^ 

Although  the  second  conference  report  was 
"railroaded"  through  the  House  with  almost 
no  debate,  serious  objection  to  the  revised  anti- 
pass  and  commodity  clauses  was  encountered 
in  the  Senate,  and  on  June  26th  the  bill  was 
again  returned  to  conference.     The  anti-pass 


RAILROAD  REGULATION 


:^/o 


clause  was  redrafted  along  the  lines  of  the 
original  Senate  amendment,  broadly  prohibit- 
ing free  interstate  passenger  transportation 
and  enumerating  all  classes  of  people  who 
would  be  entitled  to  free  transportation.  The 
words  "railroad  company"  (the  legal  entity) 
were  substituted  for  "railroad"  in  the  com- 
modity clause.  This  report  was  adopted  by 
both  branches  of  Congress  and  on  June  29, 
1906,  the  bill  was  approved  by  President 
Roosevelt. ^^^ 

The  passage  of  the  Hepburn  rate  bill  was 
hailed  as  an  event  of  no  little  importance  in 
American  history.  By  some  economists  it  was 
regarded  as  the  greatest  achievement  in  the 
public  career  of  President  Roosevelt.  In  the 
face  of  determined  opposition  the  President 
and  his  supporters  in  Congress  secured  a  far 
more  radical  measure  than  they  had  any  reason 
to  expect.  To  Colonel  Hepburn  must  be 
ascribed  the  credit  for  framing  the  bill,  for 
sending  it  to  the  Senate  with  all  but  unanimous 
endorsement  by  the  House,  and  for  securing  in 
conference  the  best  of  the  Senate  amendments. 
His  whole  record  on  railroad  regulation  is 
characterized  by  honesty,  sincerity,  and  fair 
dealing  with  all  interests.^^'^ 


XXVII 

PuEE  Food 

Almost  simultaneously  with  the  enactment  of 
the  railroad  rate  bill  another  scarcely  less  im- 
portant measure,  of  which  William  P.  Hepburn 
was  joint  author  and  chief  advocate,  became  a 
law.  The  shocking  revelation  of  unsanitary 
conditions  in  meat  packing  houses  and  the  ne- 
farious practices  of  other  food  manufacturers 
caused  such  a  popular  revulsion  during  the 
spring  of  1906  that  the  long  struggle  for  na- 
tional pure  food  legislation  suddenly  termi- 
nated on  June  30th  when  President  Roosevelt 
signed  the  Pure  Food  and  Drug  Act. 

The  history  of  national  pure  food  legislation 
is  replete  with  the  name  of  William  P.  Hep- 
burn. As  early  as  1886  he  had  espoused  the 
cause  of  pure  food  by  favoring  the  branding 
and  taxation  of  oleomargarine.^®*  From  that 
time  until  1906  propositions  to  prevent  mis- 
branding or  the  fraudulent  and  deleterious 
adulteration  of  food  were  almost  constantly  be- 
fore Congress.  Four  bills  of  that  character 
were  introduced  by  Colonel  Hepburn.  More- 
over, as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Inter- 

276 


PURE  FOOD  277 

state  and  Foreign  Commerce,  he  exerted  a 
powerful  influence  toward  eradicating  the  evils 
of  food  adulteration  by  conducting  extensive 
hearings  and  promoting  the  adoption  of  vari- 
ous pure  food  measures  that  seemed  to  possess 
merit.^^^ 

In  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty-sixth  Con- 
gress the  House  Committee  on  Interstate  and 
Foreign  Commerce  reported  favorably  on  two 
pure  food  measures.  One  was  designed  to  re- 
strict the  adulteration  of  food  and  the  other 
was  to  prevent  false  branding  of  food  and  dairy 
products  as  to  the  State  in  which  they  were 
produced.  Neither  bill  received  any  further 
consideration  in  that  Congress.  During  the 
first  session  of  the  Fifty-seventh  Congress, 
however,  James  S.  Sherman  again  introduced 
his  bill  to  prevent  misbranding  as  to  locality, 
and  it  became  a  law  on  July  1,  1902.  Colonel 
Hepburn  acted  as  chairman  of  the  House  com- 
mittee of  conference  upon  the  Senate  amend- 
ments to  this  bill.^^ 

During  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty-seventh 
Congress  a  bill  was  introduced  by  Colonel  Hep- 
burn to  prevent  the  '^  adulteration,  misbrand- 
ing, and  imitation  of  foods,  beverages,  candies, 
drugs,  and  condiments"  by  regulating  the  in- 
terstate traffic  therein,  and  the  Committee  on 
Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  reported  it 
favorably  on  April  2,  1902,  pronouncing  the 


278         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

measure  to  be  neither  '^  drastic  nor  unreason- 
able". The  object  was  not  to  prohibit  the  man- 
ufacture or  sale  of  harmlessly  adulterated  food 
or  drugs  but  to  provide  that  all  adulterated 
food  and  drugs  should  be  placed  on  the  market 
''under  their  true  names  and  in  such  manner  as 
to  advise  the  purchaser"  of  what  he  was  buy- 
ing. The  bill  proposed  to  organize  a  Bureau  of 
Chemistry  in  the  Department  of  Agriculture 
for  the  purpose  of  analyzing  food  offered  for 
sale  in  a  State  other  than  the  one  in  which  it 
was  produced;  the  terms  "drugs",  "foods", 
"misbranded",  and  "adulteration"  were  de- 
fined; a  penalty  was  prescribed  for  the  ship- 
ment of  any  adulterated  or  misbranded  food  or 
drug  in  interstate  or  foreign  commerce;  and 
prosecution  was  to  be  initiated  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  Agriculture  through  the  United  States 
district  courts. ^'^^ 

Early  in  the  second  session  of  the  Fifty- 
seventh  Congress  the  pure  food  bill  was  made  a 
special  order.  In  closing  the  debate  Colonel 
Hepburn  disclaimed  the  authorship  of  the 
measure,  saying  that  it  had  been  prepared  by  a 
committee  appointed  by  the  National  Pure 
Food  and  Drug  Congress.  He  was  satisfied 
that  the  bill  was  not  perfect  —  it  was  not  as 
drastic  as  he  would  have  drawn  it  —  but  he  be- 
lieved it  was  the  best  legislation  that  could  be 
obtained.     The  establishment  of  proper  stand- 


PURE  FOOD  279 

ards  by  the  national  government,  he  thought, 
would  not  only  prevent  harmful  adulteration 
and  the  fraudulent  sale  of  a  cheap,  impure  arti- 
cle at  the  price  of  a  perfect  article,  but  it  would 
set  a  standard  of  uniformity  to  be  followed  hf 
the  States.2^- 

The  bill  passed  the  House  on  December  19, 
1902,  and  on  the  eighth  of  January,  1903,  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Manufactures  reported  a 
substitute  which  was  substantially  the  same, 
with  the  sections  providing  for  the  organization 
of  a  Bureau  of  Chemistry  and  the  establishment 
of  food  standards  by  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture eliminated.  Although  the  pure  food  bill 
was  first  on  the  Senate  calendar  for  nearly  a 
year  and  commanded  more  public  interest  than 
any  other  pending  legislation,  it  was  impossible, 
despite  desperate  efforts,  to  obtain  further 
hearing  on  the  subject.  On  the  day  before  the 
final  adjournment  of  the  Fifty-seventh  Con- 
gress the  Senate  refused  by  a  vote  of  twenty- 
eight  to  thirty-two  to  consider  the  proposed 
legislation.^^^ 

Hepburn  re-introduced  his  pure  food  bill  in 
November,  1903,  during  the  special  session  of 
Congress,  but  it  was  not  reported  to  the  House. 
On  December  8,  1903,  he  again  introduced  a 
pure  food  bill  which  was  reported  on  January 
18,  1904,  and  on  the  following  day  he  obtained 
immediate  consideration  of  the  bill.     William 


280         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

C.  Adamson,  who  led  the  opposition,  objected 
to  national  pure  food  legislation  because  he 
thought  it  was  paternalistic  and  "utterly  un- 
necessary". Other  Congressmen,  like  Champ 
Clark,  favored  pure  food  legislation,  but  they 
believed  that  the  Hepburn  bill  was  too  drastic. 
One  of  the  chief  criticisms  was  that  honest 
dealers  might  be  punished  for  unintentionally 
violating  the  law.  To  this  Hepburn  replied 
that  it  was  the  best  pure  food  bill  ever  pre- 
sented to  Congress  and  he  would  do  all  in  his 
power  to  pass  a  law  which  w^ould  punish  those 
who  were  "preying  upon  the  health  and  the 
lives  of  the  people  of  the  United  States."  He 
was  unable,  however,  to  prevent  the  Committee 
of  the  Whole  from  adopting  an  amendment  to 
limit  prosecution  to  "willful"  violators,  which 
w^ould  have  practically  prevented  convictions 
and  made  the  law  inoperative.  After  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  had  recommended  that  the 
House  pass  the  bill  as  amended  Hepburn  pro- 
posed that  the  provisions  in  the  original  bill  be 
restored,  and  the  "willful"  amendment  w^as 
eliminated  on  a  yea  and  nay  vote  of  one  hun- 
dred and  forty-five  to  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
six.  Immediately  afterward  the  bill  passed  the 
House  by  a  vote  of  two  hundred  and  one  to 
sixty-eight.^^* 

In  the  Senate  the  McCumber  pure  food  bill, 
embodying  essentially  the  same  provisions  ex- 


PURE  FOOD  281 

cept  the  creation  of  a  new  Bureau  of  Chemistry 
and  Foods  and  the  establishment  of  definite 
standards,  being  already  on  the  calendar,  was 
substituted  for  the  Hepburn  bill.  There  was 
objection  to  the  consideration  of  pure  food  leg- 
islation on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  however, 
and  the  session  ended  without  further  action. 

All  through  the  final  session  of  the  Fifty- 
eighth  Congress  during  the  winter  of  1905 
Senator  Weldon  B.  Heyburn  resorted  to  every 
method  of  bringing  the  issue  to  a  conclusion, 
but  the  Senatorial  custom  of  considering  noth- 
ing without  unanimous  consent  was  always  en- 
forced. An  attempt  to  load  the  pure  food 
measure  onto  the  sundry  civil  bill  was  promptly 
frustrated.  Whenever  discussion  of  the  bill 
was  permitted  for  a  few  minutes  there  were 
continual  interruptions  to  interpose  other  pend- 
ing legislation.  Senators  Piatt,  Aldrich,  and 
Spooner,  who  feared  that  some  corner  grocery- 
man  might  be  punished  for  unknowingly  selling 
deleterious  food,  invariably  obstructed  any 
bona  fide  debate,  and  during  the  last  hours  of 
the  session,  w^hen  an  attempt  was  made  to  ob- 
tain some  kind  of  a  vote  on  a  ''willful"  amend- 
ment, they  effectually  intervened.^^^ 

Undismayed  by  the  obstacles  pure  food  legis- 
lation had  encountered  in  the  Senate  for  many 
years.  Colonel  Hepburn  and  Senator  Heyburn 
both  introduced  pure  food  bills  at  the  begin- 


282         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ning  of  the  Fifty-ninth  Congress.  After  an 
extended  debate  the  Heyburn  bill  passed  the 
Senate  on  February  21, 1906,  by  a  vote  of  sixty- 
three  to  four.  Two  weeks  later  the  House 
Committee  on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Com- 
merce recommended  that  the  Hepburn  bill,  with 
some  modifications,  be  substituted  for  the  Sen- 
ate bill.  Toward  the  end  of  March  unanimous 
consent  was  obtained  by  Colonel  Hepburn  to 
make  the  pure  food  bill  a  continuing  special 
order  for  April  10th.  At  the  appointed  time, 
however,  an  appropriation  bill  was  under  con- 
sideration and  the  pure  food  bill  was  not  called 
up.  On  May  7th,  therefore,  Hepburn  offered  a 
resolution  to  restore  the  privileged  character 
of  the  measure  and  the  motion  was  adopted  by 
a  large  majority.  Other  bills  of  higher  privi- 
lege intervened,  however,  and  as  days  and  even 
weeks  passed  while  nothing  more  was  heard  of 
the  pure  food  bill  friends  of  the  measure  be- 
came anxious.  Newspaper  stories  began  to 
circulate  that  Colonel  Hepburn  and  other  lead- 
ers in  the  House  were  really  opposed  to  pure 
food  legislation  and  would  prevent  the  passage 
of  the  bill.  As  a  matter  of  fact  on  May  17th 
Hepburn  himself  attempted  to  have  the  pure 
food  bill  taken  up,  but  the  House  decided  in 
favor  of  the  naturalization  bill.  Yet  some  of 
the  criticism  came  from  men  who  had  swelled 
the  majority  on  that  vote.     Finally,  on  June 


PURE  FOOD  283 

20th  the  Committee  on  Rules  was  induced  to 
report  a  resohition  that  the  pure  food  bill 
should  be  considered  and  put  upon  its  passage 
after  twelve  hours  of  debate. ^^°  Accordingly 
on  the  following  day  Colonel  Hepburn  yielded 
the  floor  to  James  R.  Mann  for  an  explanation 
of  the  pending  legislation.  The  Hepburn  bill 
as  substituted  for  the  Heyburn  bill  which 
passed  the  Senate  made  the  shipment,  receipt, 
or  sale  of  misbranded  or  adulterated  food  or 
drugs  in  interstate  or  foreign  commerce  a  mis- 
demeanor punishable  by  fine,  or  imprisonment 
for  a  second  offense  if  knowingly  committed. 
Both  bills  provided  that  regulations  for  admin- 
istering the  law  should  be  formulated  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the  Secretary  of 
Agriculture,  and  the  Secretary  of  Commerce 
and  Labor.  Foods,  drugs,  misbranding,  and 
adulteration  were  defined  in  the  light  of  years 
of  debate,  and  some  important  additions  were 
made  to  the  corresponding  sections  of  the  Sen- 
ate bill.  Furthermore,  the  Hepburn  bill 
authorized  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture  to  fix 
standards  of  food  products.^^"^ 

By  means  of  exhibits,  demonstrations,  and 
detailed  explanations  of  the  origin  of  various 
provisions  Mr.  Mann  convinced  almost  all  of 
the  Representatives  that  they  should  support 
the  pure  food  bill.  A  few  members,  however, 
the  chief  of  whom  was  William  C.  Adamson, 


284        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

remained  obdurate  to  the  end.  Colonel  Hep- 
burn, said  Adamson,  bad  inherited  the  ''pure 
foolishness"  bill  from  Marriott  Brosius.  He 
contended  that  the  measure  was  "sumptuary- 
legislation  for  the  regulation  of  the  table 
menu"  and  although  some  of  the  tales  of  adul- 
teration had  spoiled  his  appetite  he  still  in- 
sisted that  he  had  not  heard  of  a  solitary  case 
that  State  authorities  could  not  have  punished. 
The  proposed  legislation  was  not  only  uncon- 
stitutional but  vicious.^^^ 

The  amended  Hepburn  bill  passed  the  House 
on  June  23rd  by  a  vote  of  two  hundred  and 
forty-one  to  seventeen.  Two  days  later  the 
Senate  refused  to  accept  the  House  amend- 
ments and  conference  committees  were  ap- 
pointed with  Hepburn  chairman  of  the  House 
conferees.  The  committee  of  conference  re- 
ported a  compromise  measure  which,  though  a 
combination  of  both  Senate  and  House  bills, 
was  based  primarily  on  the  Hepburn  bill.  The 
principal  concession  by  the  House  was  that  the 
Secretary  of  Agriculture  should  not  fix  food 
standards,  while  the  Senate  agreed  to  a  strin- 
gent clause  regulating  the  labeling  of  habit- 
forming  drugs.  The  bill  finally  passed  both 
branches  of  Congress  on  June  29th  and  was 
approved  by  President  Koosevelt  on  the  follow- 
ing day.^^^ 

"I  would  think  that  I  was  somewhat  dere- 


PURE  FOOD  285 

lict  in  my  duty",  confessed  James  R.  Mann 
just  before  the  final  passage  of  the  Pure  Food 
and  Drug  Act,  '4f  I  did  not  say  a  word  or 
two  in  regard  to  the  services  of  the  man  in  this 
House  who  is  principally  entitled  to  the  credit 
for  the  enactment  of  a  pure-food  law  at  all. 
The  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Interstate 
and  Foreign  Commerce  —  and  these  words  will 
come  as  a  surprise  and  embarrassment  to  him 
—  the  gentleman  from  Iowa,  Colonel  Hepburn, 
for  eight  years  and  more  has  been  a  deter- 
mined, constant,  steady  advocate  of  pure- 
food  legislation.  Three  times  at  least  the 
House,  under  his  lead,  has  passed  a  pure-food 
bill.  And  when  it  shall  become  enacted  into 
law,  as  I  believe  this  shortly  will  be  when  this 
conference  report  is  agreed  upon,  to  him  the 
most  credit  for  the  law  will  be  due.  "■*''*' 

Within  a  fortnight  after  the  epoch-making 
first  session  of  the  Fifty-ninth  Congress  had 
adjourned,  Colonel  Hepburn  returned  to  his 
comfortable  home  in  Clarinda  to  spend  the  sum- 
mer. The  news  of  the  distinguished  Congress- 
man's coming  preceded  him,  and  as  the  train 
passed  through  the  eighth  district  scores  of 
constituents,  mindful  of  his  services,  gathered 
at  the  stations  along  the  way  to  express  their 
appreciation  of  his  work.  At  Creston  the  local 
militia  company  had  assembled  ''in  full  dress 
including  white  gloves".     The  band  was  play- 


286         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

ing  when  the  train  arrived  in  Clarinda,  and  a 
procession  nearly  three  blocks  long  was  formed 
to  escort  the  honored  citizen  to  his  residence. 
As  the  Colonel  rode  along  the  streets  and 
passed  the  public  square  he  must  have  recalled 
a  similar  reception  nearly  twenty-six  years  be- 
fore when  he  returned  from  Council  Bluffs, 
triumphantly  nominated  for  Congress  the  first 
time  in  his  life.^"^ 

In  the  evening  occurred  one  of  the  "most 
notable  events  in  the  history  of  Page  county". 
Crowds  of  enthusiastic  citizens  gathered  in 
Clarinda  from  the  surrounding  towns  and  coun- 
try until  nearly  four  thousand  had  assembled 
on  the  spacious  lawn  in  front  of  the  Hepburn 
residence.  On  the  brilliantly  lighted  veranda 
sat  the  Colonel  and  Mrs.  Hepburn  with,  a  num- 
ber of  intimate  friends.  Dr.  Max  E.  Witte,  the 
Superintendent  of  the  Clarinda  State  Hospital, 
opened  the  formal  speech-making  with  a  few 
well  chosen  remarks  in  praise  of  the  splendid 
services  of  Congressman  Hepburn,  especially 
in  connection  with  the  enactment  of  the  pure 
food  law. 

A  number  of  addresses  followed  in  which  the 
Colonel  and  Mrs.  Hepburn  were  welcomed 
again  and  again  and  their  character  and 
achievements  extolled.  "Clarinda  is  the  home 
of  Col.  Hepburn,  and  that  is  its  greatest  dis- 
tinction", said  J.  N.  Maclean  in  the  principal 


PURE  FOOD  287 

oration  of  the  evening.  "Here  lie  puts  off  liis 
armor  and  his  silk  hat,  and  spends  his  inter- 
sessional  days  among  his  friends  and  neighbors 
as  he  was  wont  in  the  happy  halcyon  days  be- 
fore he  became  famous."  The  Colonel  was  as- 
sured that  the  people  of  Clarinda,  "irrespective 
of  all  political  differences,"  were  absolutely 
sincere  in  hailing  him  at  the  close  of  his  "great- 
est congressional  year"  as  "one  of  the  nation's 
really  mighty  leaders." 

In  a  voice  husky  w^th  emotion  Colonel  Hep- 
burn thanked  his  friends  for  their  kindness, 
counting  it  a  rare  privilege  to  receive  such  an 
ovation.  Having  finished  the  personal  part  of 
his  response,  he  talked  of  public  policies,  warn- 
ing the  people  in  ringing  tones  against  being 
misled  by  the  unprincipled  individuals  with 
muck-rakes  who  were  abroad  in  the  land  busily 
engaged  in  assaulting  the  integrity  of  men  in 
public  service.  Mrs.  Hepburn  also  replied  wit- 
tily to  the  many  compliments  paid  her ;  and  the 
reception  ended  with  general  informal  hand- 
shaking. 


XXVIII 

The  Progressive  Movement 

If  there  were  any  lingering  doubts  in  the  minds 
of  the  voters  in  the  eighth  district  as  to  the 
ability  and  unquestioned  leadership  of  Con- 
gressman Hepburn  such  misgivings  must  have 
been  dispelled  by  his  work  in  the  first  session 
of  the  Fifty-ninth  Congress  —  a  session  which 
President  Roosevelt  declared  would  be  mem- 
orable for  its  constructive  legislation.  Four  of 
the  five  most  important  measures  enacted  dur- 
ing this  session  were  reported  by  the  Committee 
on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce,  and  of 
three  of  these  Hepburn  was  the  author. 

But  the  importance  of  the  position  that  the 
Colonel  occupied  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives can  not  be  measured  alone  by  the  number 
and  character  of  the  bills  he  introduced  or  by 
his  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on  Inter- 
state and  Foreign  Commerce.  From  1903  to 
1909,  as  chairman  of  the  Republican  caucus,  he 
was  a  leader  of  the  dominant  party  ;^"-  and  in 
that  capacity  he  was  instrumental  in  control- 
ling the  type  of  legislation  enacted  by  the 
House    of   Representatives   during  the   major 

288 


PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT  289 

portion  of  Roosevelt's  ''strenuous"  adminis- 
tration.'^'^^^ 

Universal  respect  for  Hepburn's  statesman- 
ship, however,  did  not  secure  party  loyalty. 
The  radical  faction  of  the  Republican  party 
under  the  leadership  of  Albert  B.  Cummins 
was  constantly  gaining  new  recruits  —  many  of 
them  attracted  by  the  program  for  tariff  re- 
vision, railroad  regulation,  and  the  exclusion 
of  corporation  influence  from  politics  by  means 
of  direct  primary  elections.  Reformers  were 
especially  numerous  in  the  "Reservation" — a 
strip  of  counties  in  southern  Iowa,  including 
particularly  the  Eighth  Congressional  District, 
the  political  destiny  of  which  was  dominated  by 
the  Burlington  railroad  for  which  J.  W.  Blythe 
was  general  solicitor  and  political  manager.^'^^ 

Before  Colonel  Hepburn  began  to  serve  the 
term  in  Congress  for  which  he  was  elected  in 
1904  there  was  talk  of  smashing  the  ''Reserva- 
tion" machine  and  preventing  his  nomination 
in  1906.  The  Colonel's  reply  to  Henry  Wallace 
at  Corning  in  February,  1905,  quieted  the  re- 
volt for  the  time  being,  but  in  the  following 
autumn  evidence  of  discontent  was  again  mani- 
fest. On  October  7th,  A.  I.  Smith  of  Mount 
Ayr  announced  his  candidacy  for  a  seat  in  Con- 
gress, and  a  month  later  a  petition  was  circu- 
lated praying  Speaker  Cannon  not  to  appoint 
Hepburn  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Inter- 

20 


290         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

state  and  Foreign  Commerce.  J.  W.  Blytlie 
was  informed  that  although  trouble  was  brew- 
ing the  ' '  overwhelming  sentiment  of  the  acting, 
working,  'reservation'  Republicans"  was  in 
favor  of  Colonel  Hepburn  and  that  the  Cum- 
mins forces  were  not  dangerous. ^^^ 

Early  in  December  the  Progressives  began  to 
organize  under  the  leadership  of  Dan  W. 
Turner  who  had  previously  expressed  to  Hep- 
burn his  dissatisfaction  with  the  political  situ- 
ation and  announced  his  sympathy  for  the  re- 
form element  of  the  party.  "Do  you  suppose", 
replied  the  Colonel,  "that  the  gentlemen  in 
your  town  and  county  and  in  Taylor  county 
that  did  the  most  to  make  you  Senator  would 
have  given  you  their  influence  if  they  had 
known  that  when  you  got  into  power  and  your 
own  influence  was  reinforced  by  the  influence 
of  the  Senatorial  office  that  all  would  be  exerted 
against  them  in  their  party  contentions?" 
The  proper  course,  according  to  Hepburn, 
would  be  to  remain  in  the  party  and  endeavor 
to  guide  reform  from  within.  "If  you  find  any- 
thing wrong  in  the  polity  of  the  party,  oppose 
it.  If  you  find  anything  like  bossism  or  chicane 
in  the  party,  denounce  it".^"^ 

For  himself  Hepburn  could  say  he  had  never 
had  any  experience  with  a  party  machine,  nor 
would  he  submit  to  the  dictations  of  any  party 
boss.    He  confessed  to  having  ' '  a  very  high  re- 


PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT  291 

gard"  for  Mr.  Blythe,  but  he  liad  not  ''hesi- 
tated on  many  occasions  to  differ  from  him 
both  as  to  candidates  and  policies. ' '  That  there 
was  ''undoubtedly  an  organization  recognized 
by  the  republican  party"  which  supervised  the 
"general  conduct  of  party  affairs",  he  admit- 
ted. He  recognized  that  there  had  been  in  Iowa 
"at  different  times  men  whose  prominence  and 
the  preference  of  many  friends  gave  the  status 
of  acknowledged  leadership",  but  he  had  never 
known  of  machine  or  boss  dictation. 

The  bitter,  personal  campaign  between 
George  D.  Perkins  and  Albert  B.  Cummins  for 
the  Republican  gubernatorial  nomination  in 
1906  accentuated  the  cleavage  between  Progres- 
sives and  Standpatters.  Although  Perkins  in- 
sisted that  he  could  stand  on  the  Cummins 
platform,  he  was  supported  almost  entirely  by 
the  conservative  element  of  the  party.  Indeed, 
he  did  not  announce  his  candidacy  until  J.  W. 
Blythe,  after  consulting  Colonel  Hepburn  and 
others,  had  promised  that  "the  southern  part 
of  the  State  would  be  willing  to  take  up  his 
cause"  if  he  could  carry  the  eleventh  and  part 
of  the  tenth  Congressional  districts.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  Colonel  Hepburn  would  have 
preferred  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Perkins  be- 
cause he  felt  that  Cummins  was  a  demagogue 
bent  upon  the  disruption  of  the  Republican 
party.     If  the  Governor  was  sincerely  Roose- 


292         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

veltian  the  Colonel  believed  lie  would  not  be 
trying  to  defeat  tlie  men  who  were  actually 
accomplishing  progressive  measures  with 
Roosevelt's  endorsement.  Moreover,  Hepburn 
was  convinced  that  Cummins  was  using  his 
popular  reform  program  and  political  position 
for  self -advancement. ^'^^ 

During  the  campaign  of  1906  Colonel  Hep- 
burn depended  very  largely  upon  J.  W.  Blythe 
to  interpret  the  political  situation  in  lowa.^^® 
Conditions  in  the  eighth  district  seemed  to  be 
altogether  favorable  for  the  Colonel  until  Gov- 
ernor Cummins  invaded  the  ''Reservation" 
about  the  first  of  April  to  make  a  series  of 
speeches  and  to  support  the  candidacy  of  A.  I. 
Smith  for  Congress.  Almost  in  the  same  breath 
he  praised  the  policies  of  the  President  and  in- 
sinuated that  Hepburn  had  "not  fairly  regard- 
ed the  interests  of  his  constituents".  Yet  at 
that  very  moment  President  Roosevelt  was  de- 
pending upon  no  one  more  than  Colonel  Hep- 
burn to  enact  the  popular  legislation  that  made 
the  Fifty-ninth  Congress  memorable.  Later 
the  Governor  apparently  concluded  that  many 
of  his  own  friends  were  also  friendly  to  the 
Colonel,  for  his  attitude  seems  to  have  changed. 
Hepburn  opposed  the  nomination  of  Governor 
Cummins  for  a  third  term  until  the  State  con- 
vention decided  in  favor  of  such  nomination  on 
August  1st :  from  that  time  until  election  he 


PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT  293 

urged  Republicans  to  vote  a  straight  ticket  in- 
cluding Cummins  for  Governor.^"^ 

The  movement  to  displace  Colonel  Hepburn 
which  seemed  serious  at  the  beginning  of  the 
year  was  completely  frustrated  by  his  remark- 
able achievements  in  Congress.  The  candidacy 
of  A.  I.  Smith  had  not  proven  to  be  dangerous 
except  as  a  nucleus  for  the  organization  of 
Cummins  men.  In  the  primaries  on  April  26th 
Smith  failed  to  carry  even  his  own  county,  and 
from  that  time  the  renomination  of  Colonel 
Hepburn  by  the  Republican  Congressional  con- 
vention in  Creston  on  June  5th  was  a  foregone 
conclusion.  Without  much  hope  of  success  the 
Democrats  nominated  J.  S.  Estes."*^" 

The  lack  of  harmony  among  Republicans 
made  the  election  somewhat  uncertain.  Alli- 
ances between  Democrats  and  progressive  Re- 
publicans in  the  eighth  district  resulted  in 
Hepburn's  name  being  scratched  extensively  — 
a  practice  greatly  facilitated  by  the  removal  of 
the  party  circle  from  the  ballot.  Some  Pro- 
gressives believed  the  rumor  that  the  Stand- 
patters had  orders  from  "Reservation"  head- 
quarters to  scratch  Cummins  and  retaliated  by 
scratching  Hepburn.  It  is  probable  also  that 
many  standpat  Republicans  were  too  disinter- 
ested to  go  to  the  polls  owing  to  the  progressive 
personnel  of  the  State  ticket.  Out  of  this  con- 
fusion of  motives  Hepburn  was  elected  by  a 


294        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

majority  of  twenty-two  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  votes  —  a  margin  smaller  by  more  than 
eight  thousand  than  in  1904,  though  the  total 
vote  was  also  less.*^^ 

J.  H.  Tedford,  who  was  ''sore"  and  "deeply 
humiliated"  by  the  political  status  in  Iowa 
thought  Hepburn's  majority  was  "something 
wonderful  considering  all  things."  Another 
friend  declared  it  had  been  the  "blamest  cam- 
paign" he  had  ever  seen:  "you  can't  find  out 
anything  for  sure.  One  day  we  think  things 
are  all  right,  and  the  next  day  we  are  plunged 
into  uncertainty."  J.  L.  Waite  had  been  in- 
clined to  "go  out  behind  the  barn  and  swear  in 
several  languages."  To  J.  W.  Blythe  the  elec- 
tion of  Cummins  was  not  a  disappointment  but 
"a  subject  of  disgust".  "A  few  more  forced 
nominations  and  we  will  have  no  party  organi- 
zation left.  A  few  more  reform  measures,  such 
as  taking  the  circle  from  the  top  of  the  ballot, 
state  wide  primaries,  and  branding  every  man 
as  a  corporate  tool  who  does  not  heed  advices 
from  Des  Moines,  and  the  party  machinery  will 
be  gone  and  much  of  the  party  vote",  wrote 
Smith  McPherson.  A  prominent  editor  con- 
fessed bitterly  that  the  Standpatters  were 
"beaten  almost  to  a  finish"  in  Iowa,  and  while 
he  would  "stand  by  national  republicanism", 
State  politics  he  proposed  to  "follow  afar  off" 
walking  softly.^^^ 


PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT  295 

To  Hepburn  who  had  witnessed  the  progress 
and,  indeed,  participated  in  the  achievements  of 
the  Republican  party  from  its  very  inception, 
the  conduct  of  the  campaign  of  1906  which 
broke  down  party  lines  and  discredited  the 
work  of  the  party  in  the  past  seemed  to  approx- 
imate sacrilege.  ^'Ah,  gentlemen,"  he  ex- 
claimed in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
''there  are  those  who  attempt  to  deride  us  and 
belittle  us  by  applying  as  opprobrious  the  term 
'stand-patter;'  and  some  have  said  that  the 
only  'stand-patter'  is  that  one  that  is  dead. 
Not  so  ...  .  Progressive!  Oh,  yes;  we 
are.  We  could  progress  from  the  old  teachings 
of  the  old  masters  to  that  height  of  patriotism 
and  love  of  liberty  that  declared  slaves  should 
not  exist.  We  could  progress  from  our  love  of 
peace  to  entering  into  the  greatest  war  that  the 
nations  have  known  in  order  to  preserve  the 
Union.  -We  could  make  sacrifices  of  the  gravest 
character  in  order  to  restore  the  States.  We 
could  build  up  the  broken  fortunes  of  the  Re- 
public by  restoring  its  credit.  We  could  pro- 
gress from  the  penury  of  the  old  days  to  the 
splendid  conditions  of  currency  and  of  credit  of 
to-day.  We  could  go  forward  from  this,  being 
a  borrowing  nation,  a  purchasing  nation,  a  de- 
pendent nation,  to  one  where  we  stood  at  the 
apex,  capable  of  loaning  to  the  world,  capable 
of  manufacturing   for   the   world,   capable   of 


296         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

meeting  the  commerce  of  the  world,  capable  of 
feeding  and  of  clothing  the  nations.  Ah,  the 
Republican  party  is  a  progressive  party,  but  it 
never  progresses  beyond  the  limitation  of  its 
principles.  ""^^^ 

Colonel  Hepburn  clashed  with  the  so-called 
Progressives  less  because  they  advocated  tariff 
revision  and  the  control  of  big  business  than 
because  they  disrupted  the  party  that  had  gov- 
erned the  nation  successfully  for  half  a  cen- 
tury. Innovations,  like  primary  elections,  that 
threatened  the  established  system  of  party  ma- 
chinery he  regarded  as  dangerous  experi- 
ments.'^^'' 

Before  the  end  of  January,  1908,  the  political 
managers  of  the  eighth  district  had  begun  to 
plan  the  campaign  of  that  year.  It  was  decided 
that  the  contest  should  be  conducted  "squarely 
upon  the  tariff  issue"  rather  than  a  "discus- 
sion of  petty  personalities".  Although  A.  I. 
Smith  was  still  ambitious  to  displace  Colonel 
Hepburn  he  was  not  considered  particularly 
dangerous,  despite  the  fact  that  the  operation 
of  the  new  direct  primary  election  law  made 
any  diagnosis  of  the  situation  precarious.  The 
hardest  fight  in  the  eighth  district,  it  was 
thought,  would  center  around  the  general  elec- 
tion in  November.  It  was '  predicted  that 
William  D.  Jamieson  of  Shenandoah,  who  was 
regarded  as  the  most  likely  Democratic  candi- 


PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT  297 

date,  would  ''make  a  handshaking  campaign" 
and  would  appeal  ''in  a  special  way  to  the 
young  men  and  to  the  Progressives."'*^^ 

Throughout  the  winter  and  spring  the  fac- 
tional strife  in  the  Republican  party,  accentu- 
ated by  the  candidacy  of  Governor  Cummins 
for  Senator  Allison's  seat  in  Congress,  was  at 
flood  tide.  Both  progressive  and  conservative 
Republicans  realized  that  the  Senatorial  cam- 
paign, whicli  had  been  predicted  from  the  time 
that  Cummins  was  elected  Governor  in  1901, 
would  be  a  battle  royal.  The  Standpatters, 
who  were  still  suffering  from  the  disintegrating 
effects  of  the  defeat  of  1906,  began  to  organize 
early,  while  the  Cummins  machine  made  des- 
perate efforts  to  retain  the  prestige  and  per- 
sonnel that  had  been  won.  The  political  situa- 
tion in  the  eighth  district  seemed  placid  on  the 
surface,  but  party  workers  admitted  that  there 
was  a  strong  progressive  undercurrent.'*^" 

In  May  the  chairman  of  the  Republican  Con- 
gressional Committee  of  the  eighth  district, 
William  F.  Stipe,  who  managed  Hepburn's 
campaign,  undertook  to  obtain  the  names  of  all 
Republicans  who  had  refused  to  sign  the  Colo- 
nel's nomination  papers  or  who  had  expressed 
any  dissatisfaction  Avith  Colonel  Hepburn  either 
personally  or  with  his  record  in  Congress.  It 
was  reported  that  Smith  was  making  a  favor- 
able impression  upon  the  miners  in  Appanoose 


298         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

County.  From  another  section  came  the 
opinion  that  he  would  not ' '  cut  much  of  a  Swath 
in  Col.  Hepburns  field",  although  there  were 
some  voters  who  thought  the  Colonel  was 
growing  too  old  and  had  been  in  Congress  long 
enough.  In  several  parts  of  the  district  dis- 
appointed post  office  aspirants  were  spreading  ' 
dissension.  Some  apprehension  w^as  expressed 
lest  the  regular  Republicans  should  be  either 
too  complacent  or  too  busy  in  the  corn  fields  to 
vote  at  the  primary  on  June  2nd,  for  it  was 
understood  that  the  Progressives  were  plan- 
ning to  have  Democrats  claim  Republican  bal- 
lots at  the  primary  and  then  vote  for  Cummins 
and  Smith.^^' 

In  order  to  counteract  the  'Svhirlwind  cam- 
paign" by  Cummins  in  the  eighth  district  just 
before  the  primary  election,  Secretary  James 
Wilson  made  speeches  at  Chariton,  Corydon, 
and  Centerville,  in  which  he  heartily  endorsed 
his  old  friend,  Colonel  Hepburn.  Both,  he 
said,  had  grown  gray  in  the  service  of  the  na- 
tion and  the  people  of  Iowa.  Major  John  F. 
Lacey  also  made  a  few  speeches  in  the  eastern 
part  of  the  district  where  the  Standpatters 
were  "illy  prepared  to  cope"  w^ith  the  thor- 
oughly organized,  well  financed,  and  enthusi- 
astic Cummins  machine.  From  Mount  Ayr,  the 
home  of  A.  I.  Smith,  came  the  jubilant  news 
that  the  light  was  growing  clearer  as  the  '*ter- 


PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT  299 

rible  primary"  approached.  By  means  of  ''all 
needful  publicity"  it  would  be  very  difficult  for 
the  Democrats  to  participate  in  the  Republican 
primary  and  while  party  workers  were  not 
counting  the  "adolescent  pullets  before  they 
cease  to  be  oviform"  they  confidently  hoped  to 
"skin  Smith  alive".  Colonel  Hepburn  took  no 
part  in  the  primary  campaign  except  to  encour- 
age a  large  Republican  vote  and  prevent  par- 
ticipation by  the  Democrats. ^^^ 

Political  anxiety  among  "Reservation"  Re- 
publicans was  relieved  on  June  2nd  when  W.  P. 
Hepburn  was  renominated  by  a  majority  of 
nearly  six  thousand  votes.  Apparently  the 
Standpatters  outnumbered  the  Progressives  in 
the  eighth  district  nearly  two  to  one  inasmuch 
as  Allison  defeated  Cummins  by  about  the  same 
margin.  The  total  Democratic  vote  for  Con- 
gressman which  was  a  little  over  five  thousand 
and  probably  represented  normal  strength  was 
almost  equally  divided  between  V.  R.  McGinnis 
and  W.  D.  Jamieson  —  the  latter  emerging  vic- 
toriously from  a  "strenuous  campaign"  with  a 
lead  of  sixty-nine  votes. '^^^ 

It  was  hoped  that  the  bitterness  which  char- 
acterized the  primary  contest  would  not  be  car- 
ried over  into  the  general  campaign.  Harmony 
became  the  watchword  of  the  regular  Repub- 
licans and  every  effort  was  made  to  reestab- 
lish the  party  lines  that  had  been  obliterated  by 


300         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

independent  voting.  ''It  has  been  my  rule," 
wrote  Colonel  Hepburn,  "no  matter  how  ac- 
tively I  might  have  participated  in  the  primary 
contests,  to  give  my  hearty  support  in  the  final 
contest.  For  fifty-two  years  I  have  been  a  sup- 
porter of  my  party  ticket,  and  I  have  never  yet 
scratched  a  name  on  that  ticket,  and  when  I 
have  been  upon  the  stump  I  have  given  cordial 
and  earnest  support  to  the  whole  ticket.  With 
these  views  I  am  in  favor  of  those  policies  that 
will  promote  harmony  and  unity  of  action 
among  republicans,  and  I  am  favorable  to  the 
proffer  of  the  olive  branch  where  there  is  a 
reasonable  probability  that  it  will  be  accepted 
in  good  faith,  and  that  such  action  will  bring 
about  earnest  endeavors  to  give  a  black  eye  to 
factional  strife.  "^^^ 

Conciliation  was  the  keynote  of  the  Repub- 
lican State  convention  which  met  in  Waterloo 
on  June  24th  to  select  a  State  committee  and 
frame  a  platform.  Although  the  Standpatters 
had  been  victorious  in  the  primary  election,  the 
"Iowa  idea"  was  cheered  vociferously  at  the 
convention  and  Governor  Cummins  received  an 
ovation  as  he  walked  to  the  stage  and  took  a 
place  beside  Lafayette  Young  and  W.  P.  Hep- 
burn.^-^  Later  it  was  Cummins  who  urged  the 
united  support  of  the  entire  Republican  ticket, 
both  State  and  national.  Any  Republican 
would  be  derelict  in  duty,   the   Governor  de- 


WTT.LTAM  PETERS  HEPETTRX 

POI.I'I'ICAI.     TiKADKK      lOOS 


be^'.'ii  ray  rule,' 
iw  matter  how  ac- 
.   lieipated  in  the  primary 
'  ^]l^, "^s.  i(.  hearty  support  in  the  final 

contest.  For  ixily-two  years  I  have  been  a  sup- 
porter of  my  party  ticket,  and  I  have  never  yet 
s(^ratc'"^d  a  name  on  that  ticket,  and  when  ! 
have  i)on  the  stump  I  have  given  cordial 

port  to  the  whole  ticket.    With 
,1  in  favor  of  tliose  policies  that 
larmony   and   unity   of   actio.i 
iiiM  favorable  to  the 

'''■  ■•■--'  is  a 

.^     ___^      _  ^^ ,  f^pted 

n,  i««rdwT t.ii^a^ij«nch  !mng 

.^k  eye  t'^ 

note  of  the  Repul)- 
Waterk-c 

ocicct  a  Ibtate  ci         -  ' 

..,...,.    .i  t...,.-..,.m.    Although  the        :-   , :-j 

had  been  victorious  in  the  primary  election,  the 
"Iowa  idea"  was  cheered  vociferously  at  the 

('•  ''  m  and  Governor  C "  -  received  an 

(•  ?   fie  wnlVr-,^.  to  ti  ,      ni^d  t^ok  - 

T  Young  am 

I  was  Cummins  who  urged  the 

I  be  d  :uty,  the  Oovern<t 


WIIJ.IAM     rETKRS     }lKPBrRX 


PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT  301 

clared,  who  proposed  to  vote  for  anyone  other 
than  Allison  for  Senator  after  the  result  of  the 
primary.  The  only  untoward  incident  that 
marred  the  concord  of  the  convention  was  the 
''shabby  and  discourteous  treatment"  tendered 
to  the  temporary  chairman  when  his  praise  of 
conservative  leaders  was  greeted  by  hisses 
from  the  radicals. ^-- 

Hepburn's  campaign  was  conducted  chiefly 
on  the  strength  of  his  record.  On  the  basis  of 
a  statement  by  President  Roosevelt  of  what  he 
deemed  the  constructive  legislation  of  Congress 
during  his  administration  it  appears  that  al- 
most half  of  the  measures  had  been  either  intro- 
duced or  shaped  in  the  House  by  Colonel  Hep- 
burn. Meanwhile  the  eighth  Iowa  district  did 
not  suffer  from  the  lack  of  public  buildings  and 
other  improvements  provided  at  the  expense  of 
the  national  government.^^^  The  Page  County 
Republican  convention  expressed  "continued 
confidence  and  esteem"  for  Hepburn  who  was 
"in  the  forefront  in  shaping  and  securing  need- 
ed legislation  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the 
country  at  large."  Especially  was  he  com- 
mended "for  his  strong  and  aggressive  stand 
in  supporting  the  policies  of  President  Roose- 
velt."  In  the  words  of  the  temporary  chair- 
man of  the  Republican  State  convention  "the 
proudest  chapter  of  the  history  of  Roosevelt's 
administration  recounting  the  triumph  of  pop- 


302         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

ular  rights  over  corporate  greed"  could  not  be 
written  without  "showing  prominent  on  every 
page  the  name  of  Iowa's  valiant  old  soldier  of 
battle  fields  of  blood  and  battle  fields  of  public 
duty,  William  P.  Hepburn  ".^"•* 

It  was  predicted  early  in  June  that  W.  D. 
Jamieson  would  poll  more  votes  than  any  other 
Democrat  in  the  eighth  district.  In  1906  he  had 
been  elected  to  the  State  Senate  by  winning  the 
votes  of  many  independent  Republicans.  No 
one  denied  that  he  was  a  ' '  hustler ' '  and  had  '  *  a 
way  about  him"  that  won  friends.  Moreover, 
he  was  fortunate  ih  securing  the  services  of  an 
unusually  successful  campaign  manager  named 
James  J.  Reddy,  a  popular  Irish  traveling 
salesman  who  enlisted  the  assistance  of  nearly 
every  drummer  and  railroad  man  in  southern 
lowa.^-^ 

The  Democrats  were  shrewd  enough  to  take 
advantage  of  all  the  elements  of  weakness 
which  Hepburn  had  developed  during  the  many 
years  of  selecting  postmasters  and  securing 
pensions.  Disappointed  office  seekers  and  old 
soldiers  were  invited  to  nurse  their  grudges  by 
defeating  "old  Pete"  Hepburn.  No  doubt  the 
argument  that  the  Colonel  was  growing  too  old 
and  had  already  monopolized  the  place  long 
enough  appealed  to  many  voters.  Perhaps  if 
Hepburn  had  announced  that  it  would  be  his 
last  term  in  Congress  he  might  have  been  elect- 


PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT  303 

ed.  During  the  later  years  he  had  lost  touch 
with  the  mass  of  voters  and  a  new  generation 
with  whom  he  was  not  personally  acquainted 
had  grown  to  manhood.  Moreover,  his  per- 
sistent opposition  to  trade  unions  had  begun  to 
alienate  the  labor  vote.  For  the  first  time  in 
many  years  the  Democrats  invaded  the  Repub- 
lican stronghold  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  dis- 
trict. The  coal  miners  were  taught  to  regard 
*' Billy"  Jamieson  as  ''one  of  the  b'ys"  and  a 
*'gud  fallar".  The  irrepressible  Eeddy  saw 
everybody.  Greeks  and  Italians  read  in  their 
own  language  about  W.  D.  Jamieson,  a  poor 
man  who  worked  for  a  living  and  believed  in 
trade  unions :  their  priests  also  spoke  a  good 
word  for  him.'*^*^ 

The  most  important  source  from  which 
Jamieson  gathered  strength  was  the  radical 
faction  of  the  Republican  party.  The  district 
was  thoroughly  organized.  Recruiting  sta- 
tions were  established  in  every  precinct  and 
schoolhouse.  Every  dissatisfied  voter  received 
half  a  dozen  personal  letters  that  touched  his 
most  sensitive  political  wounds.  The  Progres- 
sives were  reminded  that  the  Standpatters  had 
voted  for  Claude  R.  Porter  instead  of  Cummins 
in  1906.  Disgruntled  Standpatters  were  talked 
to  concerning  the  faults  of  Cummins  and  the 
Progressives.  The  speeches  Hepburn  made  for 
Cummins  in  1906  probably  lost  him  standpat 


304        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

votes  and  when  the  Standpatters  failed  to  vote 
for  Cummins  the  Progressives  decided  to  pun- 
ish Hepburn  for  it  in  1908.  In  accordance  with 
the  harmony  program  in  1908  Standpatters 
voted  for  the  Progressive  candidates  but  the 
Progressives,  though  protesting  their  loyalty  to 
Colonel  Hepburn,  coolly  voted  for  his  rival.  In 
some  instances  it  seems  that  the  Democrats 
voted  for  minor  Republican  candidates  in  ex- 
change for  Jamieson  support.  It  was  asserted 
that  Cummins  Republicans  voted  for  Jamieson 
"in  droves".  Accusations  that  the  Progres- 
sives had  betrayed  their  party  were  current.^^"^ 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  political  finesse 
to  which  Jamieson  resorted,  the  official  count  of 
the  ballots  cast  in  the  general  election  on  No- 
vember 3,  1908,  gave  him  the  narrow  plurality 
of  three  hundred  and  ten  votes  over  William  P. 
Hepburn.  Election  returns  seem  to  indicate 
that  about  six  thousand  Republicans  voted  for 
Jamieson.  He  carried  every  county  except 
Appanoose,  Clarke,  and  Page.  In  Page  County 
alone,  the  home  of  both  candidates,  Hepburn's 

majority  was  nearly  a  thousand  less  than  in 
1904.^28 

The  chagrin  of  being  defeated  on  the  eve  of 
the  seventy-fifth  anniversary  of  his  birthday 
was  relieved  for  Colonel  Hepburn  by  messages 
of  sympathy  and  of  sorrow  from  all  parts  of 
the   country.     ''Your  defeat  is   an  outrage", 


PEOGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT  305 

telegraphed  George  D.  Perkins  from  Sioux 
City.  Fellow  Congressmen,  Democrats  and  Re- 
publicans alike,  were  astounded  that  the  Colo- 
nel's "splendid  service  to  the  public"  could 
have  failed  of  recognition  at  home.  "It  seems 
incredible",  wrote  a  friend  in  Vicksburg,  Mis- 
sissippi; while  in  Seattle,  Washington,  "ex- 
pressions of  regret"  were  heard  "on  every 
hand. ' '  There  w^ere  many  who,  though  regret- 
ting the  personal  misfortune  to  the  Colonel,  felt 
that  the  loss  to  the  State  and  nation  was  far 
greater.  Representatives  of  the  Signal  Corps 
and  the  Revenue  Cutter  Service  particularly 
were  distressed  by  his  defeat.^^^  "I  pray  you 
to  believe,  Sir,"  wrote  a  New  York  lawyer, 
"that  where  one  gloats  over  your  defeat,  a 
score  of  better  men  weep  for  it."  President- 
elect Taft  telegraphed  that  he  would  have  been 
gratified  if  the  Colonel  "could  have  been  a 
member  of  the  house  of  representatives"  dur- 
ing his  administration. 

But  of  all  the  letters  he  received  Colonel 
Hepburn  cherished  most  a  letter  from  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt.  "I  do  not  know  whether  to  be 
most  grieved  or  concerned  or  indignant", 
wrote  the  President.  "In  any  event,  my  dear 
Colonel,  you  have  the  right  to  feel  that  in  peace 
and  in  war  you  have  been  a  singularly  straight- 
forward and  efficient  servant  of  the  country. 
You  have  deserved  well  of  the  Nation.    I  count 

21 


306         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

my  association  with  you  as  one  of  peculiar 
value,  and  I  am  glad  and  proud  to  have  stood 
with  you  in  those  many  civic  battles  which  we 
have  fought  together.  "^^^ 

The  events  of  election  day,  the  Colonel  wrote 
to  his  grandson,  seemed  "very  full  of  misfor- 
tune", but  in  comparison  to  all  the  kindly 
action  of  the  Republicans  during  the  previous 
twenty-eight  years  his  defeat  appeared  very  in- 
significant. ''I  had  fully  made  up  my  mind", 
he  continued,  ''that  this  would  be  the  last  time 
I  would  be  a  candidate,  and  that  two  years 
hence  I  would  be  relieved  of  the  burdens  and 
responsibilities  of  a  Congressional  place." 
Nearly  three  years  earlier  he  had  stated  that 
he  little  cared,  ''very  little  indeed",  whether  or 
not  he  remained  in  Congress.  He  had  decided 
then  that  the  first  indication  of  weariness  with 
his  services  would  be  the  signal  for  the  end  of 
his  candidacy. "^^^ 

Though  the  Colonel  was  inclined  to  accept  his 
defeat  philosophically  many  of  his  friends  who 
had  worked  arduously  for  his  election  begged 
him  to  demand  a  recount  of  the  votes.  It  was 
asserted  that  many  ballots  cast  by  voters  who 
intended  to  vote  a  straight  Republican  ticket 
were  thrown  out  on  technicalities  resulting 
from  the  confusion  caused  by  removing  the 
party  circle.  Hepburn  was  reminded  that  he 
owed  it  to  his  constituency  that  they  should  not 


PROGRESSIVE  :M0VEMENT  307 

be  disfranchised  by  errors  of  judg-ment,  and 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  contest  the  election  if  he 
was  the  choice  of  the  majority.  While  he  had 
little  to  gain  personally  by  another  term  in 
Congress,  his  services  would  be  of  great  benefit 
to  the  party  and  to  the  country.  He  therefore 
consented  to  the  contest  if  it  could  be  proved 
that  injustice  had  been  done  and  on  December 
3,  1908,  he  notified  James  J.  Jamison  and  M.  L. 
Temple  to  undertake  the  investigation.  Votes 
were  recounted  in  some  counties  but  without 
material  advantage  either  way.  While  Hep- 
burn might  have  been  seated  by  the  Republican 
House,  he  refused  to  accept  the  place  unless  he 
had  been  fairly  and  unquestionably  elected. 
So  the  recount  came  to  a  halt  and  the  contest 
was  finally  abandoned. '*-'^- 

No  sooner  had  the  result  of  the  election  been 
determined  than  newspaper  speculation  and 
over-zealous  friends  began  to  suggest  that 
Hepburn  should  accept  a  place  in  Taft's  Cab- 
inet, but  that  proposal  was  promptly  vetoed  by 
the  Colonel.  ''I  do  not  want  anything  to  be 
done  or  said  that  could  be  construed  into  rival- 
ry of  James  Wilson",  he  wrote  to  A.  B. 
Thornell.  *'It  is  not  likely  that  two  Secretaries 
will  be  taken  from  Iowa,  and  an  advocacy  of 
myself  for  a  position  might  be  construed  as  a 
disparagement  of  or  hostility  to  Mr.  Wilson. 
You  may  remember  that  twenty-two  years  ago, 


308         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

when  I  was  having  my  most  vigorous  fight  with 
Al.  Anderson,  Senator  AUison  refused  to  come 
into  my  district  to  make  speeches,  and  Senator 
James  F.  Wilson  cancelled  five  appointments 
that  had  been  made  for  him  in  this  district,  yet 
'Tama  Jim'  Wilson  came  to  my  aid  and  spent 
two  weeks  trying  to  help  me.  Last  spring  prior 
to  the  primaries  he  made  three  speeches  in  this 
district ;  this  fall  he  made  a  number,  and  I  can- 
not but  think  that  I  would  be  the  most  shame- 
less ingrate  if  I  took  any  position  that  might 

seem  to  be  in  the  remotest  degree  opposed  to 
him.  "^23 

Sometime  later  Colonel  Hepburn  consented 
to  become  a  candidate  for  a  judgeship  on  the 
Customs  Court,  although  he  was  really  anxious 
to  find  employment  outside  of  public  office. 
Many  friends,  irrespective  of  party  affiliation, 
urged  Hepburn's  appointment  to  some  govern- 
ment position.  W.  C.  Adamson  reminded 
President  Taft  that  while  suitable  places  were 
few  there  were  also  'Wery  few  of  Col.  Hep- 
burn." The  President  finally  offered  him  a 
place  as  Commissioner  of  Pensions,  but  by  that 
time  Hepburn  had  made  arrangements  to  open 
a  private  law  office  in  Washington  and  was  in  a 
position  to  inform  the  President  that  he  could 
not  accept.  A  few  days  later  he  withdrew  his 
name  as  a  candidate  for  the  Customs  Court.'*^^ 


XXIX 

The  Rules  of  the  House 

The  first  speech  delivered  by  William  P. 
Hepburn  after  his  return  to  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives in  1893  was  a  protest  against  the 
power  of  the  Speaker  to  refuse  to  recognize  a 
member  who  desired  to  address  the  House ;  and 
the  subject  of  his  farewell  speech  in  February, 
1909,  was  the  revision  of  the  rules.  From  the 
beginning  to  the  end  of  his  Congressional  ca- 
reer Colonel  Hepburn  led  in  the  struggle 
against  the  '^czardom"  of  the  Speaker  and  the 
autocracy  of  the  Committee  on  Rules.  He  saw 
that  the  representative  function  of  Congress- 
men was  being  impaired,  and  he  resented  the 
denial  of  equal  opportunity  to  all  members  of 
the  House.  Year  after  year  he  poured  out  ''in 
the  cloak  room  as  well  as  on  the  floor,  his  heart- 
felt, picturesque,  sardonically  humorous  com- 
ments on  the  unfairness  of  the  one-man  power 
regime."  Although  at  first  he  was  almost 
alone  in  his  insurgency,  he  was  not  disciplined 
by  the  machine  —  probably  because  he  was  one 
of  the  most  able,  fearless,  and  vindictive  men  in 
Congress  or  because  the  majority  of  his  asso- 

309 


310         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ciates  felt  in  their  hearts  that  "Old  Pete"  was 
right.^^^ 

''Each  constituency  is  the  equal  of  every 
other,  and  through  its  Representative  is  en- 
titled to  the  same  rights  as  every  other",  de- 
clared the  Colonel  in  1893.  The  power  of  the 
Speaker  "to  absolutely  disfranchise  a  constitu- 
ency", by  refusing  to  recognize  a  member,  he 
believed  to  be  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
stitution. Much  had  been  said  against  the  peril 
of  allowing  the  Speaker  to  determine  whether  a 
motion  was  dilatory  in  character,  or  whether  a 
member  who  was  present  and  refused  to  vote 
could  be  counted  for  the  purpose  of  securing  a 
quorum;  but  Hepburn  was  the  first  to  protest 
against  the  more  dangerous  practice  of  refus- 
ing recognition,  which  meant  that  the  Speaker 
could  declare  that  a  Representative  was  absent 
during  his  whole  term  and  could  decide  that  a 
particular  member  should  submit  no  motion  of 
any  kind,  dilatory  or  otherwise.^^^  "If  there  is 
any  one  proposition  of  the  Constitution  that  is 
well  established  it  is  the  absolute  equality  of 
constituencies",  Hepburn  proclaimed  in  1896. 
Yet  the  Speaker  was  empowered  to  arbitrarily 
' '  silence  a  constituency  during  the  existence  of 
an  entire  Congress."  It  was  Hepburn's  opin- 
ion that  Representatives  had  no  authority  for 
surrendering  the  right  of  the  people  to  have 
their  will  expressed  in  Congress.^^'^ 


RULES  OP  THE  HOUSE  311 

When  Speaker  Reed  and  the  Committee  on 
Eules  refused  to  make  a  special  order  for  the 
consideration  of  the  Nicaragua  canal  bill  in  the 
Fifty-fourth  Congress  —  despite  overwhelming 
sentiment  in  favor  of  the  measure  —  Hepburn 
was  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  rules  ought 
to  be  amended.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Fifty- 
fifth  Congress,  therefore,  when  David  B.  Hen- 
derson moved  that  the  rules  of  the  previous 
Congress  be  adopted  until  further  notice,  Hep- 
burn proposed  to  limit  the  period  to  thirty 
days.  Henderson  objected,  and  promised  that 
new  rules  would  ''probably  be  reported  long 
before  the  thirty  days  expire"  and  that  the 
House  would  have  the  "fullest  opportunity"  to 
offer  amendments.  Had  it  not  been  for  this 
statement  the  amendment  offered  by  Colonel 
Hepburn  would  probably  have  been  adopted, 
for  on  the  question  of  ordering  the  previous 
question  to  the  exclusion  of  the  amendment 
there  were  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  yeas  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  noes  and  the  reso- 
lution to  adopt  the  rules  of  the  Fifty-fourth 
Congress  finally  carried  by  a  majority  of  only 
twenty-four  votes.  During  the  entire  Congress, 
however,  the  Committee  on  Rules,  of  which 
Henderson  was  chairman,  failed  to  report 
either  a  new  code  of  rules  or  amendments  to 
the  old  rules. ^^^ 

Hepburn,  working  earnestly  for  the  enact- 


312         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

ment  of  isthmian  canal  legislation  and  being 
obstructed   in    every    effort,    lost    respect   for 
standing  rules  that  permitted  half  a  dozen  men 
to  determine  what  bills  should  be  considered  in 
the  House.     His  attempt  to  tack  the  canal  bill 
on  to  the  sundry  civil  appropriation  bill  as  a 
rider  precipitated  a  bitter  debate  in  which  the 
sanctity  of  the  rules  was  proclaimed  by  Con- 
gressmen who,  even  as  they  spoke,  were  guilty 
of    unparliamentary    conduct.      The    circum- 
stances surrounding  the  adoption  of  the  rules 
destroyed  the  reverence  with  which  the  Colonel 
usually  desired  to  regard  law,  while  the  wanton 
violation  of  the  rules  by  those  who  on  other 
occasions  invoked  them  to  control  the  action  of 
other  members  made  it  impossible  for  him  to 
have   faith  in   the   inspired   character   of  the 
rules.     Furthermore,  the  Constitution  empow- 
ered the  House  of  Representatives  to  prescribe 
its  rules  of  procedure  without  limitation,  and 
Hepburn  contended  that  the  majority  of  the 
House  could  "fix  these  rules  when  they  want 
them,  and  how  they  want  them,  to  accomplish 
those  purposes  that  the  lawmaking  majority 
choose."    Every  vote  to  sustain  or  overrule  a 
decision  of  the  Chair,  he  announced,  was  equiv- 
alent to  the  adoption  of  a  rule  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  House,  at  least  for  the  particular 
occasion.     ''I  want  it  to  be  understood",  he 
declared,    ''that    the    House    itself,    when    it 


RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  313 

chooses  and  how  it  chooses,  may,  for  the  then 
action,  make  that  rule  that  it  desires  to  make, 
and  that  action  of  the  House  at  the  time  that  it 
acts  is  a  rule".^^^ 

On  account  of  the  extremely  narrow  Repub- 
lican majority  in  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress  the 
party  leaders  in  the  House  determined  that  any 
attempt  to  revise  the  rules  might  result  in  the 
loss  of  control.  Speaker  David  B.  Henderson 
was  supposed  to  have  conciliated  Colonel  Hep- 
burn, but  when  a  resolution  was  introduced  in 
the  Republican  caucus  to  bind  the  party  mem- 
bers to  adopt  the  rules  of  the  Fifty-fourth  and 
the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  the  Colonel  objected 
vigorously.^^^  The  rules,  he  insisted,  should  be 
modified,  especially  in  connection  with  the 
question  of  recognition.  He  also  contended 
that  there  should  be  a  general  decentralization 
of  power  in  reference  to  committees,  and  that 
the  Committee  on  Rules  should  be  entirely  in- 
dependent of  the  Speaker,  increased  in  size, 
elected  by  the  House,  and  composed  exclusively 
of  majority  members.  Even  his  proposal  to 
limit  the  adoption  of  the  old  rules  to  a  period 
of  forty  days  met  with  such  scant  approval 
that  he  withdrew  the  amendment  and  united 
with  the  other  Republicans  in  adopting  the 
original  resolution.^'*^ 

When  the  House  was  asked  to  adopt  the 
rules  of  the  previous  Congress  the  Democratic 


314         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

floor  leader,  James  D.  Richardson,  expressed 
the  hope  that  "the  very  able  and  distinguished 
gentleman  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Hepburn],  who  now 
occupies  his  seat  on  the  other  side  of  the 
House,^^-  would  bring  forward  his  armies  to 
take  part  in  the  contest  against  these  rules"; 
but  he  understood  from  newspaper  reports  that 
his  friend  had  "marched  his  army  up  the  hill, 
and,  following  an  illustrious  precedent  on  an- 
other occasion",  he  had  marched  it  down  again. 

' '  Mr.  Speaker ' ',  replied  Hepburn,  ' '  there  are 
many  rules  of  this  House  that  do  not  meet  my 
approval;  but  their  adoption  became  a  subject 
of  party  action  —  I  will  say  to  gentlemen  if 
they  want  the  whole  truth  —  of  caucus  action ; 
and  the  wisdom  of  the  majority  determined  that 
the  rules  as  they  are  were  the  better  for  the 
future  government  of  the  House ;  and  with  that 
modesty  which  always  characterizes  'the  gen- 
tleman from  Iowa'  [laughter],  when  the  ma- 
jority of  my  own  party  so  said,  I  yielded  that 
implicit  obedience  that  I  hope  I  will  always  be 
able  to  yield.  "^^^ 

Obedience  for  the  sake  of  party  unity,  how- 
ever, did  not  mean  that  the  Colonel  ceased  to 
chafe  under  the  autocratic  rules  of  the  House. 
During  the  second  session  of  the  Fifty-sixth 
Congress,  when  the  reapportionment  bill  was 
under  discussion,  Hepburn  ventured  the  opin- 
ion that  it  would  be  better  to  "decrease  rather 


RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  315 

than  increase  the  number  of  Representatives" 
because  that  would  tend  to  make  deliberation 
possible.'*^-^  ''Because  the  House  is  so  large," 
said  he,  ''because  it  is  so  unwieldy,  because  the 
confusion  is  so  great"  despotic  rules  are  neces- 
sary for  the  transaction  of  business.  Pie  chal- 
lenged anyone  to  tell  how  a  measure  could  be 
brought  before  the  House  without  the  assent 
of  the  Speaker  and,  "with  reference  to  the 
great  majority  of  propositions,"  how  a  bill 
could  be  brought  before  the  House  after  it  had 
"gone  into  the  bosom  of  a  committee  and  that 
committee  does  not  see  fit  to  report  it?"  The 
plan  of  the  Constitution,  he  declared,  had  been 
"subverted,  destroyed,  annihilated"  by  the  sur- 
render of  the  political  power  of  constituencies 
to  the  Speaker  on  account  of  the  great  size  of 
the  House.^^^ 

Although  Colonel  Hepburn  submitted  to  the 
will  of  the  majority  in  1899  that  fact  did  not 
deter  him  from  renewing  the  contest  for  a  re- 
vision of  the  rules  in  the  Republican  caucus 
preliminary  to  the  organization  of  the  Fifty- 
seventh  Congress.^-'"  When  John  Dalzell  pro- 
posed to  adopt  the  old  rules  Hepburn  immedi- 
ately offered  an  amendment  limiting  the  period 
to  forty  days,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the  rules 
were  to  be  placed  before  the  House  for  consid- 
eration. In  the  course  of  an  earnest  argument 
in  favor  of  temporary  action  he  advocated  four 


316        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

important  clianges  that  lie  considered  neces- 
sary. He  urged  that  the  Speaker  should  be 
compelled  to  recognize  the  first  member  who 
addressed  the  Chair ;  that  there  should  be  four 
suspension  days  a  month  instead  of  two;  that 
the  old  ''morning  hour"  should  be  revived;  and 
that  Senate  amendments  to  House  bills  should 
be  subject  to  the  same  points  of  order  as  House 
amendments.*"*"  After  nearly  two  hours  of  de- 
bate Hepburn's  motion  for  temporary  adoption 
of  the  rules  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  almost 
three  to  one,  while  his  four  modifications  of- 
fered successively  as  distinct  amendments  were 
overwhelmingly  rejected.'**^ 

If  newspaper  statements  were  reliable,  said 
Richardson  two  days  later  in  a  protest  against 
the  adoption  of  the  rules  of  the  Fifty-sixth 
Congress,  Hepburn  "has  40  gentlemen  on  that 
side  of  the  House  up  in  arms  and  ready  to 
follow  his  lead  in  an  effort  to  amend  these 
rules.  Now,  if  he  will  bring  his  40  men  for- 
ward, I  pledge  him  150  or  160  on  this  side  of 
the  House,  and  we  will  change  the  rules." 
Colonel  Hepburn  replied  that  he  had  enter- 
tained the  opinion  for  many  years  that  ''the 
rules  were  not  perfect",  that  "there  were 
amendments  that  might  be  made  that  would 
tend  to  the  better  government  of  this  House", 
and  that  he  had  "endeavored  in  season  and, 
some  gentlemen  would  say,  out  of  season  to  se- 


RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  317 

cure  a  change."  But  lie  recalled  that  the  Dem- 
ocratic majority  in  the  Fifty-third  Congress 
had  refused  to  accept  any  of  the  changes  he 
had  then  proposed,  while  the  Republicans  had 
recently  decided  by  a  large  majority  that  his 
proposals  were  not  judicious.  When  '^I  find 
the  whole  Democratic  side  of  the  House  against 
me",  said  the  Colonel  in  conclusion,  ''and  a 
large  majority  of  my  Republican  colleagues 
against  me  I  must  distrust  the  wisdom  of  my 
own  conclusions."^'*^ 

The  announcement  in  September,  1902,  that 
David  B.  Henderson  had  declined  to  accept  the 
Republican  nomination  for  Congress  opened 
the  problem  of  selecting  a  Speaker  for  the 
Fifty-eighth  Congress.  Prominent  among  the 
leading  Republicans  in  the  House  who  were 
mentioned  favorably  for  the  Speakership  was 
William  P.  Hepburn.-''^'^  In  canvassing  the 
qualifications  of  the  various  candidates  there 
was  ''invariably  a  long  pause  when  Colonel 
Hepburn's  name"  was  reached  on  the  list,  and 
it  was  "among  the  very  first."  His  "record 
for  consistency",  his  "stalwart  republican- 
ism", his  "broad  and  liberal  ideas",  his  "sin- 
cerity and  sturdy  sense  of  conviction",  and  his 
unsurpassed  ability,  all  "commanded  the  high 
esteem  and  genuine  admiration"  of  the  House. 
Moreover,  the  Colonel's  long  standing  opposi- 
tion to  autocratic  rules  and  his  efforts  to  obtain 


318         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

a  more  deliberative  system  of  legislative  pro- 
cedure had  given  him  a  reputation  for  democ- 
racy and  consistency,  while  his  cheerful  sub- 
mission to  the  verdict  of  the  caucus  majority 
had  established  a  reputation  for  party  loyalty. 
It  was  thought  that  Hepburn's  steadfast  oppo- 
sition to  reciprocity  with  Cuba  in  the  first  ses- 
sion of  the  Fifty-seventh  Congress  would  win 
the  support  of  the  beet-sugar  faction  in  addi- 
tion to  his  natural  strength  due  to  geographical 
location  and  eminent  fitness  for  the  position. 
What  was  at  first  only  ''mention"  had  devel- 
oped by  the  end  of  September,  1902,  into  a 
genuine  boom.^^^ 

About  the  middle  of  October  the  talk  of 
Colonel  Hepburn  for  Speaker  was  practically 
silenced  by  the  publication  of  a  letter  he  had 
written  to  a  friend  in  Washington  disclaiming 
his  candidacy  for  the  position.  He  frankly  ad- 
mitted that  he  ' 'would  not  be  averse  to  -occupy- 
ing the  speaker's  chair";  but  he  took  the  view 
that  he  could  not  be  chosen,  and  having  learned 
the  futility  of  "butting  his  head  against  stone 
walls"  he  refused  to  become  a  candidate.^^^ 

It  was  conceded  that  the  Colonel  possessed 
the  ability  to  make  a  great  Speaker  and  many 
meritorious  measures  of  which  he  was  a  leading 
advocate  would  have  profited  by  the  influence 
of  the  position,  but  various  circumstances  made 
his   selection  impossible.     "Mr.   Hepburn,  the 


RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  319 

Boanerges  of  debate,  is  from  Iowa,  and  Iowa 
will  not  have  two  speakers  in  succession", 
prophesied  the  Philadelphia  Press.  Moreover, 
his  candidacy  would  have  been  interpreted  in 
the  lig'lit  of  his  championship  of  rules  more 
liberal  than  the  majoritj^  of  Republicans  w^ere 
willing  to  accept.  There  was  another  very 
practical  reason  for  refusing  to  enter  the  con- 
test :  Joseph  G.  Cannon  commanded  the  support 
of  western  Congressmen  which  would  have 
been  essential  to  the  success  of  Colonel  Hep- 
burn.^^^ 

The  Republican  caucus  of  the  Fifty-eighth 
Congress  met  on  November  7,  1903,  and  unan- 
imously nominated  Joseph  G.  Cannon  for 
Speaker,  an  event  that  had  been  practically 
certain  for  almost  a  year.  In  the  same  meeting 
' '  Pete ' '  Hepburn  was  selected  chairman  of  the 
caucus  to  succeed  Cannon.  Following  the  or- 
ganization of  the  caucus  and  the  nomination  of 
House  officers.  Colonel  Hepburn  offered  his 
customary  motion  to  delay  the  final  adoption  of 
the  rules,  but  it  was  lost  as  usual  by  an  over- 
whelming vote.^"*"* 

Convinced,  apparently,  that  the  Republican 
caucus  would  never  consent  to  a  revision  of  the 
rules  and  defeated  in  the  election  of  1908, 
Colonel  Hepburn  decided  to  force  the  issue  in 
the  final  session  of  the  Sixtieth  Congress  with- 
out the  support  of  his  party. ^ "'•'''     Accordingly, 


320         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

on  the  evening  of  December  11th  twenty-five 
insurgent  Republicans  gathered  in  the  Inter- 
state and  Foreign  Commerce  Committee  room 
for  the  purpose  of  inaugurating  the  fight  for 
more  democratic  procedure  in  the  House. 
Colonel  Hepburn  presided  over  the  meeting 
and  was  authorized  to  name  a  committee  of 
five,  with  himself  as  chairman,  to  draft  pro- 
posed amendments  to  the  rules.  It  was  sug- 
gested that  the  rule  on  recognition  should  be 
revised,  that  the  committees  on  Elections  and 
Rules  should  be  made  elective,  and  that  the 
membership  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  should 
be  increased.  The  obvious  purpose  of  the  ''in- 
surgents" was  to  so  augment  their  numbers 
that  by  uniting  with  the  Democrats  they  could 
control  the  House."*^*^ 

The  first  skirmish  on  the  floor  of  the  House 
occurred  four  days  after  the  "insurgents"  had 
decided  to  strive  for  the  amendment  of  the 
rules.  A  resolution  was  offered  proposing  that 
eight  members  of  the  House,  five  selected  by  the 
Speaker  and  three  by  the  leader  of  the  mi- 
nority, should  be  appointed  immediately  to 
report  not  later  than  February  1,  1909,  any 
changes  in  the  existing  rules  of  the  House  that 
might  seem  desirable.  Representative  Payne 
at  once  made  the  point  of  order  that  the  reso- 
lution was  not  privileged  and  could  not  be  con- 
sidered.    Speaker  Cannon  sustained  the  point 


RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  321 

of  order  and  upon  an  appeal  his  decision  was 
upheld  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  forty-nine 
to  one  hundred  and  thirty-six.  Although  the 
vote  on  the  appeal  was  not  a  fair  test  of  the 
strength  of  those  who  probably  favored  the 
resolution,  since  the  decision  was  in  accord 
with  parliamentary  practice,  many  of  the  'in- 
surgents" nevertheless  voted  against  the 
Speaker.  Hepburn,  conscious  of  the  justice  of 
the  decision  on  the  point  of  order  yet  thor- 
oughly in  sympathy  with  the  resolution,  re- 
frained from  voting.'*^" 

However  impossible  it  may  have  been  for  the 
'insurgents"  to  actually  achieve  the  revision 
of  the  rules,  they  were  at  least  successful  in 
bringing  the  subject  to  the  attention  of  the 
public.  Hitherto  "opposition  to  the  divine 
origin  of  the  rules"  had  been  treated  with  lev- 
ity or  contempt,  but  the  threatening  alliance  of 
"insurgents"  with  the  Democrats  was  cause 
for  alarm.  The  parliamentary  clerk  of  the 
House,  Asher  C.  Hinds,  hastened  to  uphold  the 
existing  procedure  in  an  able  magazine  article 
that  was  extensively  reprinted,  while  on  Janu- 
ary 7,  1909,  Marlin  E.  Olmsted  made  an  elab- 
orate defense  of  the  rules  on  the  floor  of  the 
House.  A  general  debate  ensued  in  which 
Augustus  P.  Gardner  aired  the  grievances  of 
those  who  were  in  open  rebellion  and  William 
B.  Cockran  occupied  "a  middle  ground ".^^^ 

22 


I 


322         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

Meanwhile  the  ''insurgents"  were  continu- 
ally at  work  trying  to  devise  some  satisfactory 
plan  of  changing  the  rules.  On  January  27th 
Colonel  Hepburn  announced  that  they  had 
practically  agreed  to  propose  a  group  system  of 
selecting  committees  as  a  method  of  curbing  the 
dictatorial  powers  of  the  Speaker.  According 
to  this  scheme  Republican  members  would  be 
divided  into  nine  groups  and  the  Democrats 
into  six.  Each  group  would  name  one  member 
of  the  Committee  on  Rules.  All  other  com- 
mittees would  be  appointed  by  the  Committee 
on  Rules,  the  selection  of  members  to  be  based 
upon  geographically  grouped  States,  and  each 
committee  would  select  its  own  chairman. 

To  secure  greater  freedom  in  the  considera- 
tion of  measures  it  was  proposed  to  set  aside 
each  Tuesday,  except  during  the  last  six  days 
of  a  session,  when  no  business  except  that  on 
the  House  Calendar  and  the  Calendar  of  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  the  State  of 
the  Union  should  be  in  order.  On  ''calendar 
Tuesdays"  standing  and  special  committees 
were  to  be  called  in  regular  order  and  each 
committee  could  call  up  any  bill  on  either  cal- 
endar reported  by  it  the  previous  day.  Unless 
all  business  had  been  disposed  of,  motions  to 
adjourn,  take  a  recess,  or  rise  were  not  in  order 
before  four  forty-five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
Furthermore,  on  "calendar  Tuesdays"  general 


RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  323 

debate  on  a  measure  in  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole  could  be  closed  any  time  after  the  ex- 
piration of  forty  minutes.  Proceedings  under 
this  rule  could  be  suspended  for  the  day  by  a 
two-thirds  vote. 

By  February  8th  all  plans  for  the  crucial 
contest  in  the  House  were  complete  and  the  fol- 
lowing day  twenty-nine  Representatives  intro- 
duced a  resolution  which  embodied  the  provi- 
sions for  "calendar  Tuesday"  and  a  Committee 
on  Eules  and  Committees  organized  and  em- 
powered in  the  manner  suggested  by  the  "in- 
surgents ".^^^ 

On  February  18,  1909,  near  the  close  of 
twenty-two  years  of  Congressional  service, 
William  P.  Hepburn  delivered  his  farewell  ad- 
dress. Notice  had  been  given  that  he  would 
discuss  the  rules  governing  the  conduct  of  busi- 
ness in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  when 
he  arose  in  his  place  every  seat  on  the  floor 
was  occupied  and  the  galleries  were  crowded. 
Never  was  the  Colonel  more  eloquent.  With 
biting  satire,  keen  wit,  and  scathing  ridicule  he 
drove  home  his  points  against  the  arbitrary 
powers  of  the  Speaker.  The  suggestion  that 
the  "insurgents"  were  assaulting  the  Reed 
rules  he  declared  w^as  a  slander  upon  their  pur- 
pose. The  Reed  rules  were  designed  to  stop 
filibustering,  and  that  purpose  was  accom- 
plished by  empowering  the  Speaker  to  deter- 


324         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

mine  when  motions  were  dilatory  and  confer- 
ring upon  him  the  right  to  count  a  quorum 
from  those  present  rather  than  from  those 
voting.  ''There  is  not  one  of  the  Reed  rules 
that  I  would  change",  said  Hepburn,  thankful 
that  the  House  by  that  means  had  escaped  from 
the  power  of  an  irresponsible  mob.  It  was  his 
hope  that  the  House  would  also  escape  from  the 
''undue  and  overgrown  power  of  the  Speaker". 
Not  that  the  animadversions  upon  the  Speaker 
were  in  any  sense  personal,  for  said  he,  "If  we 
are  to  have  a  benevolent  despot,  then  the  benev- 
olent gentleman  who  is  our  despot  would  be  my 
choice."  It  was  not  the  man  but  the  system 
against  which  he  rebelled.^®" 

The  Constitution  contemplated  the  equality 
of  Congressional  constituencies  and  stood  all 
Representatives  upon  the  same  plane,  investing 
them  with  the  same  amount  of  political  power, 
no  more  and  no  less,  Hepburn  asserted.  Ac- 
cording to  practice,  however,  no  Representative 
was  able  to  deliver  the  message  of  his  constitu- 
ents except  with  the  consent  of  "the  gentleman 
from  the  Danville  district."  In  every  other 
legislative  convocation  in  the  world  the  rule 
prevailed  that  the  presiding  officer  should  rec- 
ognize "that  man  upon  whom  his  eye  first 
rested",  but  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
great,  democratic  United  States,  every  member 
was   made   "a   mendicant   at   the   feet   of  the 


RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  325 

Speaker  begging  for  the  privilege ' '  of  doing  his 
duty  and,  no  matter  how  arbitrary  the  decision, 
upon  the  question  of  recognition  ''there  is  no 
appeal." 

Should  a  member  desire  to  call  up  a  bill  for 
consideration  by  the  House,  the  Colonel  con- 
tinued, he  ''must  negotiate  with  the  Speaker", 
and  if  the  measure  does  not  meet  his  approval 
the  Representative  might  be  denied  even  the 
"poor  advantage  of  appealing  to  the  House 
for  a  two-thirds  majority"  in  support  of  the 
proposition  during  the  one  day  each  month 
when  motions  to  suspend  the  rules  were  in  or- 
der. There  should  be  one  day  every  week, 
contended  Hepburn,  when  the  House  would 
automatically  take  up  the  business  on  the  cal- 
endars and  by  orderly  procedure  dispose  of 
it.^«i 

The  most  important  object  of  the  "insur- 
gents" was  to  deprive  the  Speaker  of  his  in- 
ordinate power.  AVith  investigation,  debate, 
and  deliberation  confined  mostly  to  committee 
rooms  and  the  disposition  of  Congressmen  to 
rely  more  and  more  upon  the  conclusions  of 
their  colleagues  in  committee  reports  the  im- 
portance of  the  absolute  power  of  the  Speaker 
to  determine  the  membership  of  committees 
increased  proportionally.  Not  only  did  the 
Speaker  name  the  committees,  but  he  deter- 
mined what  bills  should  be  referred  to  each. 


326      ■willia:\i  peteus  hepburn 

More  than  that,  he  selected  the  chairmen  of  the 
committees,  who  constituted  a  ''cabinet"  of 
fifty  or  more  safe  Representatives  who  were 
absolutely  loyal.  Hepburn's  remedy  would 
have  been  to  deprive  the  Speaker  of  the  power 
of  appointing  committees  and  to  authorize  the 
committees  to  name  their  own  chairmen.^*'^ 

Another  of  the  most  obnoxious  powers  of  the 
Speaker  was  that  derived  from  his  practice  of 
interpreting  the  rules  and  the  construction  he 
placed  upon  precedents.  Rules  were  made  not 
by  the  will  of  the  House,  Hepburn  declared,  nor 
by  the  voice  of  the  majority,  but  by  interpre- 
tation and  usage,  until  actual  procedure  had 
little  semblance  to  the  practice  prescribed  by 
the  standing  rules. 

"We  hear  it  said  often",  continued  the  Colo- 
nel, '^that  the  majority  of  this  House  controls 
its  legislation.  I  would  like  to  ask  any  one  of 
the  distinguished  gentlemen  who  compose  the 
revered  Committee  on  Rules,  by  what  process 
the  majority  of  this  House  would  secure  a 
change  in  the  rules'?  I  assert  that  there  is  no 
power  against  the  ^^ill  of  the  Committee  on 
Rules  and  the  Speaker.  .  .  .  We  would  intro- 
duce our  resolution  providing  for  the  change. 
Where  would  it  go?  The  Speaker,  a  member  of 
the  Committee  on  Rules,  knowing  the  trust- 
worthy character  of  that  admirable  committee, 
would  at  once  consign  it  to  the  Committee  on 


RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  327 

Rules.  Ah,  it  is  easy  to  get  into  the  Committee 
on  Rules ;  but  by  what  hoist  and  by  what  petard 
would  we  get  out  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  ? ' ' 

Colonel  Hepburn  dared  not  hope  that  there 
would  be  any  change  in  rules  during  the  Sixti- 
eth Congress ;  but  he  was  certain  that  every  day 
of  agitation  would  challenge  the  attention  of 
more  and  more  people  and  that  the  time  would 
come  when  they  would  know  how  faithless  their 
representatives  had  been  in  ''the  care  and 
guardianship  of  representative  democracy", 
and  then  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  re- 
storing the  Speaker  to  his  Constitutional 
position. 

True  to  his  prediction  the  resolution  of  the 
"insurgents"  was  never  reported  to  the  House, 
although  on  March  1st,  within  four  days  of  the 
end  of  the  Sixtieth  Congress,  a  meaningless 
amendment  was  adopted  which  provided  for  a 
calendar  Wednesday  each  week  (except  the  last 
two  weeks  of  the  session)  when  no  business 
should  be  in.  order  except  the  call  of  commit- 
tees. *'I  want  to  congratulate  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Dalzell]  and  his  two 
Republican  associates  upon  the  Committee  on 
Rules.  The  gentleman  sees  light  breaking. 
The  gentleman  sees,  if  not  light,  probably  a 
storm  breaking,  and  the  gentleman  is  breaking 
for  cover."  These  words  of  Colonel  Hepburn 
were  prophetic. ^*^ 


XXX 


The  End 


On  March  4,  1909,  the  public  career  of  William 
P.  Hepburn  came  to  an  end.  For  more  than 
half  a  century,  a  period  almost  coterminus  with 
the  golden  age  of  the  Republican  party,  he  par- 
ticipated actively  in  political  affairs.  Sponsor 
of  much  of  the  most  constructive  legislation 
during  the  first  decade  of  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury, he  attained  a  high  place  in  the  councils  of 
the  nation.  Always  essentially  honest,  intrepid 
in  his  fidelity  to  principles,  a  zealous  parti- 
san,^*'* ever  true  to  his  convictions,  able,  ener- 
getic, an  enemy  of  fraud  and  hypocrisy, 
absolutely  faithful  to  friends,  harsh  vnih  oppo- 
nents albeit  he  was  quick  to  forgive  mistakes 
in  judgment,  generous  by  nature,**'^  an  excep- 
tionally ready  and  forceful  debater,  pure  in 
private  life,'**'^  and  respected  by  all  who  knew 
him,  Colonel  Hepburn  was  acknowledged  for 
many  years  as  one  of  the  great  men  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.*^^ 

In  a  pecuniary  way  he  had  comparatively 
little  to  show  for  his  long  service  in  public  of- 
fice.   The  natural  advantage  of  a  seat  in  Con- 

328 


THE  END  329 

gress  was  never  utilized  for  private  gain. 
Wealth  seems  to  have  had  little  attraction  for 
him.  He  managed  to  live  within  his  salary  and 
invested  his  savings  in  Iowa  land.  Aside  from 
his  home  in  Clarinda  and  a  residence  in  Wash- 
ington he  owned  three  hundred  and  ten  acres  in 
Page  County  and  nine  hundred  and  thirty 
acres  in  Decatur  County. ^^^ 

He  continually  gave  money  to  his  children 
and  grandchildren  or  made  small  loans  to  peo- 
ple he  scarcely  knew.  All  through  life  he 
seems  to  have  retained  the  same  scorn  of  pov- 
erty that  he  exhibited  during  the  dark  years  of 
the  Civil  War.  There  are  some  people  who 
must  be  poor,  he  wrote  to  Mrs.  Hepburn  in 
1863,  ''and  of  course  it  is  better  that  it  should 
be  those  with  as  light  hearts  as  ours.  Poverty 
is  certainly  not  one  of  the  curses  when  accom- 
panied with  a  philosophy  that  can  patiently 
submit  to  it,  or  a  blithesomeness  of  heart  that 
can  laugh  at  it.  I  would  rather  be  poor  and 
happy  than  a  Croesus,  and  weighed  down  by 
the  cares  and  fears  of  a  millionaire."'**'^ 

It  was  characteristic  of  the  Colonel  that  he 
did  not  retire  from  Congress  to  a  life  of  ease. 
He  hoped  that  in  the  years  which  remained  he 
could  *'by  rising  early  and  going  to  bed  late" 
serve  the  friends  to  whom  he  owed  so  much. 
Though  he  had  no  expectation  of  ever  again 
becoming  a  candidate  for  public  office  he  did 


330         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

want  some  employment  that  would  make  Mm 
independent. 

After  a  visit  to  Iowa  and  a  few  months  of 
rest  he  decided,  at  the  age  of  seventy-six,  to 
resume  the  practice  of  law,  and  early  in  De- 
cember, 1909,  he  opened  an  office  in  Washing- 
ton. His  clients  at  first  were  not  numerous, 
but  they  were  good;  and  as  time  passed  the 
number  increased,  so  that  his  income  greatly 
exceeded  the  compensation  he  had  received  as 
a  Congressman.^'^*^ 

The  defense  of  Harvey  W.  Wiley,  Chief  of 
the  Bureau  of  Chemistry  in  the  Department  of 
Agriculture,  was  probably  Hepburn's  most  in- 
teresting case.  Through  the  efforts  of  unscru- 
pulous manufacturers  to  interfere  with  the 
enforcement  of  the  pure  food  law.  Dr.  Wiley 
was  maliciously  accused  of  using  his  appoint- 
ing power  in  an  irregular  manner,  and  in  July, 
1911,  Attorney  General  George  W.  Wickersham 
endorsed  a  recommendation  that  he  be  dis- 
missed from  the  public  service.  Dr.  Wiley  im- 
mediately employed  Colonel  Hepburn  to  lay  the 
evidence  in  the  case  before  the  President  and 
to  assist  in  the  hearings  before  the  Committee 
on  Expenditures  of  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture. The  complete  vindication  of  Dr.  Wiley 
is  evidence  that  the  Colonel  was  eminently  suc- 
cessful.'*'^^ 

While  Hepburn  had  no  desire  for  public  of- 


THE  END  331 

fice  after  1909  he  did  maintain  a  lively  interest 
in  the  welfare  of  the  political  party  in  which  he 
had  been  a  dominant  figure  for  more  than  fifty 
years.  That  he  could  not  bear  "to  see  a  herd 
of  political  pirates  wreck  the  old  party"  was 
only  natural.  To  him  patriotism  was  synony- 
mous with  Republicanism,  and  any  act  that 
threatened  the  prestige  of  the  Republican 
party  approximated  treason.  Absolutely  hon- 
est himself,  he  saw  no  connection  between  the 
Republican  party  and  the  dangerous  growth  of 
capitalism. 

Always  progressive  in  policies,  though  a 
Standpatter  on  principles.  Colonel  Hepburn 
was  willing  to  ''go  a  long  way"  toward  con- 
ciliating the  radical  element  of  the  party. 
Early  in  1910,  however,  he  realized  that  there 
was  to  be  no  peace  between  the  liberal  and  con- 
servative factions.  The  Standpatters,  he 
thought,  should  make  a  fight  for  the  Taft  ad- 
ministration, and  if  the  Democrats  secured  a 
majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives  it 
would  be  the  fault  of  the  Progressives  who 
would  then  leave  the  party  and  "purified  re- 
publicanism" would  reassert  itself."*^ - 

The  Republican  State  convention  which  met 
in  Des  Moines  on  August  3rd  developed  into  a 
contest  between  the  Progressives  and  the 
Standpatters.  The  Progressives,  with  a  ma- 
jority of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  delegates 


332         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

headed  by  Senators  Dolliver  and  Cummins  — 
the  most  aggressive  opponents  of  the  Payne- 
Aldrich  tariff  and  the  severest  critics  of  Re- 
publican leaders  in  Congress  ^'^^ — were  pre- 
pared to  use  steam-roller  methods  if  necessary. 
The  Standpatters,  however,  were  undaunted. 
Under  the  leadership  of  William  P.  Hepburn, 
John  F.  Lacey,  and  George  D.  Perkins  they 
contested  every  action  of  the  convention  from 
the  election  of  Senator  Dolliver  as  permanent 
chairman  to  the  adoption  of  resolutions.'*''''* 

Preceding  the  convention  both  the  *' insur- 
gent" and  ''regular"  delegates  framed  tenta- 
tive platforms,  with  the  result  that  the  com- 
mittee on  resolutions,  after  three  hours  of 
debate,  failed  to  reach  an  agreement.  Colonel 
Hepburn,  with  "his  gray  hair  bristling  aggres- 
sively in  every  direction,"  read  the  minority 
report  endorsing  President  Taft's  approval  of 
the  Payne-Aldrich  tariff  and  commending  in 
glowing  terms  his  prudent,  business-like,  and 
economical  administration.  The  convention 
listened  respectfully  until  the  Colonel  reached 
the  final  resolution  which  praised  the  Iowa 
delegation  in  Congress  for  supporting  the 
President  in  his  administrative  and  legislative 
policies.  At  that  juncture  some  of  the  dele- 
gates began  to  hiss  and  the  Progressives  in  all 
parts  of  the  hall  joined  in  an  attempt  to  compel 
the  Colonel  to  leave  the  platform.    Four  times 


THE  END  333 

he  read  that  last  resolution,  in  his  determina- 
tion to  be  heard,  and  then  moved  the  adoption 
of  the  minority  report.  On  the  roll  call  that 
followed,  five  hundred  and  sixty-eight  delegates 
voted  in  favor  of  the  unequivocal  endorsement 
of  President  Taft  and  eight  hundred  and  fifteen 
against  it.  Hopelessly  outnumbered  the  *'old 
guard"  went  down  in  defeat  before  the  rising 
tide  of  insurgency.'*'^ ^ 

The  Payne-Aldrich  tariff  was  the  occasion 
for  widespread  disaffection  among  Republicans 
in  1910,  but  the  more  complete  program  of  the 
Progressives,  as  announced  by  Theodore 
Roosevelt  in  his  Osawatomie  speech,  included 
stringent  regulation  of  big  business  by  the  Fed- 
eral government,  a  tariff  commission,  gradu- 
ated income  and  inheritance  taxes,  conserva- 
tion, legislation  favorable  to  labor,  and  more 
direct  participation  of  the  people  in  govern- 
ment. Though  Hepburn  had  sponsored  much 
of  the  progressive  legislation  during  Roose- 
velt's administration  and  led  the  ''insurgents" 
in  their  efforts  to  dethrone  the  Speaker,  he  had 
no  sympathy  for  radical  political  innovations 
such  as  Roosevelt  and  the  National  Progressive 
Republican  League  advocated  in  1911.  So 
when  it  became  necessary  to  align  himself  with 
the  progressive  Republicans,  who  advocated 
many  reforms  the  Colonel  favored,  or  with  the 
reactionary  group,  against  whom  he  had  often 


334        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

contended  in  Congress,  the  decision  turned 
upon  the  acceptance  or  rejection  of  advanced 
political  reforms  and  Colonel  Hepburn  chose  to 
remain  a  "regular"  Republican.  He  believed 
that  radicalism  had  run  its  course,  that  the 
majority  of  people  entertained  more  conserva- 
tive views,  and  that  there  was  a  "prospect  for 
saner  and  safer  methods  than  these  extreme 
gentry"  proposed  if  the  Republican  organiza- 
tion could  be  kept  intact.^"^^ 

As  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1912  ap- 
proached. Colonel  Hepburn  realized  that  the 
Republican  party  was  "in  a  very  serious  con- 
dition. ' '  Without  under-rating  the  strength  of 
rival  candidates,  he  thought  that  Taft  was  the 
only  man  the  party  could  hope  to  elect.  While 
the  President  had  made  "several  serious  mis- 
takes" that  justified  criticism  in  the  Colonel's 
opinion,  his  administration  in  the  main  had 
been  successful.  "He  has  kept  fully  abreast 
with  the  true  progressiveness  of  his  times", 
wrote  Hepburn  to  a  friend.  "He  has  adminis- 
tered the  law  and  enforced  it  more  successfully 
than  any  of  his  predecessors.  .  .  .  It  is  only 
during  his  administration  that  illegitimate 
combinations  have  learned  to  fear  the  penalties 
of  the  statute.  If  there  was  nothing  else  to 
commend,  the  stand  that  he  has  taken  and  the 
progress  that  he  has  made  toward  universal 
peace  among  the  nations  and  the  elimination  of 


THE  END  335 

war  lie  would  have  the  commendation  of  man- 
kind.'"*^^ 

Of  the  other  Presidential  possibilities  Sena- 
tor La  Follette  was  already  out  of  the  running. 
^'He  has  been  abandoned  by  every  prominent 
man  among  his  supporters",  declared  Hepburn 
in  February.  The  announcement  of  the  can- 
didacy of  Senator  Cummins,  he  felt,  was  ''a 
fraudulent  and  dishonest  effort  to  maintain  his 
hold  on  the  political  machinery  of  the  party  in 
Iowa,  that  he  may  use  it  in  a  senatorial  fight 
two  years  hence." 

Though  Hepburn  had  great  respect  for 
Eoosevelt,  he  confessed  that  he  "would  not  like 
to  vote  for  him,  or  any  man"  who  entertained 
the  "sentiments  expressed  by  him  in  his  Osa- 
watomie  speech"  or  in  his  address  before  the 
Ohio  Constitutional  Convention.  Hepburn  be- 
lieved that  the  initiative,  referendum,  and  re- 
call were  subversive  of  the  whole  system  of 
representative  government,  and  he  did  not 
want  that  fundamental  principle  changed.  If 
Roosevelt  should  be  nominated  and  the  Repub- 
lican platform  should  embody  those  extreme 
doctrines  he  was  at  a  loss  to  know  where  he 
would  "find  a  place  in  the  political  future." 
He  also  recalled  that  there  had  been  more  Re- 
publican criticism  of  Roosevelt  than  of  Taft 
and  that  Roosevelt  had  alienated  many  Catho- 
lic,   Jewish,    Negro,    and    labor    voters.      His 


336         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

election,  the  Colonel  thought,  'Svoiild  be  well 
nigh  impossible",  and  "his  nomination  would 
very  greatly  jeopardise  the  continuation  of  the 
Republican  party.  "'*'^^ 

In  April,  1912,  Colonel  Hepburn  made  a  trip 
to  Iowa  for  the  special  purpose  of  attending 
the  Republican  State  convention  that  met  in 
Cedar  Rapids  to  select  delegates-at-large  to  the 
national  convention.  As  the  Progressives  had 
controlled  the  State  convention  in  1910  so  now 
the  conservative  Republicans,  with  a  majority 
of  only  forty-one  delegates,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Hepburn  and  Perkins,  held  the  conven- 
tion firmly  for  Taft.  "Cummins  made  a  very 
gallant  fight.  He  was  a  'favorite  son',  and 
State  pride  —  the  possibility  of  having  a  Presi- 
dent from  Iowa  —  was  of  considerable  advan- 
tage to  him".  President  Taft  was  not  popular 
in  Iowa,  principally  on  account  of  his  reciproc- 
ity and  civil  service  ideas.  There  was  little 
enthusiasm  for  him  in  the  convention  so  that 
"the  success  of  his  supporters  was  the  triumph 
of  the  party".  Colonel  Hepburn  might  have 
been  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  national  con- 
vention, but  he  felt  that  it  was  time  the  j^ounger 
men  were  given  some  of  the  honors  and  conse- 
quently James  F.  Bryan,  his  former  secretary, 
was  selected. ^'^^ 

Anxious  that  President  Taft  should  be  re- 
nominated. Colonel  Hepburn  journeyed  to  Chi- 


THE  END  337 

GSLgo  in  June  to  be  present  at  the  national  Re- 
publican convention.  Although  he  did  not 
attend  the  sessions  frequently  he  met  a  great 
many  of  his  Iowa  friends  and  was  in  a  position 
to  observe  ''the  stirring  events"  that  occurred. 
''The  Roosevelt  fellows",  he  wrote  to  his 
grandson,  "made  a  great  cry  about  robbery  of 
seats  and  about  running  the  steam  roller  over 
Roosevelt's  friends,  but  I  think  that  Mr. 
Roosevelt's  friends  were  as  intent  upon  steal- 
ing delegates  as  any  class  of  men  in  the  city." 
Indeed,  after  the  committee  on  credentials  was 
appointed  "the  Roosevelt  crowd  only  claimed 
.  .  .  .  that  they  were  entitled  to  78  of  the 
[252]  contested  delegates,  acknowledging  there- 
by that  174  of  their  contests  were  fictitious  and 
made  solely  as  a  basis  for  crying  'stop  thief.'  " 
Moreover,  the  committee  on  credentials  was 
composed  of  as  high-minded  men  as  there  were 
in  the  party,  and  "it  was  quite  aggravating"  to 
Colonel  Hepburn  "to  sit  quietly  by  and  hear 
such  fellows  as  Flinn  of  Pittsburgh,  and  Heney 
of  California,  and  Pinchot  and  Garfield,  and 
the  two  Medills,  and  other  peewees  of  that 
crowd  calling  these  gentlemen  thieves  and  rob- 
bers and  scoundrels,  and  the  President  of  the 
United  States  a  receiver  of  stolen  goods." 

Hepburn  was  not  confident  that  Taft  would 
be  elected,  but  he  thought  the  platform  was 
good  and  if  the  Republicans  were  defeated  they 

23 


338         WILLIAIM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

would  at  least  have  a  program  on  which  to 
**  rally  the  true  republicanism  for  future  con- 
tests." He  was  hopeful  that  Roosevelt  would 
^*be  able  to  organize  a  third  party.  It  is  the 
only  way  we  can  get  rid  of  the  guerillas  and 
insurgents  that  are  within  the  Republican 
ranks.  "^8'' 

The  hopes  and  fears  of  Colonel  Hepburn 
were  realized  in  the  organization  of  the  Pro- 
gressive party  in  August  and  the  disastrous 
results  of  the  election  in  November.  Two  years 
later,  however,  he  believed  that  the  outlook  for 
Republicanism  was  "most  encouraging".  So 
far  as  Iowa  politics  were  concerned  he  saw 
only  *'one  obstacle  in  the  way  of  that  complete 
harmony  that  is  essential  to  future  Republican 
success" — Mr.  A.  B.  Cummins.  For  the  first 
time  in  his  life  Colonel  Hepburn  ''mutilated" 
his  ballot  and  voted  for  the  Democratic  candi- 
date for  Senator  in  1914.  He  felt  that  there 
would  never  be  harmony  in  the  Republican 
party  under  the  leadership  of  Senator  Cum- 
mins and  thought  any  action  which  would  help 
to  eliminate  the  Senator  would  contribute  to 
the  resuscitation  of  the  party.'*^^ 

Thus,  as  intense  loyalty  to  the  Republican 
party  forced  Colonel  Hepburn  to  take  his  place 
in  the  ranks  of  ultra-conservatives  in  1910  and 
in  1912  to  oppose  the  program  of  Theodore 
Roosevelt  with  whom  he  had  worked  harmoni- 


THE  END  339 

onsly  many  years,  so  it  came  to  pass  in  1914 
tliat  lie  was  willing  to  break  a  lifelong  habit  by 
voting  for  a  Democrat  in  order  to  defeat  a  Re- 
publican whose  leadership  he  believed  was  ini- 
mical to  the  interests  of  the  party. 

During  the  closing  years  of  his  life  William 
P.  Hepburn  seemed  to  retain  all  of  his  physical 
and  mental  vigor.  Almost  every  summer  he 
left  his  law  office  in  Washington  and  journeyed 
to  Iowa  where  he  looked  after  his  farms,  talked 
politics  with  his  neighbors  in  Clarinda,  attend- 
ed conventions,  and  made  speeches  on  special 
occasions.^®-  A  witness  of  the  development  of 
Iowa  and  the  nation  during  three-quarters  of  a 
century,  Colonel  Hepburn  delighted  in  allowing 
his  mind  to  wander  back  over  the  years  that 
were  past  and  in  telling  of  the  marvelous 
changes  he  had  observed.  Whether  engaged  in 
a  chance  conversation  with  a  friend  or  in  deliv- 
ering a  public  address  his  discussion  of  con- 
temporary problems  was  always  forceful  and 
incisive. "^^^ 

Patriotism  w^as  the  key  word  of  a  speech 
made  in  Sioux  City  on  June  9,  1915,  at  an  an- 
nual encampment  of  the  Iowa  department  of 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic.  '^I  do  not 
speak  of  our  broad  territories,  of  our  gentle 
climate,  of  our  abounding  harvests,  of  the 
plenty  and  the  prosperity  everywhere  in  the 
land,  alone.    But  I  speak  of  the  liberty,  I  speak 


340         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

of  the  opportunities,  I  speak  of  that  equality 
upon  which  this  nation  was  founded",  he  said. 
At  a  time  when  men  were  denying  the  obliga- 
tion of  the  government  to  protect  citizens  of  the 
United  States  in  Mexico  and  on  the  high  seas. 
Colonel  Hepburn  always  declared  that  Amer- 
ican traditions  taught  the  duty  "to  assert  be- 
fore all  the  world"  the  dignity  of  the  flag  that 
"gave  protection  to  every  American  and  his 
property  wherever  he  chose  to  go  under  God's 
sun."  With  the  circumstances  of  the  European 
conflict  in  mind  he  dared  not  hope  that  war 
would  never  come  to  America,  but  if  it  should 
he  wanted  the  country  to  be  prepared  and  "to 
stand  by  him  that  in  lawful  way  we  have  made 
our  Commander-in-Chief."  For  the  old  sol- 
diers the  only  sphere  of  usefulness  to  the  na- 
tion seemed  to  be  to  teach  the  lessons  of 
patriotism  to  sons  and  grandsons. ^^'^ 

"It  is  not  probable  that  occasions  like  this 
will  come  to  us  many  times  in  the  few  remain- 
ing years",  said  Hepburn  to  his  comrades. 
Little  did  he  realize,  however,  that  for  him  it 
was  to  be  the  last  camp-fire  he  would  ever  at- 
tend. In  November,  1915,  as  he  was  entering 
the  eighty-third  year  of  his  life,  he  experienced 
a  serious  illness.  A  month  later  his  health  had 
improved  so  much  that  he  began  to  think  of 
returning  to  his  law  practice  in  Washington. 
Toward  the  end  of  January,  however,  his  heart 


THE  END  341 

suddenly  weakened.  For  a  week  or  more  he 
was  able  to  be  about  the  house,  entertaining 
callers  and  attending  to  business  matters  with 
his  accustomed  cheerfulness  and  keen  judg- 
ment. On  the  morning  of  February  7,  1916,  lie 
did  not  feel  able  to  be  out  of  bed,  and  shortly 
after  noon,  while  members  of  the  family  were 
at  dinner.  Colonel  Hepburn  died,  as  calmly  as 
though  he  had  fallen  into  a  deep  sleep.^^^ 

Three  days  later  old  friends  gathered  in 
Clarinda  from  far  and  near  to  pay  their  final 
respects  to  the  honored  pioneer,  soldier,  lawyer, 
and  statesman.  The  body  lay  in  state  at  the 
Methodist  Church  where,  in  the  presence  of  a 
guard  of  honor,  hundreds  of  people  viewed  his 
face  for  the  last  time.  Late  in  the  afternoon 
he  was  buried  with  impressive  Masonic  cere- 
monies in  the  Clarinda  cemetery.^^*' 

The  words  and  deeds  of  William  P.  Hepburn 
depict  his  character  and  services  so  clearly  that 
further  interpretation  seems  superflous.  Only 
a  few  contemporary  estimates  of  the  worth  of 
the  man  and  his  work  need  to  be  recorded. 
People  who  knew  him  best  were  foremost  in 
expressing  appreciation  of  his  achievements, 
respect  for  his  ability,  admiration  for  his  in- 
tegrity, and  love  for  the  man  himself. 

Upon  his  personal  character  and  moral  cour- 
age there  is  no  finer  commentary  than  an  inci- 


342         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

dent  which  occurred  on  a  trip  to  a  G.  A.  R. 
encampment.  The  old  soldiers  were  telling 
stories  and  singing  songs  when  someone  started 
a  ribald  parody  to  the  tune  of  the  Battle  Hymn 
of  the  Republic.  Before  there  was  time  for 
applause  or  laughter  Colonel  Hepburn  was  on 
his  feet  singing  in  his  melodious  voice : 

In  the  beauty  of  the  lilies  Christ  was  born  across  the 

sea, 
With  a  glory  in  His  bosom  that  transfigures  you  and 

me; 
As  he  died  to  make  men  holy,  let  us  die  to  make  men 

free; 
While  God  is  marching  on.  "^^"^ 

Newspapers  in  every  part  of  the  country 
published  the  news  of  his  death  and  paid  tribute 
to  his  statesmanship.  ''W^ilUam  P.  Hepburn 
will  be  remembered",  wrote  the  editor  of  the 
New  York  Tribune,  ''as  a  public  man  well  out 
of  the  common  rut.  He  had  qualities  which  set 
him  apart  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  in 
which  body  he  exercised  an  influence  based 
solely  on  his  personal  gifts  and  character.  He 
never  sought  leadership  in  the  ordinary  sense. 
He  never  stooped  to  the  arts  which  usually  win 
that  sort  of  recognition.  He  was  no  log-roller 
and  he  served  no  interests  which  could  reward 
him  by  political  advancement.  He  was  his  own 
master,  and  held  his  freedom  as  a  public  man 


^ 


THE  END  343 

above  any  honors  which  subserviency  to  powers 
outside  the  House  or  submissiveness  to  the 
machine  within  it  might  bring  him.  "^^^ 

A  session  of  the  district  court  in  Clarinda 
was  suspended  while  members  of  the  Page 
County  bar  held  a  memorial  service  in  honor  of 
the  oldest  and  most  eminent  of  their  number. 
Eloquent,  indeed,  were  the  tributes  of  the 
Colonel's  former  associates.  Sympathy,  gener- 
osity, sincerity,  courage,  frankness,  honesty, 
patriotism,  industry,  and  service  were  the  qual- 
ities of  his  character  most  frequently  men- 
tioned. "It  can  truthfully  be  said,"  according 
to  the  resolutions  which  were  adopted,  that 
during  "the  many  years  which  he  gave  to  the 
service  of  his  country,  in  the  turmoil  of  war, 
and  in  the  halls  of  legislation,  he  evinced  a 
courage,  an  ability  and  concentration  of 
thought  and  purpose  that  entitles  him  to  the 
gratitude  and  consideration  of  his  generation, 
and  a  permanent  place  in  the  history  of  his 
state.  "4«9 

To  his  comrades  in  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic  the  death  of  Colonel  Hepburn  meant 
the  loss  of  "an  honest,  upright  and  conscien- 
tious man,  who  had  positive  convictions  and  the 
strength  of  character  to  stand  by  them,"  even 
if  he  was  obliged  to  stand  alone,  a  statesman 
who  "not  only  gave  his  service  to  his  country 
in  time  of  its  greatest  need,  but  gave  the  best 


344        WILLIAIM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

part  of  his  life  to  the  service  of  his  country  in 
shaping  its  legislation  in  the  interest  of  the 
whole  nation",  and  a  comrade  to  whom  old  sol- 
diers owed  "a  debt  of  gratitude  to  honor  his 
name  for  his  interest  in  all  legislation  that 
would  be  helpful  to  his  old  comrades.  "^^^ 

The  members  of  the  Committee  on  Interstate 
and  Foreign  Commerce,  over  whose  delibera- 
tions he  presided  "with  dignity,  impartiality 
and  ability"  felt  a  personal  grief  at  the  death 
of  their  colleague  who  had  "left  his  impress 
upon  the  legislation  and  lives  of  his  fellow  men 
as  few  men  have  ever  done  in,  the  history  of  the 
world.  "^^1 

What  James  S.  Clarkson  characterized  as 
"the  truest,  ablest  and  most  sufficient  tribute" 
to  Colonel  Hepburn — "a  faithful  portraiture 
of  the  man,  his  temperament  and  his  character 
and  personal  attractions  as  well  as  his  great 
ability" — was  delivered  in  Congress  by  Horace 
M.  Towner.  Colonel  Hepburn,  he  said,  was  "a 
heroic  figure.  He  belonged  to  a  heroic  age" 
and  was  "a  typical  representative  of  that  pe- 
riod, stalwart,  heroic,  titanic.  There  was  noth- 
ing little  about  him,  either  physically  or  men- 
tally. He  was  intolerant  of  the  narrow  view. 
He  had  no  patience  with  the  meannesses  of  life. 
He  could  not  abide  that  attitude  of  mind,  which 
has  no  outlook  higher  than  personal  advantage. 
He  was  subject  to  easy  disparagement  because 


THE  END  345 

he  was  contemptuous  of  criticism.  He  suffered 
defeat  rather  than  subject  himself  to  the  hu- 
miliation of  an  explanation.  He  had  none  of 
the  arts  of  the  demagogue.  If  men  supported 
him,  it  was  because  of  his  sterling  worth". 
Devotedly,  heroically,  and  passionately  loyal  to 
his  party,  to  his  country,  and  to  his  convictions 
"Pete"  Hepburn  will   be   remembered   as   an 

American  pioneer,  soldier,  lawyer,  and  states- 
man.^^2 


I 


NOTES    AND    REFERENCES 


347 


NOTES    AND     REFERENCES 

CHAPTER  I 

1  William  Peters  Hepburn  was  named  in  honor  of  William 
Peters,  an  uncle  by  marriage  to  Mareia  Catlett. 

2Hildreth's  Dragoon  Campaigns  to  the  EocTcy  Moimtains,  p. 
18;  Howe's  Historical  Collections  of  Ohio,  Vol.  I,  p.  464. 

3  Letter  from  Margaret  Hepburn  Chamberlain  to  Benj.  F. 
Shambaugh,  dated  September  23,  1917;  Heitman's  Historical 
Eegister  and  Dictionary  of  the  United  States  Army,  1789-1903, 
Vol.  I,  p.  525;  Cullom's  Biographical  Eegister  of  the  Officers 
and  Graduates  of  the  United  States  Military  Academy,  Vol.  I, 
p.  192;  memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Alargaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain. 

The  memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain  consists  of  some  manuscript  notes  con- 
taining much  information  on  the  ancestry  and  boyhood  of 
William  P.  Hepburn,  written  by  his  wife  and  daughter  at  the 
request  of  the  Superintendent  of  The  State  Historical  Society 
of  Iowa. 

4  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain;  The  Virginia  Magazine  of  History  and 
Biography,  Vol.  IX,  p.  207. 

5  McLaughlin 's  Matthew  Lyon,  The  Hampden  of  Congress, 
pp.  29,  38,  82,  113,  175,  194,  195,  205,  206,  207,  375,  473;  A 
Biographical  Congressional  Directory,  1774-1903,  p.  663. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  to  Matthew  Lyon  belongs  the  dis- 
tinction of  being  the  only  man  elected  to  Congress  from  three 
different  jurisdictions. 

349 


350         "WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

As  a  descendant  of  Matthew  Lyon,  W.  P.  Hepburn  was 
eligible  to  membership  in  the  Society  of  Sons  of  the  American 
Eevolution;  and  he  was  elected  to  membership  in  the  Iowa 
Society  on  September  5,  1893. —  A  National  Begister  of  the 
Society  of  Sons  of  the  American  Eevolution,  pp.  357,  363;  The 
Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  II,  p.  191. 

eAppleton's  Cyclopaedia  of  American  Biography,  Vol.  IV, 
pp.  4,  5. 

7  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  September  20, 
1908;  Shambaugh's  Constitution  and  Records  of  the  Claim  As- 
sociation of  Johnson  County,  pp.  168,  169. 

s  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  September  20,  1908;  Address  to 
the  Pioneer  Lawmakers'  Association  in  the  loica  House  Jour- 
nal, 1915,  p.  825. 

fl  George  ^.  Hampton  was  one  of  the  early  settlers  in  the 
vicinity  of  Iowa  City.  Honored  and  respected  as  a  man,  he 
became  one  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Johnson  County.  His 
name  is  recorded  as  a  licensed  Baptist  preacher,  the  first 
junior  warden  of  Iowa  City  Lodge  No.  4,  A.  F.  &  A.  M.,  secre- 
tary of  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1844,  district  prose- 
cuting attorney,  regent  of  the  Iowa  City  University,  one  of  the 
organizers  of  the  Iowa  State  Agricultural  Society,  and  clerk  of 
the  Supreme  Court  for  a  number  of  years. —  Aurner 'sLeofZi/i^r 
Events  in  Johnson  County  History,  Vol.  I,  pp.  135,  243,  361, 
620;  The  Annals  of  Iowa  (First  Series),  Vol.  VI,  pp.  196,  312; 
Aurner's  History  of  Education  in  loiva.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  393,  Vol. 
rv,  p.  412. 

10  Shambaugh 's  Constitution  and  Records  of  the  Claim  Asso- 
ciation of  Johnson  County,  pp.  91,  188,  191. 

11  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain. 

12  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  September  20,  1908. 

13  Papers  of  the  Mechanics'  Academy,  in  the  possession  of 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  351 

The  State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa;  The  Sioux  City  Journal, 
September  20,  1908;  Aurner's  History  of  Education  in  Iowa, 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  392. 

14  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913. 

Dr.  William  Reynolds  was  the  first  Superiutendent  of  Public 
Instruction  in  the  Territory  of  Iowa. 

Hepburn  always  regarded  Senator  James  Harlan  as  one  of 
the  great  builders  of  the  West.  In  the  contest  between  Harlan 
and  Allison  for  a  place  in  the  Senate,  Hepburn  worked  for  his 
favorite;  and  he  thought  that  if  Harlan  could  have  been 
seated  he  would  have  become  a  world  figure  ranking  with 
Gladstone.  As  the  "most  learned  man"  he  had  ever  met, 
James  Harlan  became  Hepburn's  ideal  statesman. —  The 
Creston  Advertiser-Gazette,  September  16,  1904. 

15  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  ^Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain;  Aurner's  Leading  Events  in  Johnson 
County  History,  Vol.  I,  p.  616. 

The  story  is  told  that  when  William  P.  Hepburn  in  1907  re- 
quested the  Department  of  State  to  issue  him  passports  for  a 
trip  to  Europe  the  papers  were  made  out  to  ' '  Hon.  Pete 
Hepburn"  by  a  clerk  who  had  never  heard  his  true  name. 

16  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913. 

CHAPTER  II 

17  M.  J.  Morsman  was  a  physician  who  came  to  Iowa  City 
from  Castalia,  Ohio,  in  1845.  In  Iowa  City  he  owned  a  drug 
store  and  practiced  his  profession.  For  many  years  he  was  a 
prominent  citizen  serving  on  the  Johnson  County  board -of 
supervisors  and  as  vice  president  of  the  board  of  trustees  of 
the  State  University  of  Iowa.  He  was  mayor  of  Iowa  City  in 
1859  and  president  of  The  State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa  in 
1869. —  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain;  Daily  Evening  Reporter  (Iowa  City), 
June  26,  1856;  The  Annals  of  Iowa  (First  Series),  Vol.  VI, 
p.  213;  Minutes  of  Annual  Meetings  of  The  State  Historical 
Society,  December  1,  1868,  and  December  7,  1869. 


352         "WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

18  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain. 

19  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913 ;  A  Biograph- 
ical Congressional  Directory,  1774-1903,  p.  593;  newspaper 
clipping  19  in  the  Hepburn  papers.  The  extended  article  in 
The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9, 1913,  vras  written  by  Fred 
Davis  in  commemoration  of  William  P.  Hepburn's  eightieth 
birthday.     The  data  was  furnished  by  Mr.  Hepburn. 

The  only  academic  recognition  received  by  William  P.  Hep- 
burn in  later  life  was  on  June  16,  1904,  when  the  honorary 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  was  conferred  upon  him  by  Cornell 
College  (Iowa). —  The  Fiftieth  Anniversary  of  the  Founding  of 
Cornell  College,  1903,  p.  294. 

20  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913. 

21- Kansas  Historical  Collections,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  269;  New 
Torlc  Semi-WeeMy  Tribune,  Febrviary  26,  1856;  The  Sioux  City 
Journal,  November  9,  1913;  memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P. 
Hepburn  and  Margaret  Hepburn  Chamberlain. 

22  Letter  to  Melvina  A.  Morsman,  dated  September  18,  1853 ; 
The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913. 

23  Letter  to  Melvina  A.  Morsman,  dated  January  8,  1854. 

24  Higgins,  Beckwith,  and  Strother  was  one  of  the  most  reli- 
able law  firms  in  Chicago.  The  offices  were  on  the  second  floor 
of  a  building  at  16  Dearborn  Street.  Both  Mr.  Higgins  and 
Mr.  Beckwith  became  judges,  and  Corydon  Beckwith  was  for 
many  years  general  solicitor  of  the  Chicago  and  Alton  Railroad. 
—  Chicago  Directory,  1855-1856;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  No- 
vember 9,  1913. 

25  Letter  to  Melvina  A.  Morsman,  dated  September  21,  1854. 

26  Letter  to  Melvina  A.  Morsman,  dated  November  7,  1854; 
The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913. 

Melvina  A.  Morsman  entered  the  Methodist  school  at  Mount 
Vernon,  now  Cornell  College,  about  the  same  time  that  Hepburn 
went  to  Chicago.     She  had  previously  been  enrolled  in  the  pri- 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  353 

vate  schools  of  Iowa  City.  When  the  State  University  of  Iowa 
was  opened  in  the  spring  of  1855  Miss  Morsman  was  among  the 
first  students,  attending  classes  in  the  building  that  had  housed 
the  Mechanics'  Academy. —  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P. 
Hepburn  and  Margaret  Hepburn  Chamberlain. 

2''  Hamilton  Freeman  (Webster  City),  October  8,  1858;  The 
Sioux  City  Journal,  September  20,  1908;  Record  of  Natural- 
isation, 1855-1857,  pp.  13,  26,  in  the  office  of  County  Clerk  of 
Johnson  County;  Supreme  Court  Becord  "B"  (Iowa),  p.  397. 

28  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain. 

On  October  4,  1855,  William  P.  Hepburn  took  his  first  degree 
in  Masonry;  he  was  passed  to  the  second  degree  two  days  later; 
and  became  a  Master  Mason  on  November  17,  1855.     On  June 

23,  1856,  he  demitted  from  the  Iowa  City  lodge  and  became  a 
charter  member  of  Marshalltown  Lodge  No.  108,  from  which  he 
demitted  and  became  affiliated  with  Nodaway  Lodge  No.  140 
at  Clarinda,  Iowa,  February  16,  1883.  He  received  the  Scot- 
tish Eite  Degrees  in  the  Bodies  at  Des  Moines,  September  21  to 

24,  1897.  On  December  27,  1901,  he  was  coroneted  33°  Hon- 
orary Inspector  General  by  the  Supreme  Council  at  Washington, 
D.  C. —  Obituary  letter  by  Henry  Clark  Alverson,  Sovereign 
Grand  Inspector  General,  to  the  Iowa  Bodies  of  Scottish  Eite 
Masons;  Eecords  of  Iowa  City  Lodge  No.  4,  A.  F.  &  A.  M., 
in  the  Masonic  Temple  at  Iowa  City. 

CHAPTEE  III 

29  The  Annals  of  Iowa  (First  Series),  Vol.  II,  p.  311; 
memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret  Hep- 
burn Chamberlain. 

Immediately  after  their  wedding  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hepburn 
drove  with  horses  and  carriage  from  Iowa  City  to  Decorah. 
Never  had  they  seen  such  perfect  weather;  never  to  them  had 
there  been  a  brighter  autumn.  At  Decorah,  where  a  land 
office  had  just  been  established,  they  hoped  to  find  an  opening 
for  a  lawyer,  but  when  they  arrived  the  town  was  so  full  of 

24 


354         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

land-seekers  that  not  even  a  room  was  available  in  which  they 
might  live.  Shortly  after  their  return  to  Iowa  City  came  the 
opportunity  to  settle  in  Marshalltown. 

30  Chapman  'a  Out  Where  the  West  Begins,  p.  1. 

31  Eight  hundred  dollars  was  the  amount  obtained  from  the 
sale  of  this  land. —  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  September  20, 
1908. 

32  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain. 

33  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9, 
1913. 

Si  Iowa  City  Ecpublican  (Daily),  June  11  and  19,  1856;  The 
Annals  of  loiva  (Third  Series),  Vol.  XI,  p.  240;  Iowa  City 
Directory  and  Advertiser,  1857,  p.  8. 

William  Bremner  married  Catherine  Hampton  and  became 
Hepburn's  brother-in-law,  May  24,  1860. —  Marshalltown 
Times-Bepuhlican,   August   30,    1911. 

35  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn  and  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain. 

CHAPTER  IV 

36  The  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  IV,  pp. 
487,  488,  494,  500,  508. 

37  In  a  letter  to  Thomas  E.  Powers,  dated  February  21,  1912, 
Hepburn  declared  that  he  was  present  at  the  first  State  Repub- 
lican convention  in  Iowa. 

38  The  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  IV,  pp. 
509,  512,  521,  522;  Clark's  Samuel  Jordan  Kirlcwood,  p.  88. 

39  The  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  IV,  p.  507; 
Neiv  Yorlc  Semi-Weekly  Tribune,  February  26,  1856. 

*o  Letter  to  Thomas  E.  Powers,  dated  February  21,  1912; 
Constitution   of  Iowa,   1846,   Art.  VI,   Sec.   5;    Code  of  1851, 


NOTES  AND  EEFERENCES  355 

Sees.  163,  165,  169,  211,  239;  A  Biographical  Congressional  Di- 
rectory, 1774-1903,  p.  593;  The  Iowa  State  Almanac,  1860,  p. 
26. 

ii  Marietta  Weekly  Express,  April  21  and  May  12,  1858; 
letter  to  Mrs.  William  P,  Hepburn,  dated  February  7,  1858. 

^2  loiua  House  Journal,  1856-1857,  p.  8;  The  Iowa  State 
Almanac,  1860,  pp.  21,  22,  23. 

Hepburn's  majority  of  twenty-two  votes  was  the  largest 
received  by  any  of  the  permanent  officers  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives in  the  Sixth  General  Assembly. —  Iowa  House 
Journal,  1856-1857,  pp.  7-11, 

i3  Hamilton  Freeman  (Webster  City),  October  8,  1858. 

■i*  Iowa  House  Journal,  1858,  pp.  3,  6,  77;  The  Creston  Ad- 
vertiser-Gazette, September  16,  1904;  letter  to  Mrs.  William  P. 
Hepburn,  dated  January  16,  1858. 

45  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  January  19, 
1858. 

In  the  Marshall  County  Eepublican  convention,  held  in  Mar- 
shalltown  on  June  1,  1858,  Hepburn  was  placed  on  the  com- 
mittee to  report  resolutions  as  well  as  being  selected  a  member 
of  the  county  central  committee  and  a  delegate  to  the  State 
and  Congressional  conventions  in  Iowa  City  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  of  June.  He  acted  as  secretary  of  the  Congres- 
sional convention  and  temporary  assistant  secretary  of  the 
State  convention. —  Marietta  Weekly  Express,  June  9,  1858; 
loica  Weekly  Eepublican  (Iowa  City),  June  23,  1858. 

CHAPTER  V 

46Battin  and  Moscrip's  Past  and  Present  of  Marshall  Coun- 
ty, Iowa,  Vol.  I,  p.  136;  Iowa  House  Journal,  1858,  pp.  577, 
578. 

47  Marietta  Weekly  Express,  March  10,  1858 ;  Battin  and 
Moscrip's  Fast  and  Present  of  Marshall  Countv.  Iowa,  Vol.  I, 
pp.  135,  137,  138. 


356         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

48  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  January  19, 
1858;  Iowa  House  Journal,  1858.  pp.  626,  627. 

49  T/je  Annals  of  loua  (First  Series),  Vol.  IX,  p.  545; 
Battin  and  Moscrip's  Past  and  Present  of  Marshall  County, 
Iowa,  Vol.  I,  p.  140;  Marietta  Weekly  Express,  March  10,  17, 
and  24,  1858. 

•"^o  Battin  and  Moscrip's  Past  and  Present  of  Marshall  Coun- 
ty, Iowa,  Vol.  I,  p.  140 ;  Marietta  Weekly  Express,  April  28, 
1858. 

51  Marietta  Weekly  Express,  May  12,  1858. 

52  The  State  ex  rel.  Eice  v.  the  County  Judge  of  Marshall 
County,  7  Iowa  186,  at  194,  199. 

This  was  probably  Hepburn's  first  case  before  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Iowa. 

53  Battin  and  Moscrip's  Past  and  Present  of  Marshall  Coun- 
ty, Iowa,  Vol.  I,  pp.  141,  142,  143,  144;  The  Marshall  County 
Times  (Marshalltown),  March  30,  1859. 

54  The  Annals  of  Iowa  (First  Series),  Vol.  IX,  pp.  589,  590; 
Marietta  Weekly  Express,  January  19  and  26,  1859. 

55  Battin  and  Moscrip's  Past  and  Present  of  Marshall  Coun- 
ty, Iowa,  Vol.  I,  pp.  145,  147,  151;  The  State  ex  rel.  Eice  v. 
William  C.  Smith,  County  Judge,  9  Iowa  334;  Eice  v.  Smith, 
County  Judge,  and  Dishon,  9  Iowa  570. 

CHAPTEE  VI 

50  The  Seventh  General  Assembly  divided  the  State  into 
eleven  judicial  districts.  The  counties  of  Hardin,  Franklin, 
Hamilton,  Wright,  Hancock,  Winnebago,  Webster,  Marshall, 
Story,  Cerro  Gordo,  Worth,  and  Boone  constituted  the  eleventh 
district. —  Laws  of  Iowa,  1858,  pp.  186,  187. 

^T  Hamilton  Freeman  (Webster  City),  August  20,  1858. 

58  Hamilton  Freeman  (Webster  City),  August  20  and  Sep- 
tember 10,  1858. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  357 

5^  Hamilton  Freeman  (Webster  City),  September  17,  1858; 
Boone  County  News  (Boonsboro),  October  1,  1858;  Gold- 
thwait's  History  of  Boone  County,  Iowa,  Vol.  II,  p.  428. 

60  Kirkwood  and  Butler  were  not  present  at  all  of  the  meet- 
ings.—  Boone  County  News  (Boonsboro),  October  8,  1858. 

^^  Boone  County  News  (Boonsboro),  September  17  and  Octo- 
ber 8,  1858;  Hamilton  Freeman  (Webster  City),  October  1 
and  8,  1858. 

62  The  Iowa  State  Almanac,  1860,  p.  48;  Laws  of  Iowa,  1858, 
pp.  201-203;  Peterson's  Selection  of  Public  Officials  in  Iowa 
in  the  Iowa  Applied  History  Series,  Vol.  II,  p.  337. 

■63  In  1859  there  was  no  county  in  the  eleventh  judicial  dis- 
trict of  Iowa  which  had  a  population  of  more  than  six  thou- 
sand, while  five  counties  contained  less  than  one  thousand 
inhabitants. —  The  Iowa  State  Almanac,  1860,  pp.  25,  26. 

64  T/te  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913 ;  The  Marshall 
County  Times   (Marshalltown),  May  11,  1859. 

05  The  loiva  Citizen  (Des  Moines),  June  29,  1859;  The  An- 
nals of  Iowa  (Third  Series),  Vol.  VIII,  p.  217. 

66  The  Annals  of  Iowa  (Third  Series),  Vol.  IX,  pp.  256-261; 
Shambaugh's  Messages  and  Proclamations  of  the  Governors  of 
Iowa,  Vol.  II,  pp.  235,  236. 

67  Mr.  Hepburn  was  elected  temporary  Chief  Clerk  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  the  Eighth  General  Assembly. — 
Iowa  House  Journal,  1860,  p.  3. 

68  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  January  9, 
1860;  The  Annals  of  Iowa  (Third  Series),  Vol.  IX,  pp.  402, 
403,  404,  415,  418,  419. 

69  Ray's  The  Convention  that  Nominated  Lincoln,  pp.  16,  19, 
29-33;  Proceedings  of  the  First  Three  Eep^iblican  National 
Conventions,  pp.  149,  154,  174;  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Des 
Moines),  May  23,  1860. 

70  Ray's    The    Convention    that    Nominated    Lincoln,    p.    35; 


358         "WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

swamp  land  contracts  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  letter  to  Mrs. 
William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  24,  1863;  memoranda  by 
Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn. 

From  Governor  Kirkwood,  Hepburn  carried  a  letter  of  intro- 
duction endorsing  his  agency  to  influential  men  in  Washington. 
A  year  later  Kirkwood  recommended  that,  inasmuch  as  the 
United  States  would  "probably  recognize  only  the  agent  or 
agents  of  the  State ' '  in  the  settlement  of  the  swamp  land 
question,  such  persons  should  be  appointed. —  Letter  from  J.  S. 
Wilson  to  James  Harlan,  dated  February  25,  1861;  Sham- 
baugh  's  Messages  and  Proclamations  of  the  Governors  of  Iowa, 
Vol.  II,  p.  294. 

CHAPTER  VII 

71  War  of  the  Eehellion:  Official  Eecords,  Series  III,  Vol.  I, 
pp.  55,  57,  127,  128;  Clark's  Samuel  Jordan  Kirkwood,  pp. 
184,  185;  The  South-Tier  Democrat  (Corydon),  April  17,  1861. 

72  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913 ;  memoranda  by 
Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn. 

73  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913 ;  letter  from 
N.  B.  Baker,  dated  July  30,  1861. 

Governor  Kirkwood  was  notified  on  July  24,  1861,  that  an 
additional  regiment  of  cavalry  would  be  accepted  from  Iowa. 
The  Second  Iowa  Volunteer  Cavalry  was  ordered  to  rendezvous 
at  Davenport,  and  the  colonel  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  War 
Department.  Captain  Hepburn's  company  was  the  second  to 
be  accepted  for  the  regiment. —  War  of  the  Beieliion :  Official 
Eecords,  Series  III,  Vol.  I,  p.  346.  See  also  Eeport  of  the  Ad- 
jutant General  of  Iowa,  1861,  pp.  380-408. 

74  The  Sioux  City  Joxirnal,  September  20,  1908,  November  9, 
1913;  freight  bill  of  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri  Railroad, 
dated  August  15,  1861,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

75  Company  B  was  mustered  into  the  United  States  service  on 
August  31,  1861,  by  Captain  Alexander  Chambers. —  See  cer- 
tificate of  rejections  from  Company  B,  Second  Iowa  Cavalry, 
in  the  Hepburn  papers. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  359 

76  Letters  to  Mrs.  "William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  20  and 
23,  1861;  Pierce's  History  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  p.  10; 
Beport  of  the  Adjutant  General  of  Iowa,  1861,  p.  385. 

77  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  30  and 
September  4,  1861;  Boster  and  Becord  of  loiva  Soldiers  in  the 
War  of  the  Behellion,  Vol.  IV,  p.  235;  Pierce's  History  of  the 
Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  p.  10. 

''s  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913;  Boster  and 
Becord  of  loxva  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the  Behellion,  Vol.  IV, 
p.  215. 

79  Pierce's  History  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  pp.  10,  11. 

80  At  St.  Louis  the  officers  were  quartered  outside  of  the 
camp  lines,  so  that  it  was  possible  for  Mrs.  Hepburn  to  be 
with  her  husband.  She  had  been  present  also  when  the  regiment 
was  in  camp  at  Davenport. —  Letter  from  M.  S.  Hazard,  dated 
October  18,  1861;  letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated 
December  17,  1861,  and  February  20,  1862. 

81  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  December  17, 
1861 ;  invoices  of  ordnance  issued  to  William  P.  Hepburn, 
dated  December  14,  1861,  February  11  and  April  23,  1862,  in 
the  Hepburn  papers;  Special  Orders,  No.  107,  issued  by  order 
of  W.  T.  Sherman  on  December  30,  1861,  in  the  Hepburn 
papers. 

CHAPTER  VIII 

82  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  Febniary  20 
and  March  7,  1862;  Pierce's  History  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cav- 
alry, pp.  12,  13. 

83  War  of  the  Behellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  I,  Vol.  VIII, 
p.  95;  Pierce's  History  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  pp.  13,  14; 
letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  March  7  and  9,  1862. 

84  Force's  From  Fort  Henry  to  Corinth,  pp.  67,  73;  War  of 
the  Behellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  I,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  79,  80, 
82,  94;  letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  March  22, 
1862. 


360      willia:\i  peters  hepburn 

85  Force's  From  Fort  Henry  to  Corinth,  p.  69;  War  of  the 
Eebellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  I,  Vol.  Vlir,  pp.  82,  83,  606; 
Pierce's  History  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  p.  15;  letters  to 
Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  March  12  and  14,  1862. 

86  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  March  22,  1862. 

87  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  March  18,  27, 
and  30,   1862. 

88  War  of  the  Eebellion:  Official  Eecords,  Series  I,  Vol.  VIII, 
pp.  86,  87,  88.  See  also  Memoranda  on  the  Civil  War,  by  J. 
W.  Bissell,  commander  of  the  regiment  of  engineers  which 
built  the  canal,  in  The  Century  Magazine  (New  Series),  Vol. 
VIII,  pp.  324-327. 

89  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  April  11,  1862; 
Pierce's  History  of  the  Second  Ion  a  Cavalry,  p.  16;  War  of  the 
Beiellion:  Official  Eecords,  Series  I,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  118,  119. 

90  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  April  11,  1862. 

CHAPTER  IX 

91  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  April  21,  1862; 
Rhodes 's  History  of  the  United  States,  1850-1877,  Vol.  Ill,  pp. 
625,  628. 

92  Sometime  in  May  stories  of  Hepburn's  "arrest"-,  "drunk- 
enness", and  threatened  "dismissal  from  service"  were  cur- 
rent in  Iowa  City  arising,  he  explained,  from  charges  that  on 
the  evening  of  the  twelfth  of  April  he  had  been  intoxicated, 
had  used  abusive  language  to  Lieutenant  Samuel  Foster,  and 
had  treated  Brigadier  General  Schuyler  Hamilton  and  Colonel 
Nicholas  Perczel  with  disrespect.  These  accusations,  however, 
were  repudiated  by  both  Hamilton  and  Perczel  so  emphatically 
that  the  whole  affair  was  made  to  appear  a  conspiracy  of 
jealous  subordinates. —  Letter  to  ^Irs.  William  P.  Hepburn, 
dated  June  26,  1862. 

93  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  April  18  and 
May  2,  1862.     That  Grant  was  to  blame  for  the  appalling  loss 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  361 

of  life  in  the  battle  of  Shiloh  was  the  general  opinion  through- 
out the  North  and  especially  in  the  Western  States  Avhence 
came  most  of  the  regiments  engaged.  It  was  Hepburn's  opin- 
ion that  only  the  ' '  Providential  death ' '  of  General  Albert  S. 
Johnston  saved  the  Union  army  from  annihilation. —  Letter  to 
Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  May  2,  1862. 

9*  The  cavalry  troops  of  the  Army  of  the  Mississippi  during 
the  siege  of  Corinth  consisted  of  the  Seventh  Illinois,  the  Sec- 
ond Iowa,  and  the  Second  and  Third  Michigan  regiments.  The 
Second  Iowa  Cavalry  and  the  Second  Michigan  Cavalry  were 
brigaded  together,  first  under  Colonel  W.  L.  Elliott  and  later 
under  Colonel  P.  H.  Sheridan. —  War  of  the  BchelUon :  Official 
Records,  Series  I,  Vol.  X,  Pt.  1,  p.  799,  Pt.  2,  p.  187,  Vol. 
XVII,  p.  17. 

35  War  of  the  Reheilion:  Official  Records,  Series  I,  Vol.  X, 
Pt.  1,  pp.  727,  734. 

96  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  April  24,  1862. 

97  Between  April  22nd  and  May  9th  the  Second  Iowa  Cav- 
alry participated  in  several  reconnoissances.  Colonel  Elliott 
placed  Hepburn  and  his  battalion  at  the  head  of  a  column  that 
was  pushed  out  to  a  new  position  on  the  Corinth  road  on  April 
24th ;  for  several  days  following  the  Second  Iowa  ' '  was  con- 
tinually scouring  the  country  toward  Monterey. ' '  On  April 
29th  the  regiment  made  a  reconnoissance  in  force  which  drove 
the  enemy  from  Monterey,  Hepburn  leading  the  charge  upon 
the  rebel  camp.  Four  days  later  the  whole  regiment  under 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Hatch  made  a  raid  through  the  Confederate 
lines,  cut  the  enemy 's  communication  with  Corinth  on  the 
Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroad,  and  captured  four  prison- 
ers and  ten  mules.  In  the  skirmishes  on  May  8th  the  enemy 
was  found  in  large  force  at  almost  every  point,  which  indi- 
cated that  Beauregard  was  preparing  for  battle. —  War  of  the 
Rebellion:  Official  Records,  Series  I,  Vol.  X,  Pt.  1,  pp.  727, 
728,  808;  letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  April  24 
and  May  2,  1862. 

98  War  of  the  Reheilion :  Official  Records,  Series  I,  Vol.  X, 


362         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

Pt.  1,  pp.  729,  736,  737,  804,  805,  811;  The  Annals  of  Iowa 
(Third  Series),  Vol.  VI,  pp.  444-446;  letter  to  Mrs.  William  P. 
Hepburn,  dated  May  10,  1862. 

89  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  May  10,  1862 ; 
Pierce's  History  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  p.  23. 

100  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  May  12  and 
20,  1862;  Personal  Memoirs  of  P.  E.  Sheridan,  Vol.  I,  pp.  141, 
153. 

101  The  fighting  around  Corinth  in  the  latter  part  of  May 
was,  in  some  phases,  not  unlike  the  trench  warfare  in  the 
World  War.  "Our  entrenchments",  wrote  Hepburn,  "occupy 
a  continuous  line  of  thirteen  and  one-quarter  miles  —  well 
built  —  and  in  many  places  presenting  double  lines.  Behind 
these  entrenchments  are  mounted  Three  Hundred  and  Seventy 
guns  —  ranging  from  the  light  field  six  pounder  to  the  mam- 
moth hundred  pound  Parrott,  the  range  of  which  is  known  to 
be  not  less  than  Seven  Thousand  yards." — Letter  to  Mrs. 
William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  May  27,  1862. 

102  While  part  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  was  burning  the 
train  and  tearing  up  the  tracks  at  Booneville,  Hepburn's  bat- 
talion was  held  in  reserve  as  a  protection  against  enemy  cav- 
alry.—  War  of  the  Eeiellion :  Official  Records,  Series  I,  Vol.  X, 
Pt.  1,  p.  864. 

loz  War  of  the  Rebellion:  Official  Records,  Series  I,  Vol.  X, 
Pt.  1,  pp.  731,  774,  862-865;  letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hep- 
burn, dated  June  1,  1862. 

104  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  July  12,  1862. 

105  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  June  7,  1862. 

loo  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  June  17,  1862 ; 
application  by  William  P.  Hepburn  for  thirty  days  leave  of 
absence  from  military  duty,  dated  June  15,  1862,  in  the  Hep- 
burn papers. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  363 

CHAPTER  X 

107  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  May  14,  20, 
and  27,  and  June  17,  1862. 

Major  Hepburn  stated  in  his  request  for  a  leave  of  absence 
that  his  presence  in  Iowa  was  necessary  to  "procure  a  com- 
fortable home  for  his  wife  and  children"  and  to  appear  as 
plaintiff  in  a  law  suit  "involving  the  title  to  160  acres  of 
valuable  land"  which  if  not  successfully  maintained  would 
cause  him  "considerable  pecuniary  loss."  Having  been  of 
the  opinion  when  he  enlisted  that  the  war  would  end  in  less 
than  a  year  he  had  ' '  failed  to  put  his  business  matters  in  such 
shape  as  he  would  have  done,  had  he  supposed  his  services 
would  have  been  needed  for  a  longer  period  than  a  twelve- 
month ' '. —  Application  by  William  P.  Hepburn  for  thirty  days 
leave  of  absence  from  military  duty,  dated  June  15,  1862,  in 
the  Hepburn  papers. 

108  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  June  17  and 
26,  1862. 

109  Personal  Memoirs  of  P.  E.  Sheridan,  Vol.  I,  p.  153 ;  let- 
ters to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  July  7  and  30,  1862; 
War  of  the  Eebellion:  Official  Eecords,  Series  I,  Vol.  XVII, 
pp.  17-20. 

110  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  July  12,  1862. 

^11  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  July  17,  24, 
and  25,  1862. 

1^2  KirJcwood  Military  Letter  Booh,  No.  2,  p.  324;  War  of 
the  Beiellion:  Official  Eecords,  Series  I,  Vol.  XX,  Pt.  2,  p.  94; 
letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  November  17,  1862. 

113  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  ,Tuly  30,  1862; 
letter  to  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  dated  August  13,  1862 ;  letter 
from  G.  Granger  to  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  endorsed  by  D.  S. 
Stanley  and  W.  S.  Rosecrans,  dated  August  12,  1862;  letter 
from  P.  H.  Sheridan  to  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  dated  August  12, 
1862 ;    letter    from   Datus    E.    Coon    to    Samuel    J.    Kirkwood, 


364         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

dated  August  12,  1862;  letter  from  C.  G.  Trusdell  to  Samuel 
J.  Kirkwood,  dated  August  9,  1862;  letter  from  Charles  P. 
Moore  to  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  dated  August  12,  1862;  letter 
from  Paul  A.  Queal  to  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  dated  August  12, 
1862;  letter  from  William  C.  Russell  to  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
dated  August  13,  1862. 

11*  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  24  and 
September  5,  1862. 

Major  Hepburn  shared  the  belief  of  other  army  men  that 
Governor  Kirkwood  was  making  military  appointments  for  po- 
litical purposes.  ' '  He  ought  to  remember ' ',  wrote  Hepburn 
to  his  wife,  ' '  that  at  this  moment  there  is  a  latent  treason  in 
the  hearts  of  the  men  composing  the  army  more  terrible  to  the 
interests  of  the  Republic  than  that  of  Jeff  Davis  and  his  co- 
adjutors. There  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  question  of  a  mili- 
tary Dictatorship  is  being  generally  discussed  by  military  men, 
and  there  is  no  disguising  the  fact  that  there  is  a  growing 
feeling  in  favor  of  pursuing  such  a  course  as  will  entirely 
destroy  the  influence  and  power  of  the  demagogues  at  home 
.  .  .  .  The  only  hesitation  or  question  is  'Who  is  the  man' 
—  a  question  that  is  asked  a  thousand  times  every  day." — 
Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  September  5,  1862. 

115  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  15 
and  28,  and  September  2,  1862. 

iiG  Hosmer's  The  Appeal  to  Arvis,  pp.  222,  223;  War  of  tlie 
Bebellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  I,  Vol.  XVI,  Pt.  2,  pp.  417, 
482. 

Hepburn  always  retained  the  admiration  and  respect  for 
Rosecrans  that  he  felt  upon  their  first  acquaintance.  ' '  I  some- 
times grow  restive ' ',  he  said  years  after  the  war,  ' '  under  the 
unjust  criticism,  born  of  unfair  comparison,  that  has  been 
meted  out  to  Gen.  Rosecrans,  working  to  him  a  cruel  injustice 

.  .  .  among  all  of  the  great  men  whose  names  adorn  our 
history  there  is  not  one  more  justly  entitled  to  the  loving  rev- 
erence and  the  earnest  admiration  of  the  patriot,  than  he 
whose  fortune  it   was  to   lose  the  battle  of   Chickamauga  but 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  365 

whose  fortune  it  was  to  Avrite  himself  upon  the  recognition  of 
all  who  knew  him,  as  the  friend  of  his  troops,  the  friend  of  his 
country,  the  friend  of  his  race  —  wise  in  the  council  —  heroic 
on  the  field. ' ' —  Memorial  Day  address  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

117  Special  Orders,  No.  47,  issued  by  order  of  Gordon  Gran- 
ger, September  6,  1862,  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  letters  to  Airs. 
William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  September  10  and  17,  1862. 

lis  When  the  Confederates  were  driven  from  luka  a  slave 
described  as  being  ' '  six  feet  in  height,  Black  and  twenty  two 
years  of  age"  was  set  free  and  became  Major  Hepburn's  body 
servant.  He  assumed  the  name  of  Peter  Hepburn. —  A  procla- 
mation emancipating  Peter  Hepburn,  issued  by  order  of  W.  S. 
Eosecrans  on  July  7,  1863,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

119  fFar  of  the  Rebellion:  Official  Records,  Series  I,  Vol. 
XVI,  Pt.  2,  p.  783,  Vol.  XVII,  pp.  166-170;  Iowa  Historical 
Record,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  543-552 ;  letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hep- 
bum,  dated  September  17,  21,  and  22,  and  October  4,  1862. 

The  excitement  of  the  battle  of  Corinth  cured  Major  Hep- 
burn of  an  attack  of  ague,  although  it  left  him  very  weak. — 
Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  October  4,  1862. 

120  War  of  the  Rebellion:  Official  Records,  Series  I,  Vol. 
XVI,  Pt.  2,  pp.  641,  642,  654,  655;  letters  to  Mrs.  William  P. 
Hepburn,  dated  September  24  and  November  8  and  10,  1862. 

121  War  of  the  Rebellion :  Official  Records,  Series  I,  Vol.  XX, 
Pt.  2,  p.  94;  letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  No- 
vember 17  and  December  19,  1862. 

122  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  December  9, 

1862,  February  10  and  April  24,  1863;  Special  Orders,  No.  39, 
issued  by  command  of  Major  General  Eosecrans,  February  8, 

1863,  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  Special  Field  Orders,  No.  77, 
issued  by  command  of  Major  General  Eosecrans  on  March  21, 
1863,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

As  a  result  of  hard  riding  and  exposure  Hei)burn  was  ill 
from  Christmas,  1862,  until  nearly  the  first  of  February,  1863. 
He  was  not  present  at  the  battle  of  Murfreesboro  where  the 


366         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

mortality    of    officers    was    unusually    great. —  Letter    to    Mrs. 
William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  January  4,  1863. 

123  Letters  from  Glaus  C.  Runs,  dated  December  10,  1862, 
and  March  3,  1863;  letter  from  John  V.  McDuffie,  dated 
January  24,  1863;  letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated 
June  21,  1863;  War  of  the  Eehellion:  Offlcial  Records,  Series  I, 
Vol.  XXIII,  Pt.  2,  p.  530. 

CHAPTER  XI 

124  Between  the  time  he  left  Nashville  and  the  date  when  he 
reported  at  regimental  headquarters  at  La  Grange,  Tennessee, 
Hepburn  made  a  brief  visit  to  Iowa.  It  was  the  first  time  he 
had  been  home  since  he  enlisted  two  years  before. —  Letter  to 
Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  4,  1863. 

125  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  4, 
1863;  War  of  the  Bebellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  I,  Vol. 
XXX,  Pt,  3,  p.  664. 

When  Hepburn  reported  for  duty  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry 
together  with  the  Third  Michigan  and  First  West  Tennessee 
cavalry  regiments  constituted  the  Second  Brigade  in  the  cav- 
alry division  of  the  Sixteenth  Army  Corps.  On  August  20th 
the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  was  brigaded  with  the  Fourth,  Sixth, 
and  Seventh  Illinois  cavalry  regiments  and  the  Third  United 
States  Battalion  to  form  the  Third  Brigade,  Colonel  Edward 
Hatch  commanding.  Major  General  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut  com- 
manded the  Sixteenth  Army  Corps  with  headquarters  at  Mem- 
phis, Tennessee,  and  the  cavalry  division  was  under  Brigadier 
General  Benjamin  H.  Grierson. —  War  of  the  Bebellion:  Of- 
ficial Becords,  Series  I,  Vol.  XXIV,  Pt.  3,  pp.  454-456,  Vol. 
XXX,  Pt.   3,  pp.   82,   83. 

126  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  4 
and  16,  1863, 

127  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  24, 
September  14,  and  October  8,  1863. 

128  Colonel  Hatch  was  at  this  time  in  command  of  a  cavalry 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  367 

division  and  Hepburn  was  the  ranking  officer  in  his  brigade. — 
Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  October  8,  1863. 

129  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  October  8, 
1863;  Pierce's  History  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  pp.  68-72; 
War  of  the  Rehellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  I,  Vol.  XXXI, 
Pt.  1,  pp.  244-246,  248,  249. 

130  Pierce's  History  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  pp.  73-80; 
War  of  the  Eebellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  II,  Vol.  VI,  p. 
531;  Special  Orders,  Nos.  4  and  31,  issued  January  4  and  27, 
1864,  by  order  of  S.  A.  Hurlbut,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

131  A  manuscript  account  of  the  Meridian  expedition,  by 
William  Sooy  Smith,  pp.  2,  4,  6,  8,  11,  12,  in  the  Hepburn 
papers;  War  of  the  Behellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  I,  Vol. 
XXXII,  Pt.  1,  pp.  193,  194,  252,  253,  290-293. 

The  Second  Brigade  consisted  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry, 
the  Sixth,  Seventh,  and  Ninth  Illinois  cavalry  regiments,  Bat- 
tery K  of  the  First  Illinois  Light  Artillery,  and  two  companies 
of  the  pioneer  corps  —  in  all  twenty-nine  hundred  strong. — 
War  of  the  Behellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  I,  Vol.  XXXII, 
Pt.  1,  p.  290. 

1-312  War  of  the  Eebellion:  Official  Becords,  Series  I,  Vol. 
XXXII,  Pt.  1,  pp.  258,  259;  Pierce's  History  of  the  Second 
Iowa  Cavalry,  p.  87. 

133  Boster  and  Becord  of  Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 
Behellion,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  228,  235;  Beport  of  the  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral of  Iowa,  1864-1865,  p.  215;  Pierce's  History  of  the  Sec- 
ond Iowa  Cavalry,  pp.  92,  95;  War  of  the  Behellion:  Official 
Becords,  Series  I,  Vol.  XXXII,  Pt.  1,  pp.  581,  582,  Pt.  3,  pp. 
285,  346,  347,  487,  566,  Series  II,  Vol.  VII,  p.  716;  letters  to 
Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  April  9  and  15,  1864;  letter 
from  Glaus  C.  Euus  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  April 
2,  1864;  Special  Orders,  No.  59,  issued  March  24,  1864,  by 
order  of  B.  H.  Grierson,  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  Special  Or- 
ders, No.  2,  issued  April  25,  1864,  No.  32,  issued  May  25, 
1864,  No.   42,   issued   June   4,   1864,   No.   66,   issued   June   28, 


1 


368         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

1864,  No.  92,  issued  July  25,  1864,  by  order  of  C.  C.  Wash- 
burn, in  the  Hepburn  papers;  a  petition  of  the  officers  of  the 
provisional  cavalry  regiment,  dated  May  16,  1864,  in  the 
Hepburn  papers. 

CHAPTER  XII 

13*  Memoranda  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn;  The  Sioux 
City  Journal,  November  9,  1913;  letter  from  Fannie  Hepburn 
to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  December  6,  1864. 

William  P.  Hepburn  had  two  law  partners  in  Memphis,  B.  A. 
Massey  and  Harry  S.  Lee.  His  immediate  family  at  this  time 
consisted  of  Mrs.  Hepburn  and  three  children  —  Edith  aged 
eight,  Frank  aged  six,  and  Margaret  aged  two.  Another  son, 
Charles,  was  born  in  1868;  and  another  daughter,  Bertha,  who 
died  in  infancy,  was  born  in  1871. —  Letter  from  B.  A.  Massey 
to  W.  C.  Postal,  dated  March  26,  1865;  business  card  of  Hep- 
burn and  Lee  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

135  Letter  from  C.  G.  Trusdell,  dat9d  July  27,  1865;  letter 
from  S.  B.  Beaumont,  dated  September  13,  1865. 

130  Letter  from  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  October  1, 
1865;   letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  October  15, 

1865,  and  February  12,  1866. 

137  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  January  25, 
June  3,  and  September  18,  1866,  and  April  30,  1867. 

138  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  October  15, 
1865,  and  November  24,  1866. 

In  November,  1865,  and  again  in  the  spring  of  1867  Hep- 
burn thought  of  entering  the  ministry.  He  was  restrained, 
however,  by  the  dread  of  hardships  which  his  family  might 
suffer  and  a  doubt  of  his  own  qualifications  for  that  profession. 
—  Letters  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  November  2 
and  17,  1865;  letter  from  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated 
March  23,  1867. 

139  Letter   from    Mrs.    William    P.    Hepburn,    dated    May   3, 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  369 

1867;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913;  The  Clarinda 
Journal,  February  24,  1916. 

In  1867  Clarinda  contained  about  seven  hundred  inhabitants. 
Within  a  few  years  Colonel  Hepburn  purchased  the  site  he  had 
admired  the  day  he  entered  Clarinda  for  the  first  time,  and 
upon  it  he  built  the  house  he  called  home  the  remainder  of  his 
life. —  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913. 

140  In  March,  1868,  Hepburn  leased  his  newspaper  interests 
to  W.  E.  Loy  and  in  June,  1869,  sold  out  to  George  H.  Powers. 
—  History  of  Page  County,  Iowa  (Iowa  Historical  Company), 
p.  536. 

141  r/ie  Creston  Advertiser-Gazette,  September  16,  1904; 
Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August  26,  1868; 
History  of  Page  County,  Iowa  (Iowa  Historical  Company),  pp. 
742,  753. 

Warren  F.  Thummel  and  Edith  C.  Hepburn  were  married  on 
May  13,  1875. —  History  of  Page  County,  Iowa  (Iowa  His- 
torical Company),  p.  753. 

142  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913;  The  Clarinda 
Journal,  February  17,  1916;  Proceedings  of  the  Iowa  State 
Bar  Association,  1874-1881,  pp.  40,  50,  61 ;  Scrap  Boole,  p.  8, 
in  the  Hepburn  papers;  see  also  the  loica  Supreme  Court  Be- 
ports,  Vols.   XXIX-LV. 

143  It  was  during  this  period  also  that  Colonel  Hepburn  exer- 
cised his  inventive  genius.  On  June  15,  1869,  he  obtained  a 
patent  upon  a  stove  drum  described  as  a  number  of  hollow 
angular  sections  united  to  vertical  sections  arranged  between 
the  fire  bed  and  the  escape  pipe  for  the  products  of  combus- 
tion.—  Eeport  of  the  Commissioner  of  Patents  in  Executive 
Documents,  41st  Congress,  2nd  Session,  Vol.  II,  p.  272,  Vol. 
Ill,  p.  664. 

n't  Weekly  loiva  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  April  7, 
1869;  History  of  Page  County,  Iowa  (Iowa  Historical  Com- 
pany), pp.  406,  407,  408;  receipt  for  railroad  subscription  and 
donation,  dated  June  26,  1872,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

25 


370         AVILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

The  town  of  Hepburn,  Iowa,  located  on  the  old  Brownville 
and  Nodaway  Valley  Railroad,  is  the  living  evidence  of  the 
work  and  influence  of  Colonel  Hepburn  in  bringing  about  the 
construction  of  the  first  railroad  into  Clarinda. 

145  It  is  alleged  that  this  was  the  only  speech  he  ever  read 
from  manuscript.  In  pleading  before  juries  and  in  addresses 
on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  speak  from  penciled  notes  jotted  upon  slips  of  paper. 
—  The  Clarinda  Journal,  February  24,  1916.  The  Hepburn 
papers  contain  a  number  of  the  Colonel's  speeches  in  the  form 
of  notes. 

146  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913. 

147  WeeJcly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines) ,  May  13  and 
27,  and  October  21  and  28,  1868. 

i^is  The  Marshall  County  Times  (Marshalltown),  May  8, 
1869;  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  June  9,  1869. 

naWeelly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  June  8,  1870, 
and  July  19  and  August  9,  1872 ;  The  Clarinda  Herald,  Febru- 
ary 7,  1905;  clipping  65  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

isoHaynes's  Third  Party  Movements,  pp.  28,  29;  Weekly 
Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  October  30,  1874,  and 
June  2,  1876. 

151  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  June  2  and 
November  3,  1876,  and  May  11,  1877;  Appletons'  Cyclopaedia 
of  American  Biography,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  137. 

CHAPTER  XIII 

152  Mills  County  BepuMican,  August  20,  1880;  WeeMy  loiva 
State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  dated  March  26,  April  9  and 
23,  and  August  6,  1880;  loica  Official  Begister,  191.5-1916,  pp. 
83,  847. 

153  The  Clarinda  Herald,  August  18,  1880. 

-i^^i  Lenox  Time  Table,  August  20,  1880;  Shenandoah  Be- 
porter,   August   20,    1880;    The  Messenger    (Atlantic),   August 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  371 

21,    1880;    The    Clarinda   Herald,    August    18,    1880;    Emerson 
Chronicle,  August  20,  1880. 

155  Scrap  Bool-,  pp.  10,  23,  24,  in  the  Hepburn  papers.  Most 
of  the  material  in  this  chapter  is  taken  from  newspaper  clip- 
pings in  a  scrap  book  compiled  by  Miss  Fannie  HepVjurn  in 
1880. 

156  Weelly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August  27, 
1880;  Scrap  Book,  pp.  8,  15,  20,  21,  28,  35,  47. 

-i57  Scrap  Boole,  pp.  15,  16,  33,  34,  39;  Fairall's  Manual  of 
Iowa  Politics,  1882,  p.  50. 

On  August  25th  Hepburn  attended  the  Republican  State 
convention  and  was  responsible  for  the  nomination  of  Smith 
McPherson  as  Attorney  General  of  Iowa. —  WeeMy  Iowa  State 
Register    (Des  Moines),  August  27,   1880. 

According  to  the  official  returns  Hepburn  received  24,358 
votes;  the  Democratic  candidate,  Eobert  Percival,  ran  second 
with  12,984;  while  H.  C.  Ayers,  the  Greenbacker,  was  credited 
with  5920. —  Fairall's  Manual  of  Iowa  Politics,  1882,  p.  50. 

i''''8  James  A.  Garfield  was  chief  of  staff  under  W.  S.  Rose- 
crans  in  1863,  while  Hepburn  was  inspector  of  cavalry.  Gen- 
eral Eosecrans  entered  Congress  for  two  terms  at  the  same 
time  Hepburn  did.  In  1902  Colonel  Hepburn  acted  as  chair- 
man of  the  Congressional  committee  that  attended  the  cere- 
monies on  the  occasion  of  the  re-burial  of  General  Rosecrans 
in  Arlington  Cemetery. —  Congressional  Record,  57th  Congress, 
1st  Session,  p.  3993. 

159  Letter  from  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  February  5, 
1881;  letter  from  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  dated  December  5, 
1880;  Weelly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  December  2, 
1881;    Congressional  Record,  47th  Congress,   1st  Session,  p.  9. 

In  June,  1881,  William  P.  Hepburn  was  one  of  the  com- 
mittee to  examine  candidates  for  admission  to  the  bar  from 
the  class  of  1881  in  the  State  University  of  Iowa. —  Notice  of 
appointment  as  law  examiner,  dated  June  7,  1881,  in  the  Hep- 
burn papers. 


372         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

When  Colonel  Hepburn  entered  Congress  he  resolved  to  de- 
vote his  whole  energy  to  the  duties  of  his  office.  Although  the 
law  firm  of  Hepburn  and  Thummel  continued  to  exist  for  a 
few  years  and  the  senior  member  was  sometimes  called  upon 
for  advice,  he  never  allowed  himself  to  be  drawn  into  active 
practice. —  The  Creston  Advertiser-Gazette,  September  16, 
1904;  letters  from  Warren  F.  Thummel,  dated  January  2, 
1883,  and  February  10,  1884. 

CHAPTER  XrV 

160  Congressional  Becord,  47th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
5056,  5057. 

161  As  an  example  of  Hepburn's  attitude  toward  public 
economy  his  speech  on  January  8,  1887,  may  be  cited.  He  op- 
posed the  erection  of  a  $500,000  government  building  in 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  because  a  two  million  dollar  custom 
house  was  already  located  in  that  city  and  because  it  seemed 
to  be  a  bad  policy  to  build  permanent  structures  in  a  lo- 
cality subject  to  earthquakes.  He  invited  comparison  of  the 
situation  in  Charleston  with  the  magnificent  prospects  of 
Sioux  City  where  the  United  States  had  refused  to  erect  a 
building.  On  other  occasions  he  maintained  the  same  position 
in  respect  to  useless  expenditures. —  Congressional  Record,  47th 
Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  1468,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
1408,  6302,  2nd  Session,  Appendix,  pp.  21,  22. 

1G2  Congressional  Record,  47th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  3447, 
48th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  1233. 

In  spite  of  two  unjust  provisions  in  the  river  and  harbor 
liill  of  1885  Hepburn  promised  to  vote  for  the  measure  if, 
when  put  on  its  final  passage,  the  bill  provided  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  Hennepin  Canal.  Years  later  he  regretted  that 
he  had  supported  the  Hennepin  Canal.  "I  did  it  under  pres- 
sure ' ',  he  said.  ' '  The  railway  cry  was  being  raised  —  every- 
body that  was  not  in  favor  of  the  Hennepin  Canal,  in  the 
estimate  of  certain  orators  and  certain  newspapers,  was  an 
enemy  to  the  public  welfare  and  was  wedded  to  the  cormorants. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES 


oio 


I  had  not  as  much  courage  then  as  I  ought  to  have  had  and  I 
voted  for  it. ' ' —  Congressional  Record,  48th  Congress,  2nd  Ses- 
sion, p.  1236,  59th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  2170. 

lesPaxson's  The  New  Nation,  p.  12;  Congressional  Record, 
48th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  417,  418,  419. 

ici  Congressional    Record,    48th    Congress,    2nd    Session,    pp. 

1233,  1234. 

1C5  Congressional  Record,  48th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
1402,  1407,  1906,  1907,  1922.  All  of  these  amendments  failed 
as  a  matter  of  course. 

ifi«  Congressional  Record,  4Sth  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  418, 
2nd  Session,  pp.   1274,  2099. 

■^^-r  Congressional    Record,    48th    Congress,    2nd    Session,    pp. 

1234,  1235. 

108  Congressional  Record,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
3526,  3527. 

ICO  Congressional  Record,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  3655. 

1^0  If  Colonel  Hepburn  was  not  the  first  to  apply  the  term 
"pork  barrel"  to  the  river  and  harbor  bill,  there  is  some 
evidence  to  shovr  that  he  was  responsible  for  introducing  it  to 
popular  usage.  William  J.  Stone,  of  Missouri,  in  a  speech  on 
the  river  and  harbor  bill,  May  6,  1886,  referred  to  the  phrase 
"pork  in  the  barrel"  as  the  "classic  language  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Iowa  [Mr.  Hepburn]". —  Congressional  Record, 
49th   Congress,   1st   Session,   p.  4246. 

171  Congressional  Record,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
3528,  3700. 

172  Congressional    Record,    49th    Congress,    1st    Session,    pp. 

3950,  3951,  3953. 

^■'s  Congressional    Record,    49th    Congress,    1st    Session,    pp. 

3951,  3953. 

171  Congressional  Record,  49th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
968,  1055. 


374        WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

i"5  The  river  and  harbor  bill  "is  a  sort  of  comet  in  the 
congressional  planetary  system.  ...  It  dashes  into  Con- 
gress, and  is  attracted  hither  and  thither;  and  to  the  last 
moment  it  is  uncertain  whether  it  will  escape  on  its  parabolic 
path,  or  collide  with  a  disagreement  of  the  Houses,  or  an 
executive  veto." — Hart's  The  Biography  of  a  Eiver  and  Ear- 
hor  Bill  in  the  Magasine  of  American  History,  Vol.  XVIII,  pp. 
52,  53. 

176  Congressional  Becord,  49th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
968,  1056,  2331;  Hart's  The  Biography  of  a  Eiver  and  Harbor 
Bill  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History,  Vol.  XVIII,  pp. 
56,  57. 

I'T  Congressional  Record,  49th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
1056,  1058,  2331,  Appendix,  p.  133. 

Throughout  the  twenty-two  years  that  Colonel  Hepburn  was 
in  Congress  his  hostility  to  pork  barrel  legislation  never 
abated.  Year  after  year  he  protested  with  such  regularity 
against  the  practice  of  wasting  money  on  useless  public  im- 
provements that  the  newspapers  were  accustomed  to  refer  to 
Hepburn's  "annual  speech  against  the  river  and  harbor  bill". 
He  was  heartily  in  favor  of  proper  river  and  harbor  improve- 
ments; but  he  opposed  the  river  and  harbor  bills  because  they 
were  ' '  not  vehicles  for  the  legitimate  appropriation  of  money 
to  conduct  legitimate  improvements  of  rivers  and  harbors," 
but  were  ' '  measures  constructed  in  such  a  way  as,  by  favorit- 
ism, to  secure  the  necessary  number  of  votes  to  pass  them  in 
the  House ' '.  When  someone  suggested  that  his  opposition  was 
due  to  the  fact  that  there  was  "no  pork  in  the  barrel"  for 
him,  he  introduced  an  amendment  appropriating  $55,000  —  the 
pro  rata  share  of  his  constituents  —  for  the  "removal  and 
exclusion  of  water"  from  the  highways  of  the  Eighth  Con- 
gressional District  of  Iowa. —  Congressional  Record,  53rd 
Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  4378,  4379,  4381,  55th  Congress,  3rd 
Session,  pp.  1354,  1398,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  2965. 

Hepburn  was  alarmed  at  the  steady  increase  in  the  amount 
of  "pork"  and  began  to  fear  that  his  prophecy  of  living  to 
see  the  river  and  harbor  bill  carry  a  hundred  million  dollars 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  375 

would  be  fulfilled.  Moreover,  he  estimated  that  about  half  of 
the  money  appropriated  in  river  and  harbor  bills  — ' '  a  colossal 
sum"  during  a  period  of  twenty-five  years  —  was  "utterly 
wasted".  How  much  better  it  would  be,  he  thought,  to  utilize 
the  rivers  for  power  to  generate  electricity  than  for  purposes 
of  navigation. —  Congressional  Becord,  58th  Congress,  3rd  Ses- 
sion, p.  3666,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  2897. 

Although  Colonel  Hepburn  realized  the  futility  of  filibuster- 
ing against  pork  barrel  legislation  he  rarely  missed  an  oppor- 
tunity to  disparage  the  levee  system  of  improving  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi  Eiver,  to  ridicule  plans  of  controlling 
the  Missouri  Eiver,  or  to  point  out  the  absurd  disproportion 
between  the  size  of  various  appropriations  and  the  importance 
of  the  projects. —  Congressional  Record,  53rd  Congress,  3rd 
Session,  p.  1317,  54th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  Appendix,  pp.  43, 
44,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp.  1355,  1399,  56th  Congress, 
1st  Session,  p.  6567,  2nd  Session,  pp.  829-833,  1085,  57th  Con- 
gress, 1st  Session,  pp.  2965-2968,  59th  Congress,  2nd  Session, 
pp.  2168-2170. 

Colonel  Hepburn  objected  especially  to  the  passage  of  some 
of  the  river  and  harbor  bills  without  opportunity  for  debate. 
"Why,"  said  he  in  1896,  "was  there  ever  anything  known  in 
all  the  history  of  villainous  legislation  like  this?  Seventy-five 
million  dollars  in  round  numbers  taken  out  of  the  Treasury  of 
the  United  States,  and  not  one  section  of  the  bill  has  yet  been 
read  for  amendment.  Not  one  paragraph  had  a  moment's  de- 
liberate consideration.  There  was  not  an  opportunity  to  say  a 
word  in  opposition  to  the  multiplied  iniquities  of  the  measure." 
Furthermore,  he  attacked  the  ingenious  method  of  concealing 
the  enormous  total  of  river  and  harbor  expenditures  by  putting 
part  of  the  appropriations  in  the  sundry  civil  bill. —  Congres- 
sional Record,  54th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  5568,  55th  Con- 
gress, 2nd  Session,  p.  2195,  3rd  Session,  p.  1354. 

Not  only  did  Hepburn  criticize  the  appropriations  in  the 
river  and  harbor  bills,  but  he  thought  the  government  was 
spending  too  much  money  for  public  buildings.  ' '  In  my  hum- 
ble judgment,"  he  said,  "there  is  no  more  wasteful,  and  there 


376         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

has  been  no  more  wasteful,  exhibition  of  the  expenditure  of 
public  money  than  in  the  erection  of  public  buildings  through- 
out the  country.  We  always  pay  for  more  than  we  get,  and 
we  always  get  more  than  we  need." — Congressional  Eecord, 
55th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  5609, 

CHAPTER  XV 

178  Clipping  117  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

179  Congressional  Eecord,  49th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p. 
2223;   TJie  Centerville  Citizen,  March  2,  1887. 

ISO  Proceedings  of  the  Fifth  Eeunion  of  the  Second  Iowa 
Cavalry,  1891,  p.  24. 

181  Congressional  Eecord,  48th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  5561, 
49th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  234,  235,  742,  2226. 

During  the  Forty-seventh  Congress  Hepburn  was  a  member 
of  the  standing  committees  on  Pensions  and  Public  Lands  as 
well  as  the  select  committees  on  Alcoholic  Liquor  Traffic  and 
Woman  Suffrage.  In  the  Forty-eighth  Congress  he  was  a 
member  of  the  standing  committees  on  Elections,  Patents,  and 
Commerce.  He  served  on  the  Judiciary  Committee  in  the 
Forty-ninth  Congress. —  Congressional  Eecord,  47th  Congress, 
1st  Session,  pp.  238,  239,  1836,  48th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
223,  224,  6150,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  538. 

182  Congressional  Eecord,  49th  Congress,  ■  1st  Session,  pp. 
4387,  4389,  5270,  5869. 

183  Congressional  Eecord,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
5269,  5270,  5271,  5277,  5279,  5281,  5282. 

184  Congressional  Eecord,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  5867. 

185  Congressional  Eecord,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  5869; 
clippings  117  and  584  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

186  Congressional  Eecord,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
5867,  5868,   5869. 

18T  Congressional  Eecord,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
5869,  5870. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  377 

CHAPTEE   XVI 

188  Only  five  of  the  counties  that  had  formerly  composed  the 
eighth  district  remained  —  Adams,  Union,  Page,  Taylor,  and 
Einggold.  The  others,  along  the  Missouri  Kiver,  had  been 
transferred  to  the  ninth  district,  while  Clarke,  Decatur,  Lucas, 
Wayne,  and  Appanoose  counties  were  added  to  the  eighth  dis- 
trict.—  TJie  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  I,  pp. 
359,  360. 

189  Weekly  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des  Moines),  March  24, 
1882;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913;  Fairall's 
Manual  of  Iowa  Politics,  1883,  p.  15,  1885,  p.  34. 

190  The  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  VI,  pp. 
525,  530,  536,  537,  539;  Fairall's  Manual  of  Iowa  Politics, 
1884,   p.    79. 

191  Fairall's  Manual  of  Iowa  Politics,  1883,  pp.  42,  43; 
loua  Historical  Becord,  Vol.  V,  p.  242;  /Scrap  Boole,  p.  21; 
Prohiljition  by  Constitutional  Amendment  (Cresco:  1881),  pp. 
4,  6;  Congressional  Becord,  47th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  239, 
48th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  2192,  2193,  2194.  This  speech, 
which  was  delivered  on  March  22,  1884,  is  included  in  Miller's 
Great  Debates  in  American  History,  Vol.  XI,  pp.  390-392. 

In  1882  the  Committee  on  Alcoholic  Liquor  Traffic,  of  which 
Hepburn  was  a  member,  in  response  to  a  request  from  ' '  the 
largest  body  of  citizens,  residing  in  every  State  and  nearly 
every  Territory,  that  ever  petitioned  for  the  passage  of  any 
measure  before  the  American  Congress",  reported  favorably  a 
bill  authorizing  the  appointment  of  five  commissioners  to  in- 
vestigate the  liquor  traffic  with  reference  to  its  "economic, 
criminal,  moral,  and  scientific  aspects,  in  connection  with 
pauperism,  crime,  social  vice,  the  public  health,  and  general 
welfare  of  the  people;  and  also  to  inquire  into  the  practical 
results  of  taxation  and  license,  and  of  restrictive  legislation 
for  the  prevention  of  intemperance".  Hepburn  voted  for  the 
bill,  but  it  failed  to  pass  the  House. —  House  Committee  Be- 
ports,  47th  Congress,  Ist  Session,  No.  132;  Congressional  Bec- 
ord, 47th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  934. 


378         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

In  1887  Hepburn  opposed  that  part  of  the  internal  revenue 
bill  which  removed  government  supervision  of  small  distilleries 
and  prohibited  the  destruction  of  stills  used  illicitly.  He 
characterized  the  measure  as  "  a  bill  for  the  relief  of  moon- 
shiners." —  Congressional  Eecord,  49th  Congress,  2nd  Session, 
pp.  2684,  2691. 

On  June  30,  1902,  Hepburn  introduced  a  bill  designed  to 
restore  to  States  the  power  to  stop  importation  of  intoxicating 
liquor  into  prohibition  territory.  This  power  had  been  denied 
the  States  by  court  decisions  which  held  that  intoxicating 
liquor  transported  from  one  State  to  another  was  not  subject 
to  State  law  while  it  remained  in  the  original  package  and  be- 
fore it  was  delivered  to  the  consignee.  Hepburn's  bill  —  the 
precursor  of  the  Webb-Kenyon  Act  —  was  called  up  on  January 
27,  1903,  and  passed  the  House  after  a  short  debate,  but  was 
never  reported  in  the  Senate.  The  Fifty-eighth  Congress  had 
been  in  session  only  a  week  when  Hepburn  re-introduced  his 
bill  to  regulate  interstate  liquor  traffic.  On  the  following  day 
J.  P.  Dolliver  introduced  a  companion  bill  in  the  Senate  and 
the  measure  came  to  be  known  as  the  Hepburn-Dolliver  bill. 
In  the  Senate  no  further  action  was  taken,  but  the  House  bill 
was  favorably  reported  on  April  8,  1904.  Early  in  the  final 
session  of  the  Fifty-eighth  Congress  Colonel  Hepburn  intro- 
duced a  resolution  providing  for  the  consideration  of  his  biU, 
but  the  Committee  on  Eules  never  reported  it.  Finally,  on 
February  18,  1905,  he  asked  unanimous  consent  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  bill,  but  Representative  Swagar  Sherley  ob- 
jected. The  Hepburn-Dolliver  bill  was  introduced  very  early  in 
both  the  Fifty-ninth  and  Sixtieth  Congresses  but  failed  to  pass 
either  house. —  Congressional  Becord,  57th  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion, p.  7730,  2nd  Session,  pp.  1327-1331,  58th  Congress,  1st 
Session,  pp.  349,  357,  2nd  Session,  p.  4545,  3rd  Session,  pp. 
184,  2866,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  115,  146,  60th  Con- 
gress, 1st  Session,  pp.  18,  499,  4662. 

i92Fairall's  Manual  of  Iowa  Politics,  1884,  pp.  79-81. 

lasFairall's  Manual  of  Iowa  Politics,  1884,  pp.  81,  83. 

At  the  second  meeting  which  was  held  at  Postville  on  August 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  379 

30th  the  Republicans  again  challenged  General  Weaver  to  a 
debate  mth  Hepburn.  The  General  declined  and  Hepburn  was 
in  turn  challenged  by  L.  H.  ("Calamity")  Weller,  but  he  de- 
clined. At  Webster  City  on  the  evening  of  September  11th 
Hepburn  spoke  at  the  courthouse,  Avhile  Weaver  addressed  a 
large  audience  in  the  opera  house.  A  final  effort  was  made  to 
bring  the  two  men  together  at  Osceola  on  September  20th,  but 
Weaver  refused  as  usual. —  Fairall  's  Manual  of  Iowa  Politics, 
1884,  pp.  84,  85,  86,  87, 

194  Clipping  724  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

losHaynes's  Third  Party  Movements,  pp.  221,  222. 

That  Hepburn  was  active  in  the  State  campaign  of  1885  is 
apparent  from  a  letter  congratulating  him  upon  his  courage  in 
discussing  the  issues  which  had  resulted  from  the  Civil  War, 
and  closing  with  the  hope  that  he  would  continue  to  "make  it 
sultry  for  Fusion  ....  the  ill-bred  bantling  of  mis- 
cegenation."—  Letter  from  B.  M.  Cutcheon,  dated  October  18, 
1885. 

108  The  editor  of  The  Centerville  Citizen  was  W.  O.  Crosby 
who,  as  chairman  of  the  Republican  committee  for  the  eighth 
district,  became  Hepburn's  campaign  manager. —  The  Center- 
ville Citisen,  September  8,  1886. 

107  The  Centerville  Citizen,  May  12  and  19,  and  June  2,  1886; 
Congressional  Becord,  48th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  936,  937, 
49th  Congress,   1st  Session,  pp.  4901-4903,  6406. 

When  Hepburn  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Public 
Lands  he  reported  a  bill  "to  quiet  the  title  of  settlers  on  the 
Des  Moines  River  lands"  which,  however,  never  came  to  a 
vote.  The  Des  Moines  River  Land  Settlers'  Union  endorsed 
his  candidacy  in  1886,  saying  that  he  had  been  ' '  from  his 
first  entrance  into  congress,  our  active  friend"  and  asking  that 
he  be  supported  because  "he  is  an  honest  and  upright  man." 
—  Congressional  Record,  47th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  5140 ; 
The  Centerville  Citizen,  August  11,  1886. 

108  The  Centerville  Citizen,  June  23,  1886. 


380         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

199  The  loica  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  I,  p.  361; 
The  Centerville  Citizen,  August  4  and  September  1  and  8,  1886. 

Major  A.  R.  Anderson  had  been  conspicuous  in  Republican 
politics  for  many  years.  From  1877  to  1881  he  was  district 
attorney  in  the  thirteenth  district.  He  it  was  who  had  been 
praised  for  his  unselfishness  and  party  loyalty  in  the  convention 
that  nominated  Hepburn  for  Congress  in  1880.  Prom  1881  to 
1884  he  served  as  a  railroad  commissioner  of  Iowa.  During 
this  time,  in  1882,  he  secured  the  Republican  nomination  for 
Congress  in  the  ninth  district,  but  was  defeated  by  W.  H.  M. 
Pusey. —  loua  Official  Begister,  1917-1918,  pp.  94,  665;  Scrap 
Book,  pp.  7,  24;  Fairall's  Manual  of  Iowa  Politics,  1883,  p.  16. 

200  The  Centerville  Citizen,  August  25  and  September  8, 
1886. 

201  Congressional  Record,  48th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  Ap- 
pendix, p.  9,  49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Appendix,  pp.  455, 
456;   The  Centerville  Citizen,  September  8,  1886. 

The  day  before  the  passage  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act 
of  1887  —  a  compromise  between  the  Reagan  and  Cullom  bills 
—  Colonel  Hepburn  delivered  a  notable  speech  in  favor  of  the 
measure.  Much  of  what  he  said  was  in  reply  to  James  B. 
Weaver  who  had  voted  for  the  Reagan  bill  the  previous  sum- 
mer but  was  opposed  to  the  compromise.  Hepburn  suggested 
that  possibly  the  motive  of  some  Congressmen  in  supporting  the 
Reagan  bill  had  been  to  produce  irreconcilable  disagreements 
between  the  House  and  Senate  and  thus  keep  "alive  and  un- 
settled a  question  of  prime  importance  to  the  people,"  that 
might  be  used  "  as  a  football  in  the  then  approaching  cam- 
paign" for  the  "enhancement  of  their  own  worth  and  in 
support  of  their  pretensions".  The  compromise  was  not  as 
good  as  it  might  have  been,  but  the  Colonel  thought  it  was  an 
improvement  on  the  Reagan  bill.  He  favored  the  creation  of 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  and  refuted  the  principal 
objections  to  it.  In  regard  to  the  long  and  short  haul  clause 
he  approved  of  the  proviso  allowing  the  Commission  to  author- 
ize less  charges  for  longer  hauls  in  special  cases  because  he 
thought  it  would  benefit  Iowa  farmers  by  reducing  the  freight 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  381 

rates  on  grain  shipped  east  of  Chicago.  The  amended  section 
prohibiting  passenger  as  well  as  freight  pooling  received  his 
endorsement.  He  had  no  objection  to  the  phrase  "under  sub- 
stantially similar  circumstances  and  conditions"  because  two 
shippers  ought  to  have  the  same  benefits  even  if  the  conditions 
were  not  "precisely,  identically,  and  exactly  the  same." 
Neither  did  he  share  the  fear  that  the  alleged  ambiguity  of 
some  phrases  would  cause  the  courts  to  misinterpret  the 
statute. 

Though  Colonel  Hepburn  admitted  that  the  proposed  law 
was  not  perfect,  he  realized  that  it  was  the  best  legislation  that 
could  be  secured  and  he  was  willing  to  make  progress  by  suc- 
cessive steps.  Even  if  the  bill  had  contained  no  other  pro- 
vision than  the  declaration  that  all  unjust  and  unreasonable 
transportation  charges  were  unlawful  he  would  have  voted  for 
it.  "Time,  experience,  observation,  persistent  and  repeated 
trial",  he  predicted,  would  be  the  factors  of  successful  rail- 
road regulation.  The  methods  of  government  control,  he 
thought,  might  be  perfected  "by  the  wiser  men  who  will  suc- 
ceed us",  so  as  to  "bring  no  harm  to  the  just  rights  of  the 
corporations,  and  yet  bring  to  the  people  of  this  land  that  day 
so  longed  for,  when  from  the  carrying  service  will  be  swept 
away  the  extortion  of  unreasonable  charge  and  the  injustice  of 
discriminating  and  unstable  rates." — Congressional  Record, 
49th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  881,  Appendix,  pp.  43-47. 

-<i- TJie  Centerville  Citizen,  September  8,  1886;  Eeport  of 
the  Board  of  Hailroad  Commissioners  (Iowa),  1884,  pp.  49-57. 

The  opinion  that  State  regulation  of  railroad  rates  was 
compatible  with  the  power  of  Congress  over  interstate  com- 
merce was  in  accord  with  the  definitive  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  in  the  case  of  Munn  v.  the  State 
of  Illinois,  in  which  a  decision  was  handed  down  in  1877. — 
Paxson's  The  Netv  Nation,  p.   71. 

203  The  Centerville  Citizen,  August  4  and  September  1,  1886. 

204  The  Centerville  Citizen,  September  8,  1886. 

It  is  not  certain  that  joint  debates  were  held  in  all  of  the 


382         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

counties  of  the  district.  During  September  the  candidates  met 
at  Centerville  and  Corydon.  Later  Anderson  refused  to  meet 
Hepburn  at  Seymour,  Creston,  and  Shenandoah.  Whether  ap- 
pointments for  joint  discussions  had  been  arranged  at  these 
places  can  not  be  determined. —  The  Centerville  Citizen,  Sep- 
tember 29  and  October  20,  1886. 

205  The  Centerville  Citizen,  September  22,  1886 ;  Iowa  House 
Journal,  1886,  p.  652;  loua  Senate  Journal,  1886,  p.  659. 

206  The  Centerville  Citizen,  September  29,  1886 ;  The  Bing- 
gold  Record,  April  14,  1904. 

The  political  situation  in  southwestern  Iowa  was  so  complex 
and  discontent  so  general  that  Senator  Allison  refused  to  enter 
the  campaign  in  behalf  of  Colonel  Hepburn.  ' '  Tama  Jim ' ' 
Wilson  spent  two  weeks  in  the  eighth  district  doing  what  he 
could,  but  Senator  James  F.  Wilson  found  it  advisable  to  can- 
cel five  engagements  for  speeches  and  get  out. —  Copy  of  a 
letter  to  A.  B.  Thornell,  November  10,  1908, 

207  loiva  Official  Register,  1887,  pp.  117-127. 

208  Congressional  Record,  49th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p. 
2223 ;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913 ;  letters  from 
Robert  Harris,  dated  May  24,  June  17  and  28,  and  November 
15,  1887. 

It  was  stated  on  ' '  good  authority ' '  that  Hepburn  was  to 
have  received  a  salary  of  $12,000  for  his  services  in  the  legal 
department  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Eailroad  Company.  When 
that  project  failed  to  materialize  Mr.  Harris  offered  to  help 
him  establish  a  law  practice  at  Tacoma  or  some  other  point  on 
Puget  Sound. —  The  Centerville  Citizen,  July  6,  1887;  letter 
from  Robert  Harris,  dated  November  15,  1887. 

209  The  Centerville  Citizen,  March  2,  April  20,  and  December 
21,  1887;  Clark's  History  of  Senatorial  Elections  in  Iowa,  p. 
212 ;  clipping  542  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

210  Clark's  History  of  Senatorial  Elections  in  Iowa,  pp.  213, 
214;   loiva  City  Daily  Republican,  January  4,  5,  and  9,  1888. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  383 

211  Iowa  City  Daily  Eepublican,  January  11,  1888;  Clark's 
History  of  Senatorial  Elections  in  Iowa,  pp.  213,  214. 

212  Iowa  City  Daily  Eepublican,  March  21  and  22,  1888. 

213  Letter  from  Edith  H.  Thummel,  dated  June  21,  1888; 
Iowa  City  Daily  Eepublican,  June  15  and  21,  1888;  The  Chi- 
cago Daily  Tribune,  June  22,  1888;  Piatt's  A  History  of  the 
Eepublican  Party,  p.  224. 

214:  The  Chicago  Daily  Tribune,  June  22,  1888;  loica  City 
Daily  Eepublican,  June  21,  1888. 

215  Piatt's  A  History  of  the  Eepublican  Party,  pp.  224,  225; 
Hoar's  Autobiography  of  Seventy  Years,  Vol.  I,  pp.  411-413. 

216  Certificate  of  election  of  the  presidential  electors  for 
Iowa,  dated  December  15,  1888,  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  Iowa 
City  Daily  Eepublican,  January  12  and  February  2,  1889. 

217  The  Kansas  City  Times,  March  3,  1889;  letter  from  E.  S. 
B.  Clarke,  dated  February  9,  1889;  letter  from  Robert  Harris, 
dated  March  18,  1889. 

218  Letters  from  John  M.  Thurston  to  William  P.  Hepburn, 
the  Nebraska  delegation  in  Congress,  and  President  Harrison, 
dated  March  19,  1889. 

219  Letter  from  Grenville  M.  Dodge  to  President  Harrison, 
dated  April  3,  1889;  certificate  of  appointment  as  Solicitor  of 
the  Treasury,  dated  April  16,  1889,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

CHAPTER  XVII 

220  Letter  from  R.  L  Holcombe,  dated  April  16.  1889;  letter 
from  J.  C.  Cook,  dated  January  11,  1890;  clippings  502  and 
503  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

221  After  much  effort  Mr.  Carleton  was  appointed  postmaster 
at  Iowa  Falls,  largely  on  account  of  Hepburn's  influence. — 
Letter  from  R.  A.  Carleton,  dated  September  27,  1889;  letter 
from  D.  B.  Henderson,  dated  December  16,  1890;  letter  from 
Abner  Dunham,   dated   January  23,   1891. 


384         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

222  William  P.  Hepburn  was  a  trustee  of  Tabor  College  from 
1904  to   1910.— Tabor  College   Catalogues,   1904-1909, 

223  Letter  from  E.  A.  Carleton,  dated  April  18,  1889;  letter 
from  W.  M.  Brooks,  dated  April  19,  1889;  letter  from  J.  R. 
Hartsock,  dated  April  22,  1889;  letter  from  M.  B.  Austin, 
dated  June  18,  1889;  letter  from  Alice  N.  Jones,  dated  August 
15,  1889 ;  letter  from  Mary  Anderson,  dated  September  20, 
1889;  letter  from  Ada  J.  Guituer,  dated  December  8,  1892. 

224  Letter  from  Anna  A.  Kluge,  dated  September  9,  1891 ; 
letter  from  E.  A.  Harris,  dated  December  6,  1890. 

225  Congressional  Directory,  52nd  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p. 
253. 

226  Anmial  Report  of  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United 
States,  1889,  pp.  189,  190. 

227  Annual  Report  of  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United 
States,  1889,  pp.  189,  190,  1890,  pp.  191,  192,  1891,  pp.  177, 
178,  1892,  pp.  249,  250. 

228  Manuscript  copy  of  the  report  on  the  administration  of 
immigration  at  the  port  of  New  York  by  William  P.  Hepburn 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  dated  December  31,  1889,  in 
the  Hepburn  papers. 

229  Congressional  Record,  51st  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
762,  2140;  letter  from  Clarence  Johnson,  dated  March  19, 
1890;  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXVI,  pp.  43, 
372,  949,  1084-1086;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9, 
1913;   letter  from  Frank  Hiscock,  dated  January   15,  1S90. 

On  December  23,  1890,  before  the  new  immigrant  regulations 
had  been  adopted,  Hepburn  was  requested  to  proceed  to  Boston 
to  investigate  the  management  of  immigration  matters. — 
Letter  from  William  Windom,  dated  December  23,  1890. 

^^0  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXVI,  p.  136; 
letter  from  B.  H.  Hinds,  dated  May  6,  1890 ;  letter  from  D.  W. 
Ridenour,  dated  June  25,  1890;  letter  from  Raymond  Loranz, 
dated  August  4,  1890. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  385 

231  Special  Agents  George  W.  Whitehead  and  W.  S.  Chance 
were  the  other  members  of  the  commission. 

232  Manuscript  copies  of  reports  of  the  Treasury  Commission 
on  the  customs  administration  in  New  York  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  letter  from  George 
W.  Whitehead,  dated  December  20,  1890 ;  The  Sioux  City  Jour- 
nal, November  9,  1913;  Annual  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  1891,  pp.  xxxviii-xli. 

233  This  was  the  second  time  William  P.  Hepburn  had  visited 
the  Pacific  Coast.  In  1886  he  had  served  on  a  special  com- 
mittee to  escort  the  remains  of  Senator  J.  F.  Miller  to  Cali- 
fornia. Mrs.  Hepburn  and  Edith  Hepburn  Thummel  were  in 
California  during  March  and  April,  1892. —  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, 49th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  2351;  letter  from  James  A. 
Louttit,  dated  April  28,  1892 ;  letter  to  Eaymond  Loranz, 
dated  March  6,   1892. 

234  r/je  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  9,  1913;  letter  from 
John  H.  Keattell,  dated  August  20,  1889;  Annual  Report  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  1890,  p.  Ixxvii;  letter  from  W. 
Kieckhefer,  dated  June  18,  1889;  clipping  238  in  the  Hepburn 
papers;  letters  from  Charles  Foster,  dated  June  29  and  August 
24,  1891 ;  letter  from  William  Windom,  dated  November  19, 
1890;  letter  from  Hugh  K.  McJunkin,  dated  April  13,  1892; 
letter  from  I,  R.  Campbell,  dated  April  7,  1892. 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

■235  The  Ringgold  Record,  April  14,  1904;  letter  from  L.  T. 
Michener,  dated  September  17,  1890;  letter  from  F.  F.  D. 
Albery,  dated  September  22,  1890;  letter  from  H.  S,  Cattell, 
dated  December  8,  1891 ;  letter  from  C.  A.  Stanton,  dated 
October  29,  1890;  letter  from  D.  B.  Henderson,  dated  Novem- 
ber 6,  1890;  letter  from  E.  E.  Mack,  dated  October  25,  1890; 
letters  to  Raymond  Loranz,  dated  December  29,  1891,  and 
February  11,  1892;  letter  to  Margaret  Hepburn  Chamberlain, 
dated  September  8,  1891. 

26 


386         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

236  Letter  to  Kaymond  Loranz,  dated  February  11,  1892; 
letter  from  William  Eaton,  dated  February  22,  1892. 

237  J.  B.  Harsh  was  in  the  State  Senate  two  terms  —  from 
1888  to  1896.— Iowa  Official  Register,  1917-1918,  p.  65. 

238  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Weekly,  Des  Moines) ,  Febru- 
ary 5,  1892;  letter  from  James  W.  McDill,  dated  March  26, 
1892;  letter  from  J.  B.  Harsh  to  J.  H.  Cook,  dated  April  29, 
1892;  The  Creston  Gazette,  May  30,  1892;  Iowa  Official  Reg- 
ister, 1889,  p.  196,  1891,  p.  179;  Fairall's  Manual  of  Iowa 
Politics,  1885,  p.  34. 

230  The  Creston  Gazette,  May  30,  1892, 

2io  The  Creston  Gazette,  June  27,  1892;  The  Chariton  Pa- 
triot, July  20,  1892. 

241  Letter  from  William  Eaton,  dated  February  22,  1892; 
letter  from  F.  M.  Davis,  dated  April  30,  1892;  a  typewritten 
memorandum  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  clippings  436  and  568 
in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

242  The  Chariton  Patriot,  July  20,  1892;  clipping  517  in  the 
Hepburn  papers. 

243  Letter  from  J.  E.  Hill,  dated  August  11,  1892;  The  Iowa 
Slate  Register  (Weekly,  Des  Moines),  August  19  and  Sep- 
tember 9,   1892. 

244  Letter  to  Raymond  Loranz,  dated  September  26,  1892; 
letter  from  L.  C.  Mechem  dated  October  4,  1892;  letter  from 
J.  L.  Washburn,  dated  November  4,  1892. 

245  Letter  from  G.  B.  Pray,  dated  September  24,  1892 ;  letter 
from  J.  E.  Blythe,  dated  September  24,  1892;  letter  from 
W.  H.  Phelps,  dated  September  28,  1892;  letter  from  W.  F. 
Baker,  dated  October  7,  1892;  letter  from  William  B.  Allison, 
dated  October  10,  1892;  letter  to  Raymond  Loranz,  dated 
June  28,  1892;  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Weekly,  Des  Moines), 
September  23,  1892. 

246  Dewey's  National  Problems,  pp.  246,  250,  251;  Iowa  Of- 
ficial Register,  1893,  pp.   120-187,   196. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  387 

247  Letter  from  G.  W.  Whitehead,  dated  November  26,  1892 ; 
letter  from  L.  C.  Mechem,  dated  December  8,  1892;  letter 
from  A.  B.  Cummins,  dated  November  21,  1892;  letter  from 
E.  M.  Reynolds,  dated  November  14,  1892. 

CHAPTER   XIX 

248  Letter  from  Evander  Light,  dated  November  17,  1892 ; 
letter  from  Soloman  S.  Shaflfstall,  dated  November  20,  1892; 
letter  from  John  L.  Spicer,  dated  November  20,  1892;  letter 
from  Mrs.  E.  H.  Shoemaker,  dated  November  25,  1892. 

2*9  Copy  of  a  letter  to  Andrew  Harvey,  dated  January  29, 
1907;  Congressional  Record,  58th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
3113,   3114. 

The  better  to  serve  his  constituents  Hepburn  advocated  the 
retention  of  committee  clerks  during  the  time  Congress  was 
not  in  session  so  that  the  business  of  constituents  which  was 
usually  done  by  the  Congressman  would  be  looked  after  during 
their  absence. —  Congressional  Record,  54th  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion, pp.  4995,  4996. 

2.-.0  Letter  to  L  H.  Walker,  dated  December  18,  1900;  copy 
of  a  letter  to  F.  M.  Davis,  dated  January  25,  1906. 

2.''>i  Congressional  Record,  53rd  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
369,  2592,  54th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  4057,  55th  Congress, 
2nd  Session,  p.  71. 

252Paxson's  The  New  Nation,  p.  219;  Congressional  Record, 
53rd  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  197,  205. 

253  Congressional  Record,  53rd  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
630-633. 

254  Dewey's  National  Problems,  pp.  267-271. 

255  Congressional  Record,  53rd  Congress,  3rd  Session,  p. 
2198;  letter  from  Thomas  Tonge,  dated  February  18,  1895. 

25G  Congressional  Record,  54th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Appen- 
dix, pp.  126-129. 


388         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

'257  Congressional  Eecord,  54th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p. 
2378. 

258  Hepburn  characterized  the  Reclamation  Act  of  1902  as 
' '  the  most  insolent  and  impudent  attempt  at  larceny ' '  that  he 
had  ever  seen  embodied  in  a  legislative  proposition.  Repre- 
sentatives of  western  States,  he  said,  were  asking  the  govern- 
ment ' '  to  give  away  an  empire  in  order  that  their  private 
property"  might  "be  made  valuable."  Reclamation  projects 
might  well  be  postponed  until  there  was  greater  need  of  more 
agricultural  land,  he  thought,  and  when  that  time  came  the 
people  who  were  the  beneficiaries  should  reclaim  the  land  ' '  as 
we  have  had  to  do  in  the  other  States. ' ' —  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, 57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  6742. 

CHAPTER  XX 

259  On  one  occasion,  after  condemning  strikes  and  the  ' '  spirit 
that  fosters  them, ' '  Hepburn  declared  that  in  ' '  this  day  and 
generation  where  even  the  differences  of  nations  are  the  subject 
of  peaceful  arbitration  and  where  the  highest  efforts  of  the 
statesmen  are  directed  to  the  peaceful  solution  of  interna- 
tional trouble,  to  the  abrogation  of  wars,  and  their  train  of 
evils,  men  ought  to  be  compelled  to  submit  their  differences  to 
pacific  and  legal  adjustment. ' ' —  Manuscript  copy  of  a  speech 
in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

260  Congressional  Secord,  53rd  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
263,  8420,  8421,  3rd  Session,  p.  2792,  54th  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion, p.  2572. 

2fii  Letter  from  B.  T.  Chapman,  dated  November  22,  1892; 
letter  from  J.  W.  Briggs,  dated  December  19,  1892;  letters 
from  J.  H.  Cook,  dated  December  24  and  28,  1892;  Clark's 
History  of  Senatorial  Elections  «i  Iowa,  pp.  227-233 ;  Iowa 
Official  Begister,  1895,  p.  189;  letter  from  J.  W.  Blythe,  dated 
November  13,  1894. 

262  r/je  Review  of  Reviews,  Vol.  XIV,  p.  526;  letter  from 
William  Bremner,  dated  November  9,  1896. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  389 

^^s  The  loica  State  Begister    (Weekly,  Des  Moines),  March 

13,  1896. 

264  Dewey's  National  Problems,  p.  319;  The  loica  State  Beg- 
ister (Weekly,  Des  Moines),  June  19,  1896. 

205  Piatt's  A  History  of  the  Bepublican  Party,  p.  255;  clip- 
ping 578  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

286  The  loxca  State  Begister  (Weekly,  Des  Moines),  June  19 
and  July  17,  1896. 

267  Letters  to  Raymond  Loranz,  dated  September  14  and  21, 
1896.  In  the  midst  of  the  burdens  of  a  difficult  campaign 
came  the  news  that  Frank  Hepburn,  the  Colonel's  eldest  son, 
had  been  murdered  in  Arkansas  on  September  14,  1896. — 
The  Iowa  State  Begister  (Weekly,  Des  Moines),  September 
18,   1896. 

208  It  was  on  Republican  day  of  the  semi-centennial  celebra- 
tion of  the  admission  of  Iowa  into  the  Union  that  Poraker 
and  Hepburn  spoke  in  Burlington. 

269  The  Iowa  State  Begister   (Weekly,  Des  Moines),  August 

14,  1896;    The    Burlington    Hawk-Eye    (Weekly),    October    8, 
1896. 

270  Letter  from  William  B.  Allison,  dated  Xovember  7,  1896; 
loiva  Official  Begister,  1897,  p.  253. 

CHAPTER   XXI 

271  The  Clarinda  Herald,  October  25,  1898. 

272  Congressional  Becord,  55th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
461-464.  Hepburn  voted  for  the  Pendleton  civil  service  bill  in 
1883. —  Congressional  Becord,  47th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p. 
867. 

273  Clipping  595  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

274  Colonel  Hepburn  was  commonly  accused  of  utilizing  his 
patronage  for  the  purpose  of  building  a  party  machine  com- 
posed of  postmasters  and  other  Federal  office-holders  who  were 


390        WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

expected  to  look  after  the  Colonel's  political  interests.  Occa- 
sionally there  were  insinuations  of  nepotism;  hints  that  he 
had  ' '  assisted  sons-in-law  and  others-in-law  into  salaried  posi- 
tions". Such  charges  the  Colonel  always  resented  and  em- 
phatically denied.  Entirely  aside  from  his  conviction  that 
party  organization  should  be  composed  chiefly  of  public  of- 
ficials, it  was  only  natural  that  he  should  prefer  his  friends  in 
the  distribution  of  positions  and  that  those  friends  should  be 
loyal  to  him  at  election.  It  may  be  stated  truthfully  that 
Colonel  Hepburn  never  recommended  a  man  for  a  Federal 
office  whom  he  believed  to  be  dishonest  or  inefficient. —  The 
Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  December  14,  1908. 

275  Congressional  Becord,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp. 
458,  459,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  1887,  57th  Congress, 
1st  Session,  pp.  626,  627,  5Sth  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  729, 
59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  4189,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Ses- 
sion, pp.  82,  83. 

CHAPTEE  XXII 

276Weyl's  American  World  Policies,  pp.  45-48. 

277  The  Clarinda  Herald,  October  25,  1898 ;  Mount  Ayr 
Becord-News,  February  22,  1916.  This  speech  is  included  in 
Miller's  Great  Debates  in  American  History,  VqI.  Ill,  pp. 
228-230.  A  photograph  of  Colonel  Hepburn  which  was  repro- 
duced at  the  time  of  his  Hawaiian  speech  when  he  was  sixty- 
four  years  of  age  pictures  him  with  dark  hair  and  mustache,  a 
square  jaw,  and  piercing  eyes.  He  appears  to  be  in  the  prime 
of  life. —  The  Cyclopedic  Beview  of  Current  History,  Vol. 
VIII,  p.  321. 

27S  Congressional  Becord,  55th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
6017,   6018. 

279  The  Ostend  Manifesto  was  the  joint  work  of  James 
Buchanan,  John  Y.  Mason,  and  Pierre  Soule,  all  Democrats  and 
United  States  ministers  in  Europe,  who  met  at  the  suggestion 
of  President  Franklin  Pierce. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  391 

2S0  Congressional  Record,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp. 
1107,  1108. 

281  Congressional  Becord,  57tli  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  417, 
418. 

From  1899  to  1903  William  P.  Hepburn  was  a  member  of 
the  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs.  The  legislation  establishing 
civil  government  in  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico,  and  the  Philippines 
emanated  from  this  committee. 

282  Congressional  Becord,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
4736,  4737,  2nd  Session,  pp.  65,  2231. 

Hepburn  was  equally  opposed  to  the  organization  of  na- 
tional societies  of  Italians,  Irish,  or  Hungarians.  He  believed 
that  aliens  should  be  taught  that  naturalization  conferred  a 
boon  upon  them,  "that  there  is  something  in  naturalization 
here  that  they  ought  to  be  suitors  for,  that  they  ought  to  be 
willing  to  make  sacrifices  for". —  Congressional  Record,  59th 
Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  7049,  2nd  Session,  p.  2231. 

^^^  Mount  Ayr  Record-News,  February  22,  1916;  clipping 
133   in   the   Hepburn   papers. 

CHAPTER  XXIII 
~S4  Report  iy  Isthmian  Canal  Commission,  1899-1901,  p.  37, 
in    Senate    Documents,    57th    Congress,    1st    Session,    No.    54; 
Latane's  America  as  a  World  Power,  p.  204;  clipping  2  in  the 
Hepburn  papers. 

28r,  House  Committee  Reports,  54th  Congress,  1st  Session,  No. 
2126,  pp.  1,  2,  5,  23;  clipping  597  in  the  Hepburn  papers; 
Congressional  Record,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Appendix, 
p.  393. 

286  Report  ty  Isthmian  Canal  Commission,  1899-1901,  pp. 
58,  59,  in  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  No. 
54;  Congressional  Record,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp.  133, 
1829;  House  Committee  Reports,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session, 
No.  2104,  pp.  1,  2,  4,  8,  9. 

287  Clipping  597  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, 55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  p.   1665. 


392         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

288  Congressional  Becord,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp. 
1872-1877. 

In  reply  to  the  suggestion  that  the  constitution  of  Nica- 
ragua prohibited  the  sale  of  any  territory,  Hepburn  foretold 
the  mode  of  acquiring  territory  in  Central  America  which  was 
afterwards  employed  by  President  Roosevelt.  He  said  that 
every  revolution  in  Nicaragua  caused  a  change  in  the  constitu- 
tion and  that  '  *  those  revolutions  are  quite  as  frequent  as  Ave 
would  care  for,  even  if  we  required  a  change  in  their  constitu- 
tion and  it  could  not  be  effected  in  any  other  way. ' ' —  Con- 
gressional Record,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  p.  1873. 

289  Congressional  Becord,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp. 
1895-1912. 

29oLatane's  America  as  a  World  Power,  pp.  208,  209;  letter 
from  W.  N.  Cromwell,  dated  March  14,  1899. 

291  Congressional  Becord,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  151 ; 
clipping  597  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  H.  R.  Bill  No.  2538,  56th 
Congress,  1st  Session,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

292  House  Committee  BepoHs,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  No. 
351. 

The  Independent  for  February  1,  1900,  published  a  short 
article  by  Hepburn  in  which  he  stated  the  reasons  why  he 
favored  an  isthmian  canal  and  the  Nicaragua  route. —  The 
Independent,  Vol.  LII,  pp.  291-296. 

293  Letter  from  Albert  Shaw,  dated  February  19,  1900;  let- 
ter from  O.  E.  Payne,  dated  February  20,  1900;  letter  from 
Robert  Kuehnert,  dated  February  24,  1900. 

294  j/ie  Outlook,  Vol.  LXrV,  p.  428;  Latane's  America  as  a 
World  Forcer,  p.  206;  House  Co'mmittee  Beports,  56th  Con- 
gress, 1st  Session,  No.  351;  letter  from  Charles  E.  Vrooman, 
dated  February  27,  1900. 

295  Congressional  Becord,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
1993,  1994,  2430,  4129,  4558. 

296  Congressional    Becord,    56th    Congress,    1st    Session,    Ap- 


^ 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  393 

pendix,  pp.  393-396.     This  speech  is  included  in  Miller's  Great 
Debates  in  American  History,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  359-364. 

207  Congressional  Eecord,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
4913-4955. 

298  Congressional  Eecord,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  4999. 

299  Congressional  Eecord,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
4987-5015,  5476,  2nd  Session,  p.  3517. 

Roo  Congressional  Eecord,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  184; 
Latane's  America  as  a  World  Power,  p.  207;  House  Committee 
Eeports,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  No.  15. 

301  Congressional  Eecord,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  481, 
Appendix,  pp.  10-17.  This  speech  is  included  in  Miller's  Great 
Debates  in  American  History,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  384-388. 

302  Congressional  Eecord,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  481- 
487,  513-.528,  540-558,  Appendix,  pp.  38-41. 

303  Latane's  America  as  a  World  Power,  pp.  211,  212;  Con- 
gressional Eecord,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  7441;  clipping 
12  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

304  Congressional  Eecord,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p. 
7436;  letter  to  John  N.  Miller,  dated  January  28,  1902. 

305  Hepburn  defended  the  hasty  recognition  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  Panama  in  these  words:  "I  believe  if  there  had 
been  no  Panama  treaty,  that  if  there  had  been  no  Colombian 
acquiescence,  that  it  would  have  been  the  duty  of  this  nation 
to  have  wiped  that  petty  people  away.  Unwilling  to  move 
themselves,  unable,  perhaps,  to  contribute  in  any  considerable 
degree  to  the  great  enterprise  demanded  by  the  commerce  of 
the  world,  they  proposed  to  bleed  a  liberal  people,  which  our 
president  would  not  permit.  We  had,  fortunately  for  us,  the 
right  man  in  the  right  place,  at  the  right  time,  and  I  thank 
God  for  it!"— T/ie  Des  Moines  Daily  Capital,  April  8,  1904. 

306  Latane's  America  as  a  World  Power,  pp.  217,  220;  letter 
from  Theodore  Roosevelt,  dated  April  14,  1904;  Congressional 
Eecord,  58th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  4954,  5214,  5274,  5828. 


394         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

30"!  The  Daily  Picayune  (New  Orleans),  December  3,  1904; 
The  Charleston  Evening  Post,  January  14,  1909;  Congressional 
Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  55,  250,  581,  692,  9085, 
9342,  9384. 

308  The  Creston  Advertiser-Gazette,  February  14,  1905. 

CHAPTER  XXIV 

309  For  a  few-  weeks  in  October  the  Colonel  was  not  able  to 
take  an  active  part  in  the  campaign. —  Letter  from  C.  T. 
Hancock,  dated  October  22,  1898. 

310  Letters  from  Raymond  Loranz,  dated  August  8  and  Octo- 
ber 8,  1898;  Iowa  Official  Register,  1905,  p.  886;  clipping  126 
in  the  Hepburn  papers.  Hepburn's  Democratic  opponent  in 
1898  was  George  L.  Finn. 

311  Letter  from  Ed.  H.  Sharp,  dated  July  16,  1900;  copy  of 
a  letter  from  Buren  R.  Sherman  to  Leslie  M.  Shaw,  dated 
August  15,  1900 ;  letter  from  Leslie  M.  Shaw,  dated  August  28, 
1900;  Clark's  History  of  Senatorial  Elections  in  Iowa,  pp. 
245,  246;   clipping  583  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

312  Letter  from  A.  F.  Dawson  to  Margaret  Hepburn  Cham- 
berlain, dated  September  8,  1900;  letter  from  A.  F.  Dawson 
to  Howard  Tedford,  dated  September  26,  1900;  loiva  Official 
Register,  1905,  p.  386. 

Hepburn's  Democratic  opponent  was  V.  R.  McGinnis. 

3i3Paxson's  The  New  Nation,  pp.  252,  293,  294;  loioa  Of- 
ficial Register,  1902,  p.  274. 

In  1902  the  whole  country  was  agitated  by  the  trust  prob- 
lem. What  was  needed,  in  Hepburn's  opinion,  was  not  more 
legislation  but  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  already  on  the 
statute  books.  Accordingly  he  introduced  a  bill  appropriating 
funds  with  which  the  Attorney  General  might  employ  special 
counsel  to  prosecute  cases  against  the  trusts.  Later  the  provi- 
sions of  this  bill  were  incorporated  in  the  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial  bill  which  became  a  law  on  February  25,  1903. — 
Congressional  Record,  57th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  5,  412, 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  395 

419;   United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXII,  Pt.  1,  pp. 
903,  904,  906. 

314  Zoifa  Official  Register,  1905,  p.  386;  letter  from  J.  P. 
Dolliver,  dated  November  6,  1902;  The  Des  Moines  Daily  Cap- 
ital, January  15,  1904;  Congressional  Record,  58th  Congress, 
1st  Session,  p.  365;  letter  from  Arthur  R.  Wells,  dated  Janu- 
ary 28,  1904. 

3i5T7ie  Des  Moines  Daily  Capital,  March  10,  1904. 

3ie  The  Des  Moines  Daily  Capital,  April  8,  1904;  Congres- 
sional Record,  58th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  5452. 

The  delegation  from  Page  County  to  the  Republican  Eighth 
Congressional  District  Convention  in  1904  was  composed  as  far 
as  possible  of  men  who  had  been  delegates  to  the  memorable 
convention  which  had  first  nominated  "Pete"  Hepburn  for  a 
seat  in  the  national  House  of  Representatives  in  1880. —  The 
Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  September  8,  1904. 

317"!  support  this  protective  policy",  Hepburn  declared  in 
November,  1903,  "because  the  labor  field  of  the  United  States 
is  enlarged,  because  employment  is  more  certain,  because  the 
wage  is  more  surely  compensating,  because  the  homes  are 
homes  of  plenty,  and  because  contentment  with  our  institutions 
finds  lodgment  in  the  hearts  of  all  of  our  people".  On  another 
occasion  he  explained  that  the  primary  object  of  the  enactment 
of  every  protective  tariff  measure  was  to  secure  the  interests 
of  the  laborer  while  the  "interest  of  the  manufacturer  was 
but  a  mere  incident."  He  hastened  to  add,  however,  that 
manufacturing  interests  could  not  be  destroyed  without  af- 
fecting the  laborer. —  Congressional  Record,  58th  Congress,  1st 
Session,  p.  366,  2nd  Session,  p.  5454. 

318  The  Des  Moines  Daily  Capital,  April  8,  1904. 

319  Congressional  Record,  58th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p. 
5454. 

In  1902  Hepburn  suggested  that  the  trust  problem  might  be 
solved  by  taxing  watered  stock  out  of  existence.  In  1908  he 
introduced  an  anti-trust  bill  that  had  been  drafted  under  the 


396         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

direction  of  Seth  Low,  President  of  the  National  Civic  Feder- 
ation, in  consultation  with  President  Roosevelt  and  repre- 
sentatives of  corporations  and  organized  labor.  According  to 
the  provisions  of  this  measure,  which  aimed  to  legalize  de- 
sirable and  reasonable  combinations,  any  corporation  or  labor 
association  could  register  with  the  Bureau  of  Corporations  or 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission.  Registered  corporations 
could  make  combinations,  contracts,  and  agreements  if  they 
were  submitted  to  and  approved  by  the  government.  Unregis- 
tered corporations  remained  subject  to  the  provisions  of  the 
Sherman  Anti-Trust  Act  which  prohibited  all  combinations  in 
restraint  of  trade,  whether  reasonable  or  unreasonable.  More- 
over, the  registration  of  trades  unions  afforded  official  govern- 
ment recognition  and  the  bill  specifically  legalized  the  right  to 
strike.  The  measure  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Judiciary  which  never  reported  it. —  H.  R.  Bill  No.  19,745, 
60th  Congress,  1st  Session,  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  The  Out- 
look, Vol.  LXXXVIII,  pp.  816,  817;  The  Bes  Moines  Daily 
Capital,  August  11,  1902. 

320  In  a  speech  to  the  Polk  County  Republican  Club  on  July 
19th  Governor  Cummins  declared  that  the  man  "who  says  that 
the  idea  is  a  proposition  to  abolish  all  protective  duties  upon 
the  products  of  the  so-called  trusts,  who  says  that  it  is  a 
proposition  for  free  trade  with  Canada,  or  with  any  other 
country  on  earth,  who  says  that  it  is  democratic,  or  found  in 
the  democratic  platform,  is  an  unmitigated  liar." 

s^^  The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  July  21,  1904; 
The  Des  Moines  Daily  Capital,  July  20,  1904. 

322  Copy  of  a  letter  to  A.  W.  Gay,  dated  August  12,  1904; 
The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  September  17,  1904; 
letter  from  R.  H.  Spence,  dated  September  16,  1904;  letter 
from  C.  N.  Fowler,  dated  September  28,  1904;  letter  from 
J.  C.  Sibley,  dated  September  30,  1904;  letter  from  C.  E. 
Townsend,  dated  October  8,  1904;  letter  from  Loren  Fletcher 
to  J.  F.  Bryan,  dated  October  15,  1904;  The  Lamoni  Chronicle, 
October  27,  1904. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  397 

323  Copy  of  a  letter  to  A.  W.  Gay,  dated  August  12.  1904; 
copy  of  a  letter  to  Henry  Wallace,  dated  August  12,  1904. 

324  Letter  from  Henry  Wallace,  dated  August  19,  1904. 

325  Wallaces'  Farmer,  September  16,  1904. 

^26  Decatur  County  Journal   (Leon),  February  16.  1905. 

327  loica  Official  Eegister,  1905,  p.  386.  John  V.  Bennett 
was  the  Democratic  candidate  who  consented  to  accept  "the 
hopeless  nomination ' '  for  Congress  from  the  eighth  district  in 
1904.—  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  September  8,  1904. 

CHAPTER   XXV 

328  Letter  to  Hepburn  Chamberlain,  dated  April  15,  1905 ; 
Scott 's  In  the  Far  East,  p.  3.  This  volume  is  a  collection  of 
letters  written  by  a  member  of  the  Taft  party  and  printed  for 
private  circulation.  There  is  a  copy  of  the  book  in  the  Hep- 
burn papers. 

Colonel  Hepburn 's  son-in-law,  Roy  H.  Chamberlain,  was  at 
that  time  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue  in  Hawaii. —  Clipping 
76  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

329  As  early  as  1891  William  P.  Hepburn  recognized  the  im- 
portance of  restricting  immigration.  The  ' '  broad  acres  of  the 
west ' '  no  longer  smiled  a  welcome  to  all  who  came.  Thirty- 
five  per  cent  of  the  immigrants  ' '  herded  together  in  a  col- 
ony" and  never  moved  "beyond  the  city  of  their  deporta- 
tion ' '.  It  was  in  such  communities,  Hepburn  declared,  that 
"anarchism  and  socialism  are  found  and  fostered." — Fifth 
Beunion  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  Veteran  Association, 
1891,  p.  25. 

The  most  eloquent  as  well  as  the  most  comitlete  expression 
of  the  Colonel's  attitude  on  the  immigration  question  was  in  a 
speech  delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  January 
27,  1897.  The  fundamental  purpose  of  curtailing  immigration, 
he  began,  was  to  preserve  the  labor  field  in  the  United  States 
for  Americans.  Each  "day's  labor  given  to  the  foreigner  is  a 
day's  labor  filched   from   one   of  us."      It   "is   not   simply  a 


question  of  sentiment",  he  exclaimed.  "It  is  a  question  of 
patriotism."  With  vivid  reality  he  pictured  an  American 
laborer  returning  amid  the  falling  ' '  shadows  of  night ' ' — 
shadows  which  were  ' '  not  so  dark  as  those  enshrouding  his 
soul ' ' —  to  his  ' '  cheerless  hearth ' '  where  no  light  and  no  food, 
hut  only  his  starving  wife  and  children  awaited  him  after  a 
day  of  bootless  efforts  to  find  employment.  "Sentimentalists 
talk  about  di\dding  the  blessings  of  the  great  Republic  with 
all  the  world ' ',  he  continued.  ' '  Ah,  let  us  care  for  our  own 
first.  Let  us  keep  these  places  in  the  American  labor  field  for 
Americans  to  delve  in.  And  if  there  is  something  to  dispense 
afterwards,  then  let  us  be  charitable.  But  let  us  be  just  to 
Americans."  So  long  as  contentment  should  prevail  in  Amer- 
ican homes  socialism  and  anarchy  would  find  no  place  in  the 
social  order.  "Congestion  of  labor  breeds  discussion  of 
schemes  of  redistribution  of  the  world's  wealth." — Congres- 
sional Hecord,  54th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  1234,  12.3.5. 
See  also  Congressional  Record,  47th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p. 
2226,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  5816,  6003,  60th  Congress, 
1st  Session,  pp.  869-873,  2nd  Session,  pp.  3145-3147. 

330  r/ig  Pacific  Commercial  Advertiser  (Honolulu),  June  8, 
1905;  clippings  75  and  76  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

331  Evening  Bulletin    (Honolulu),  July  13,  1905. 

332  The  Pacific  Commercial  Advertiser  (Honolulu),  June  12, 
1905.' 

333  Evening  Bulletin   (Honolulu),  July  13,  1905. 

William  P.  Hepburn  was  always  an  advocate  of  women's 
rights.  In  1860  he  declared  that  a  woman's  rights  "should  be 
so  enlarged  as  to  give  her  the  property  of  her  own  accumula- 
tion, in  such  manner  that  it  need  not  be  jeopardized  by  the 
fluctuations  of  her  husband's  "finances.  She  should  have  the 
guardianship  of  her  children  ....  Her  compen- 
sation should  be  better  proportioned  to  the  labors  she  per- 
forms. In  the  few  branches  of  industry  in  which  she  is  per- 
mitted by  society  to  compete  with  her  natural  enemy  —  man  — 
she  receives  less  than  half  the  pay  for  the  same  labor. ' '     He 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  399 

suggested  that  a  woman's  nimble  fingers  fitted  lier  especially 
for  work  in  a  printing  office  or  as  a  telegraph  operator,  that 
her  "life  of  Christian  charity"  made  her  teaching  "fall  upon 
the  ear  of  the  enquirer  for  truth  with  all  the  power  that  virtu- 
ous example  yields ' ',  and  that  as  a  nurse  she  could  well  be 
substituted  for  "many  of  those  noisy  pilgarlies  who  now  infest 
the  sick  room". —  Manuscript  copy  of  a  speech  delivered  before 
the  Marshalltown  lodge  of  Good  Templars  on  March  3,  1860, 
in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

During  the  Forty-seventh  Congress,  while  Hepburn  was  a 
member  of  the  Committee  on  Woman  Suffrage,  he  supported 
the  Susan  B.  Anthony  equal  suffrage  amendment  to  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution.  In  1886,  when  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Committee  on  Judiciary  to  which  the  same  amendment  was 
referred,  he  signed  the  minority  report  in  favor  of  "immedi- 
ate, suBe,  and  absolute  enfranchisement ' '  of  women.  ' '  Give 
woman  the  ballot",  reads  the  report,  "and  she  will  have  addi- 
tional means  and  inducements  to  a  broader  and  better  educa- 
tion, including  a  knowledge  of  affairs,  which  she  will  not  fail 
to  avail  herself  of  to  the  uttermost ;  give  her  the  ballot  and 
you  add  to  her  means  of  protection  to  her  person  and  estate. ' ' 
Moreover,  it  was  argued  that  woman  suffrage  might  dispel 
national  dangers.  "She  is  an  enemy  of  foreign  war  or  do- 
mestic turmoil;  she  is  a  friend  of  peace  and  home.  Her  in- 
fluence for  good  in  many  directions  would  be  multiplied  if  she 
possessed  the  ballot.  She  desires  the  homes  of  the  land  to  be 
pure  and  sober;  with  her  help  they  may  become  so."  Though 
a  majority  of  women  might  not  desire  to  vote  it  was  held  that 
such  ' '  indifference  cannot  affect  the  right  of  those  who  are 
not  indifferent." — House  Committee  Reports,  47th  Congress, 
2nd  Session,  No.   1997,   49th   Congress,   1st   Session,  No.   2289. 

334  Clipping  75  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  Congressional  Record, 
58th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp.  430,  2763,  3667. 

At  the  same  time  that  William  P.  Hepburn  introduced  the 
bill  to  investigate  leprosy  in  Hawaii  he  introduced  another 
measure  to  provide  for  a  leprosarium  in  the  United  States. 
This  bill  was  likewise  reported  favorably  but  met  such  deter- 


400         WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

mined  opposition  that  it  failed  to  pass  the  House. —  Congres- 
sional Record,  58th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp.  430,  2509,  3908- 
3911. 

Inasmuch  as  all  legislation  pertaining  to  public  health  and 
the  Marine  Hospital  Service  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  it  was  to  be  expected  that 
Hepburn  would  be  active  in  promoting  measures  of  that  na- 
ture: he  cooperated  generously  with  Walter  Wyman,  the 
Surgeon-General  of  the  Marine  Hospital  Service.  In  1897,  on 
account  of  the  alarming  spread  of  bubonic  plague,  he  intro- 
duced a  joint  resolution  for  the  inspection  by  a  national  quar- 
antine officer  of  ' '  incoming  vessels,  vehicles,  or  persons ' ',  and 
the  proposition  gained  enactment  without  any  serious  opposi- 
tion. The  Colonel  always  favored  a  national  quarantine  sys- 
tem.—  Congressional  Record,  54th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
2164,  2476,  55th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  74,  2135,  56th  Con- 
gress, 1st  Session,  pp.  4888,  6887,  6888,  59th  Congress,  1st 
Session,  p.  4696,  60th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  3006,  3007, 
4058. 

In  1902  Walter  Wyman  drafted  a  bill  to  enlarge  the  activ- 
ities of  the  Marine  Hospital  Service,  principally  through  co- 
operation with  State  health  authorities.  The  measure  was 
introduced  in  both  branches  of  Congress  and  passed  the  Senate 
first.  Hepburn  was  in  charge  of  the  proposition  in  the  House; 
accordingly,  when  the  Senate  bill  was  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  he  reported  it  in- 
stead of  the  bill  he  had  introduced.  He  defended  the  measure 
on  the  floor  of  the  House  and  it  passed  on  July  1,  1902. — 
Congressional  Record,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  5659, 
6476,  7755,  7760;  clipping  75  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  letter 
from  Walter  Wyman,  dated  May  17,  1902. 

335  Meanwhile,  in  the  latter  part  of  June,  Colonel  Hepburn 
addressed  the  graduating  class  of  Oahu  College  in  Honolulu. — 
Letter  from  A.  F.  Griffiths,  dated  June  30,  1905. 

336  y/ie  Pacific  Commercial  Advertiser  (Honolulu),  July  4, 
1905. 

' '  I  am  a  mechanic.     I  have  been  a  worker  all  my  life.     My 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  401 

sympathies  are  with  those  who  toil.  This  sentiment  has  di- 
rected my  political  life."  This  statement  made  by  Colonel 
Hepburn  a  little  more  than  a  month  before  he  retired  from 
public  life  explains  his  interest  in  the  labor  problem.  The 
great  industrial  development  that  followed  the  Civil  War 
taught  workmen  their  class  interests  and  led  to  organized 
labor.  The  violent  strikes  which  resulted  from  the  depression 
of  the  seventies  caused  many  people,  like  Colonel  Hepburn,  to 
view  all  labor  organizations  with  distrust.  For  years  he  enter- 
tained a  notion  that  there  might  be  an  armed  conflict  between 
laborers  and  capitalists,  between  tenants  and  landlords.  He 
feared  that  the  use  of  machinery  combined  with  the  growth  of 
population  would  crowd  the  labor  market  and  result  in  indus- 
trial revolution.  The  expansion  of  human  wants,  new  epoch- 
making  inventions,  and  stimulation  of  production  by  means  of 
a  protective  tariff  constituted  to  him  the  only  hope  of  salvation 
for  the  nation. —  Congressional  Becord,  49th  Congress,  2nd  Ses- 
sion, p.  2223,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  1542;  Fifth  Re- 
union of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  Veteran  Association,  1891, 
pp.  26,  27;  Paxson's  The  New  Nation,  pp.  119,  121. 

In  many  public  addresses  the  Colonel  protested  against  the 
practice  followed  by  the  labor  unions  of  withholding  from  non- 
union citizens  — ' '  people  who  propose  to  act  for  themselves, 
who  have  not  surrendered  their  right  to  make  individual  con- 
tracts"—  the  privilege  of  choosing  their  own  employers,  de- 
ciding their  own  wages,  selecting  congenial  environment,  and 
terminating  their  employment  whenever  they  pleased.  When 
organized  labor  proposes  to  enforce  its  will  upon  all  workmen 
"by  violence  and  force,  by  ostracism,  by  assaults,  by  maiming, 
by  murder",  then  it  "becomes  a  menace  to  society  and  a  peril 
to  the  State,  and  ought  to  receive  the  reprobation  of  all  good 
people",  he  thought. —  Manuscript  copies  of  speeches  in  the 
Hepburn  papers;  clippings  6  and  19  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

The  creation  of  an  executive  department  to  administer  com- 
mercial and  industrial  aflPairs  was  the  subject  of  Congressional 
debate  for  many  years.  In  1897  Colonel  Hepburn  introduced  a 
bill   to  establish   a   Department   of   Commerce   and   Industries. 

27 


402         WILLIAM   PETERS    PIEPBURN 

When  the  Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor  was  finally 
established  in  1903  the  House  Committee  on  Interstate  and 
Foreign  Commerce  conducted  important  hearings  and  Hepburn 
led  the  debate  in  support  of  the  measure  on  the  floor  of  the 
House  of  Eepresentatives.  ' '  The  bill  creating  the  Department 
of  Commerce  and  Labor  I  had  as  much  to  do  with,  possibly 
more,  than  any  other  man",  he  wrote  afterwards  to  a  close 
personal  friend.  ' '  The  section  relating  to  trusts  got  its  vitality 
from  amendments  that  I  suggested  as  a  member  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Conference.  I  received  the  earnest  thanks  of  the 
President  and  of  the  first  Secretary  for  my  persistent  and 
effective  labors  to  put  the  trusts  under  the  control  of  the 
courts  through  that  Department."  Hepburn  contended  that 
the  interests  of  labor  and  the  interests  of  capital  that  em- 
ployed labor  were  identical  and  therefore  the  opposition  to 
combining  labor  and  commerce  in  one  executive  department 
was  based  upon  the  fallacy  that  labor  and  capital  were  in- 
herently antagonistic. —  Congressional  Record,  55th  Congress, 
2nd  Session,  p.  74,  57th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  858,  871, 
875;  copy  of  a  letter  to  J.  H.  Tedford,  dated  January  23,  1905. 

337  Scott 's  In  the  Far  East,  pp.  22,  24,  55,  56,  57,  61,  64,  70, 

76-78. 

338  Scott's  In  the  Far  East,  pp.  107,    109,    110. 

339  Scott 's  In  the  Far  East,  pp.  267-272. 

3io  Scott's  In  the  Far  East,  ^p.  112,  113,  114,  116,  122, 
126,  131. 

341  Scott's  In  the  Far  East,  pp.  140,  150,  155,  166,  168. 

3i2Q,iott's  In  the  Far  East,  ])]).  215,  217,  219,  234,  241, 
242. 

Colonel  Hepburn  visited  Hawaii  again  in  the  spring  of  1907. 
—  Letter  from  William  B.  Allison,  dated  July  2,  1907. 

On  October  7,  1905,  a  few  days  after  the  Colonel  and  Mrs. 
Hepburn  had  returned  from  the  Orient,  many  of  their  friends 
gathered  to  bid  them  welcome  home.  After  William  Orr  had 
expressed    in    elegant    phrases    the    esteem    of    the    people    of 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  403 

Clarinda  for  the  noble  character  and  inspirational  home  life 
of  their  distinguished  neighbors,  the  Colonel  announced  that  it 
had  been  just  fifty  years  almost  to  the  hour  since  he  and  Mrs. 
Hepburn  were  married.  The  friendly  reception  became  a  cele- 
bration of  the  golden  wedding  anniversary. —  The  Clarinda 
Herald,  October  10  and  13,  1905. 

CHAPTER  XXVI 

S4S  Congressional  Bccord,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  3976; 
Meyer's  The  Settlements  with  the  Pacific  Eailways  in  The 
Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  427-444. 

344"!  want  to  see  corporations  prosper",  said  Hepburn  in 
1904.  "We  cannot  live  without  them,  but  I  do  not  want  to 
see  them  become  ends  for  extortion  and  robbery. ' ' —  The  Meri- 
den  Daily  Journal  (Connecticut),  May  31,  1904. 

345  Congressional  Bccord,  53rd  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p. 
1688,  54th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  599-602,  2107.  Hep- 
burn 's  speech  on  January  9,  1897,  in  support  of  the  Powers 
bill  which  provided  for  the  refunding  of  the  Union  Pacific  debt 
is  included  in  Miller's  Great  Debates  in  American  History, 
Vol.  X,  pp.  314-316. 

34C  Congressional  Becord,  54th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  601, 
55th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  6729. 

347  Congressional  Bccord,  55th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  6728. 

348  Congressional  Becord,  54th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  599, 
601,  55th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  6730. 

In  January,  1899,  Hepburn  stated  that  he  would  go  "as  far 
as  any  other  man  wants  to  go,  in  the  legitimate  and  proper 
control  of  every  corporation  that  comes  within  the  limits  of  the 
powers  of  the  United  States",  but  he  was  not  in  favor  of 
government  ownership,  except  in  the  case  of  the  Nicaragua 
canal.  ' '  There,  in  the  absence  of  the  necessary  individual 
capital,  with  the  delays  which  have  been  already  suffered,  with 
the  necessities  and  existing  conditions,  and  such  an  emergency 
as  is  created  by  all  of  the  environments,"  he  was  induced  to 


404      willia:\i  peters  hepburn 

advocate   government    ownership. —  Congressional   Record,   55th 
Congress,  3rd  Session,  p.  773. 

349  Meyer's  The  Settlements  with  the  Pacific  Bailways  in 
T]ie  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economies,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  427. 

Colonel  Hepburn  introduced  three  bills  for  the  settlement  of 
the  government  claims  against  the  Pacific  railways.  Two  of 
them  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  adjust  the 
obligations  of  the  Sioux  City  and  Pacific  Eailway  Company  to 
the  United  States  and  the  third  provided  for  the  settlement  of 
claims  growing  out  of  the  issue  of  bonds  to  aid  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  Central  Pacific  and  Western  Pacific  railroads. 
—  Congressional  Record,  54th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  44.5, 
55th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  151,  2604. 

35oPaxson's  The  New  Nation,  pp.  294,  295;  Ripley's  Rail- 
roads: Rates  and  Regulation,  pp.  488-490. 

Before  the  Pacific  railway  claims  were  settled  the  attention 
of  Congress  was  attracted  to  the  illegal  practice  of  passenger 
ticket  brokerage.  To  prevent  "scalping"  the  Committee  on 
Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  reported  a  bill  in  1897  which 
required  all  persons  selling  railroad  passenger  tickets  to  display 
a  certificate  of  their  authority.  "A  railway  ticket  is  a  con- 
tract," said  Hepburn,  not  a  commodity  to  be  bartered,  so  he 
thought  it  was  only  fair  to  the  public  that  a  person  -who  under- 
took to  impose  upon  a  railroad  the  responsibility  for  safe 
transportation  with  reasonable  expedition  and  the  ordinary 
comforts  of  travel  should  be  an  authorized  agent.  In  reply  to 
the  argument  that  the  prohibition  of  scalping  would  destroy 
competition  and  result  in  higher  rates  the  Colonel  pointed  out 
that  there  was  nothing  to  prevent  a  railroad  authorizing  its 
agents  to  sell  tickets  at  low  prices  provided  the  schedule  of 
fare  was  published.  Anti-scalping  bills  passed  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  both  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con- 
gress but  failed  in  the  Senate. —  Congressional  Record,  54th 
Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  1394,  2475,  2478,  55th  Congress,  3rd 
Session,  pp.  34,  39,  50. 

35iOgg's  National  Progress,  pp.  44,  45. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  405 

352  Ripley's  Railroads:  Bates  and  Eegulation,  pp.  493,  494; 
Congressional  Eecord,  57th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  2157- 
2159. 

353  Ripley's  Eailroads:  Bates  and  Eegulation,  pp.  491,  494, 
496. 

354  Congressional  Eecord,  58th  Congress,  3rd.  Session,  pp.  12, 
13;  copy  of  letter  to  J.  H.  Tedford,  dated  January  23,  1905. 

355  Haines's  Eestrictive  Eailway  Legislation,  pp.  286,  287. 
Perhaps  it  was  Hepburn's  searching  cross-examination  of  a 

representative  of  a  shippers'  association  in  an  effort  to  dis- 
cover the  truth  that  prompted  a  prejudiced  correspondent  for 
The  Chicago  Daily  Tribune  to  circulate  a  malicious  and  caustic 
tale  that  the  Colonel  browbeat  and  badgered  witnesses  who 
appeared  before  his  conmiittee. —  The  Eegister  and  Leader 
(Des  Moines),  January  8,  1905. 

356  House  Committee  Ecports,  58'th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  No. 
4093,  p.  1;  The  Literary  Digest,  Vol.  XXX,  p.  122. 

357  Copy  of  a  letter  to  J.  H.  Tedford,  dated  January  23, 
1905;  Congressional  Eecord,  58th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp. 
2198,  2199. 

358  The  Sioux  City  Journal  characterized  the  Washington 
correspondents  for  The  Chicago  Daily  Tribune  and  The  Becord- 
Herald  (Chicago)  as  "dashing  dictators"  of  Washington 
news,  who  assumed  that  the  public  was  more  interested  in 
their  clamor  than  in  correct  information.  ' '  They  placard  men 
as  the  whim  seizes  them"  and  become  arbiters  of  the  motives 
of  public  officials. —  Tlie  Sioux  City  Journal,  February  2,  1905. 

359  The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines) ,  January  22,  23, 
27,  and  30,  1905;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  January  24  and  27, 
1905. 

360  Clipping  64  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  TJie  Eegister  and 
Leader  (Des  Moines),  January  26  and  27,  1905;  Wallaces' 
Farmer,  January  20  and  February  3,  1905. 

Henry  Wallace   could  not   see   that  the   Hepburn  bill   would 


406        "WILLIAM  PETERS    HEPBURN 

be  of  much  practical  benefit  to  shippers,  -nhile  for  the  pro- 
ducers it  provided  no  relief  at  all.  Certainly  it  did  not  invest 
the  Commission  with  power  to  put  a  revised  rate  "at  once 
into  effect  and  to  stay  in  effect  unless  and  until  the  court  of 
review  reverses  it." — Wallaces'  Farmer,  February  3,  1905. 

Governor  Cummins  declared  that  the  measure  was  radically 
wrong  in  theory  and  ' '  at  war  with  all  our  notions  of  the 
relation  between  the  legislative  and  judicial  branches  of  the 
government."  In  the  first  place  it  "enormously  and  unneces- 
sarily" increased  the  judiciary  of  the  United  States  at  "an 
immense  burden  of  expense  altogether  unwarranted ' '  and  with 
the  result  of  further  entangling  the  "complicated  judicial 
system. ' '  He  thought  that  the  feature  of  the  bill  which  de- 
layed for  sixty  days  the  operation  of  a  rate  established  by  the 
Commission  and  then  permitted  "the  railway  company  to 
indefinitely  postpone  or  suspend  it"  if  the  court  feared  the 
rate  might  be  unreasonable  was  clearly  unfair.  Why  should 
the  right  of  appeal  be  granted  to  the  railroad  and  not  to  the 
shipper?  Furthermore,  the  Governor  did  not  approve  of  a  new 
or  larger  Interstate  Commerce  Commission. —  The  Register  and 
Leader  (Des  Moines),  January  26,  1905. 

361  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  February  1,  1905;  Decatur 
County  Journal  (Leon),  February  9,  1905;  The  Register  and 
Leader  (Des  Moines),  February  7,  1905;  Congressional  Record, 
58th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp.  2194,  2205,  2206. 

362  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  February  10  and 
11,  1905. 

303  Congressional  Record,  58th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp. 
1954,  2081,  Appendix,  p.  76;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  February 
2,  1905. 

s6i  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  January  22, 
1905;  Wallaces'  Farmer,  February  17,  1905;  Congressional 
Record,  58th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  p.  2194. 

3^5  Adams  County  Union-Republican  (Corning),  February  22, 
1905. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  407 

366  Letter  to  Mrs.  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  September  2, 
1863;  letter  from  T.  O.  Bell,  dated  February  14,  1905;  copy  of 
a  telegram  to  Henry  Wallace,  dated  February  20,  1905;  The 
Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  February  24,  1905. 

SOT  The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  February  24, 
1905;  Adams  County  Union-Eepublican  (Corning),  March  1, 
1905. 

368  It  appears,  however,  that  Henry  Wallace  was  not  con- 
vinced of  Hepburn  's  honesty  of  purpose.  A  few  days  later  in 
a  newspaper  statement  which  smacked  of  egotism  and  chagrin 
he  expressed  gratification  "at  being  able,  after  some  eight 
months  of  continuous  effort,  to  force  from  Colonel  Hepburn  a 
statement  of  his  position",  though  he  regretted  having  com- 
pelled the  Colonel  to  leave  Washington  where  his  services  were 
greatly  needed  and  travel  twenty-five  hundred  miles  to  present 
his  "certificate  of  char-ac-ter"  from  the  President.  He  ridi- 
culed the  assertion  that  Hepburn  had  promoted  practically 
every  piece  of  railroad  legislation,  and  he  covertly  insinuated 
that  the  Colonel  had  worked  for  the  Esch-Townsend  bill  only 
because  he  knew  it  would  not  pass  the  Senate. —  The  Eegister 
and  Leader   (Des  Moines),  February  26,   1905. 

In  striking  contrast  to  the  attitude  of  Mr.  Wallace  was  the 
action  of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce 
in  adopting  the  following  resolution :  "In  almost  daily  meet- 
ings of  our  committee  during  the  last  two  sessions  of  congress 
the  chairman.  Col.  W.  P.  Hepburn,  has  never  been  questioned. 
His  fairness  and  impartiality  are  recognized  by  all.  We  par- 
ticularly desire  to  express  our  appreciation  of  his  honesty  of 
purpose,  his  sincerity  of  intention,  his  lack  of  selfish  motives, 
his  unfailing  patience,  his  continued  good  natured  persistence 
and  his  broad  and  thorough  knowledge  of  the  subject,  which 
enabled  this  committee,  without  friction  and  without  animos- 
ity, to  report  majority  and  minority  bills  concerning  the  regu- 
lation of  railway  rates.  We  feel  that  with  him  as  chairman  we 
are  serving  under  a  groat  statesman  and  philosopher,  inspired 
in  all  his  actions  by  motives  of  patriotism. ' ' —  The  Semi- 
Weekly  lowegian    (Centerville),  March  3,  1905. 


408         WILLIAM   PETERS    HEPBURN 

300  Ripley's  Bailroads:  Bates  and  Begulation,  p,  499;  copy 
of  a  letter  to  Jerome  Smith,  dated  March  7,  1905. 

In  May,  1905,  William  P.  Hepburn  was  officially  delegated 
to  attend  the  International  Kailway  Congress  in  Washington. 
—  Certificate  signed  by  Alvey  A.  Adee,  dated  March  24,  1905, 
in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

370  Congressional  Becord,   59th   Congress,   1st   Session,  p.   92. 

371  Earlier  in  the  session  Jonathan  P.  DoUiver  had  introduced 
a  bill  in  the  Senate  which,  in  all  the  essential  features,  was 
almost  identical  with  Hepburn's  bill.  Senator  Dolliver  was 
supposed  to  have  had  the  cooperation  of  President  Roosevelt 
and  to  have  followed  the  recommendations  of  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  how  some 
newspaper  editors  who  were  hostile  to  Colonel  Hepburn  but 
praised  the  Dolliver  bill  experienced  considerable  difficulty  in 
finding  defects  in  the  Hepburn  measure. —  The  Begister  and 
Leader  (Des  Moines),  December  21,  1905,  and  January  5  and 
6,  1906. 

372  Congressional  Becord,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  577, 
712;  H.  E.  Bill  No.  10,099,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session. 

373  Congressional  Becord,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  981, 
1520;  The  Begister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  January  11, 
1906;  House  Committee  Beports,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session, 
No.  591,  pp.  1,  2;   The  Outlool,  Vol.  LXXXII,  p.  237. 

Colonel  Hepburn  was  frequently  commended  during  the  de- 
bate in  the  House  for  his  efforts  to  regulate  the  railroads  and 
the  mention  of  his  name  was  invariably  greeted  with  applause. 
One  speaker  hoped  the  chairman  of  the  new  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission  would  possess  "such  rugged  strength,  such 
sterling  integrity,  and  such  ability,  and  such  wisdom,  such 
ripened  experience,  and  genuine  manhood"  as  the  author  of 
the  rate  bill. —  Congressional  Becord,  59th  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion, pp.   1904,  2252. 

374  H.  R.  Bill  No.  11,488,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session. 

375  Current  Literature,  Vol.  XL,  p.  242. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  409 

s-c.  Current  Literature,  Vol.  XL,  p.  244;  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, 59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  1765,  2255,  2257-2263, 
2265,  2269,  2303.  Colonel  Hepburn  afterward  stated  on  the 
floor  of  the  House  that  the  members  of  the  Committee  on 
Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  had  agreed  to  secure  the 
enactment  of  the  rate  recommendations  of  the  President  and 
nothing  more.  They  had  therefore  defeated  every  amendment 
without  regard  to  their  personal  views. —  Congressional  Becord, 
59th  Congress;  1st  Session,  p.  7432. 

377  Senate  Committee  Eeports,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session, 
No.  1242,  p.  1;  Congressional  Becord,  59th  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion, p.  2968;  Dixon's  The  Interstate  Commerce  Act  as  Amend- 
ed in  The  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  Vol.  XXI,  pp.  23, 
24. 

President  Eoosevelt  regarded  the  action  of  the  Committee  on 
Interstate  Commerce  in  making  Senator  Tillman  sponsor  of 
the  rate  bill  as  "simply  childish". —  Roosevelt's  An  Auto- 
biography, p.  475. 

378  Ripley's  Railroads:  Rates  and  Regulation,  p.  498. 

379  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
3102,  3105,  3108. 

z»o  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  March  2,  1906; 
Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  6785, 
7088. 

3S1  Roosevelt 's  An  Autobiography,  p.  476;  The  Annals  of  the 
American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science,  Vol.  XXIX, 
p.  298;  The  Nation,  Vol.  LXXXII,  pp.  127,  374. 

382  House  Committee  Reports,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  No. 
4659. 

383  House  Committee  Reports,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session, 
No.  4659;  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p. 
7434. 

384  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
7851,  7852,  7921,  7922,  7932,  7998,  9106;  telegram  from  H.  C. 


410  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

Callaway  to  Theodore  Roosevelt,  dated  June  5,   1906,  in  the 
Hepburn  papers. 

385  House  Committee  Eeports,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session, 
Xos.   5003,   5076. 

386  Congressional  Becord,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
9079-9084,  9101,  9113,  9258,  9521,  9576,  9586,  9655,  9807. 

Senator  Tillman,  chief  advocate  of  a  stringent  commodity 
clause,  refused  to  sign  the  second  and  third  conference  reports 
because  he  believed  the  exemption  of  pipe  lines  from  the  list 
of  carriers  prohibited  from  transporting  their  own  products 
was  a  sinister  concession  to  the  Standard  Oil  Company. — 
Jones's  The  Commodity  Clause  Legislation  and  the  Anthracite 
Eailroads  in  The  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  Vol.  XXVII, 
pp.  579-587. 

387  Ripley's  Sailroads:  Bates  and  Begulation,  p.  499; 
Dixon's  The  Interstate  Commerce  Act  as  Amended  in  The 
Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  Vol.  XXI,  p.  25. 

Hepburn 's  interest  in  railroad  legislation  was  by  no  means 
confined  to  rate  making.  On  April  2,  1900,  he  introduced  a  bill 
requiring  railroad  officials  to  investigate  and  report  to  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission  all  passenger  train  acci- 
dents. Somewhat  amended  the  measure  passed  Congress  and 
was  approved  by  President  McKinley  on  March  3,  1901.  As 
chairman  of  two  House  conference  committees  Hepburn  was 
instrumental  in  securing  the  enactment  of  a  law  in  1907  limit- 
ing the  hours  of  employment  of  trainmen  and  train  dispatchers. 
In  the  summer  of  1907  he  made  a  trip  to  Europe  for  the  special 
purpose  of  studying  the  transportation  problem.  Most  of  the 
time  from  July  to  October  he  spent  in  England  and  Scotland. 
—  Congressional  Becord,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  3662, 
6838,  2nd  Session,  pp.  3493,  3603,  3762,  59th  Congress,  2nd 
Session,  pp.  3762,  4621;  clipping  22  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

CHAPTER  XXVII 

388  In  1902  Hepburn  spoke  in  favor  of  more  stringent  regu- 
lation of  the  manufacture  of  oleomargarine. —  Congressional 
Becord,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  1311. 


I 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  411 

380  Congressional  Eecord,  49tli  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
4902,  4903;  House  Committee  Reports,  59th  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion, No.  2118,  pp.  6,  7. 

390  Congressional  Record,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
3500,  5396,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  967,  7337,  7782. 

391  Congressional  Eecord,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  184, 
3589;  House  Committee  Reports,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session, 
No.   1319. 

392  Congressional  Record,  57th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  203, 
452,  453,  458. 

393  Congressional  Record,  57th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  458, 
590,  2647,  2966,  2967. 

394  Congressional  Record,  58th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  495, 
2nd  Session,  pp.  59,  849,  878,  880,  886,  894,  899,  900,  929,  938- 
940. 

395  Congressional  Record,  58th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
2848,  5695,  3rd  Session,  pp.  64,  127,  128,  261-263,  3845-3849, 
3852-3855. 

396  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  140, 
202,  897,  2773,  3489,  4454,  4456,  6468,  7033,  8018,  8836,  8890; 
The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  June  4,  1906. 

397  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
8889-8891. 

398  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
6465,  8893-8897,  8955,  8956. 

399  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
9075,  9076,  9111,  9172,  9379-9381,  9655,  9737,  9738,  9740, 
9801. 

400  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  9738. 

401  The  Clarinda  Herald,  .July  13,  1906;  clipping  740  in  the 
Hepburn  papers. 

The  following  telegram  from  President  Roosevelt  was  read 


412  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

at  the  reception:  "I  heartily  congratulate  you  on  having  such 
a  representative  as  Colonel  Hepburn.  His  services  during  this 
session,  both  in  the  matter  of  the  rate  bill  and  the  Panama 
Canal  bill,  have  been  of  inestimable  value  to  the  whole  coun- 
try." 

CHAPTER  XXVIII 

402  Preceding  the  selection  of  William  P.  Hepburn  for  the 
chairman  of  the  Republican  caucus  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  1903  he  had  been  a  candidate  for  the  Speaker- 
ship. The  same  caucus  that  made  him  chairman  nominated 
Joseph  G.  Cannon,  the  former  caucus  chairman,  for  Speaker. — 
See  below.  Chapter  XXIX;  The  Iowa  State  'Register  (Des 
Moines),  December  1,  1901;  The  Begister  and  Leader  (Des 
Moines),  November  8,  1903. 

Hepburn's  power  as  Republican  caucus  chairman  and  his 
dislike  for  ' '  independent ' '  candidates  is  illustrated  by  an  inci- 
dent in  connection  with  the  organization  of  the  Sixtieth  Con- 
gress. Peter  A.  Porter  had  been  elected  on  an  independent 
ticket  from  a  New  York  district  and  received  the  endorsement 
of  the  Democratic  convention.  Hepburn  declared  he  was  no 
Republican.  Porter  retorted  that  even  the  decision  of  the 
' '  omnipotent  gentleman  from  Iowa ' '  could  not  make  him  a 
Democrat,  and  he  refused  to  join  the  Democratic  caucus.  He 
was  finally  admitted  by  the  Republicans. —  Loclport  Daily 
Journal  (New  York),  November  30,  1907;  Bufalo  ifews  (New 
York),  December  1,  1907. 

iozKeoTcuTc  Gate  City,  February  o,  1916;  Who's  Who  in 
America,  1914-1915,  p.  1093. 

Hepburn  was  a  member  of  the  commission  to  supervise  the 
construction  of  the  House  Office  Building  from  March  4,  1903, 
until  he  resigned  at  the  end  of  his  last  term  in  Congress. — 
Congressional  Record,  57th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  3078,  60th 
Congi'ess,  2nd  Session,  p.  3802. 

404  Haynes  's  Third  Party  Movements,  p.  463. 

405  The   Register    and    Leader    (Des   Moines),    February    9, 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  413 

October  8,  and  November  10  and  14,  WOo;  The  Semi-WeeUy 
loivegian  (Centerville),  February  7,  1905;  letter  from  Lewis 
Miles  to  J.  W.  Blythe,  dated  October  20,  1905. 

^06  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  December  3, 
1905;  copy  of  a  letter  to  Dan  "W.  Turner,  dated  November  21, 
1905. 

407Haynes's  Third  Party  Movements,  p.  461;  letters  from 
J.  W.  Blythe,  dated  December  28,  1905,  and  March  23,  1906; 
letters  from  J.  H.  Tedford,  dated  April  27  and  May  23,  1906; 
letter  from  C.  N.  Marvin,  dated  October  17,  1906. 

408  At  the  same  time  Mr.  Blythe  was  absolutely  opposed  to 
the  passage  of  the  Hepburn  rate  bill.  In  a  personal  letter  to 
the  Colonel  he  declared  that  it  was  "very  little,  if  any,  better 
than  the  worst  bills  that  have  been  offered ' '. —  Letter  from 
J.  W.  Blythe,  dated  February  5,  1906. 

409  Letters  from  J.  W.  Blythe,  dated  December  4  and  28, 
1905,  February  5  and  24,  and  March  23,  1906;  letter  from 
C.  A.  Lisle,  dated  February  14,  1906;  letter  from  Paul 
Maclean,  dated  April  5,  1906;  letter  from  J.  N.  Miller,  dated 
April  4,  1906;  copy  of  a  letter  by  W.  P.  Hepburn,  dated 
March  31,  1906;  The  Einggold  Record  (Mount  Ayr),  April  5, 
1906;  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  August  1,  1906; 
letter  from  C.  N.  Marvin,  dated  October  17,  1906;  copy  of  a 
letter  to  J.  M.  Wilson,  dated  September  7,  1908. 

4^0  The  Einggold  Record  (Mount  Ayr),  May  3,  1906;  The 
Clarinda  Herald,  June  5,  1906 ;  telegram  from  J.  J.  Jamison, 
dated  June  5,  1906. 

411  Letter  from  C.  N.  Marvin,  dated  September  27,  1906; 
letter  from  M.  L.  Temple,  dated  November  9,  1906;  copy  of 
letter  from  F.  D.  Ickis  to  F.  P.  "Woods,  dated  October  22, 
1906;  loica  Official  Register,  1907-1908,  p.  507. 

412  Letters  from  J.  H.  Tedford,  dated  November  7  and  22, 
1906;  letter  from  Howard  Tedford,  dated  November  5,  1906; 
letter   from   J.   W.   Blythe,   dated   November   19,   1906;    letter 


414  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

from  Smith  McPherson,  dated  November  7,  1906;   letter  from 
J.  L.  Waite,  dated  November  8,  1906. 

413  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  5936. 
This  quotation  is  the  conclusion  of  a  long  speech  in  defense  of 
a  protective  tariff,  delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
on  April  26,  1906,  in  reply  to  John  S.  Williams,  Champ  Clark, 
and  other  Democrats. 

414 "  I  believe  that  that  state  or  nation  is  best  governed 
when  there  are  two  contending  parties,  each  with  ideas  and 
each  in  turn  responsible  for  the  good  or  bad  that  comes  to  the 
state",  said  Hepburn  in  1915.  The  members  of  third  parties, 
he  declared  in  1900,  "who  insisted  that  all  corruption  was  to 
be  found  in  the  two  old  parties  and  that  all  purity  was  to  be 
found  in  theirs,  these  gentlemen  who  claimed  the  necessity  for 
organizing  a  new  party  because  the  two  old  parties  had  for- 
gotten their  duty  and  were  recreant  to  their  obligations  — 
these  gentlemen,  after  announcing  principles,  after  eulogizing 
them  upon  the  stump,  are  always  ready  to  sacrifice  them,  al- 
ways ready  to  let  them  slip  by  if  they  can  secure  an  advantage 
for  themselves". —  Iowa  House  Journal,  1915,  p.  826;  Congres- 
sional Record,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  837. 

415  Letter  from  William  F.  Stipe,  dated  January  23,  1908. 

416  Letter  from  Melvin  H.  Byers,  dated  February  10,  1908; 
letter  from  M.  L.  Temple,  dated  April  18,  1908;  letter  from 
F.  H.  Landes  to  W.  F.  Stipe,  dated  May  11,  1908. 

417  Letter  from  W.  F.  Stipe  to  H.  E.  Morrison,  dated  May  8, 
1908;  letters  from  E.  C.  Haynes  to  W.  F.  Stipe,  dated  May  3 
and  11,  1908;  letter  from  Simon  Jarvis  to  W.  F.  Stipe,  dated 
May  11,  1908;  letter  from  J.  H.  Luse  to  W.  F.  Stipe,  dated 
May  10,  1908 ;  letter  from  J.  W.  Wailes  to  W.  F.  Stipe,  dated 
May  13,  1908;  letter  from  John  Miner  to  W.  F.  Stipe,  dated 
May  11,  1908 ;  letter  from  Charles  Gray  to  W.  F.  Stipe,  dated 
May  11,   1908. 

418  T/ie  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  May  28,  1908; 
letter  from  Willard  F.  Stookey  to  W.  F.  Stipe,  dated  May  13, 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  415 

1908;  letter  from  J.  H.  Tedford  to  W.  F.  Stipe,  dated  May  20, 
1908;  copy  of  a  letter  to  J.  M.  Wilson,  dated  September  7, 
1908. 

419  loica  Official  Begister,  1909-1910,  pp.  598-600,  612. 

^20  The  Clarinda  Herald,  June  5,  1908;  copy  of  a  letter  to 
John  Verner,  dated  February  28,  1908. 

421  Mrs.  W.  P.  Hepburn  also  occupied  a  seat  upon  the  plat- 
form with  the  political  dignitaries.  It  had  long  been  her 
custom  to  attend  political  conventions  with  her  husband  and 
accompany  him  on  long  journeys.  Throughout  the  years  of 
married  life  Mrs.  Hepburn  was  the  constant  companion,  con- 
fidant, and  adviser  of  her  husband  whose  devotion  to  his  wife 
grew  more  profound  as  the  years  passed.  Their  attendance  at 
the  State  convention  in  June,  1908,  revived  dim  memories  of 
Waterloo  as  a  country  village  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Cedar 
Eiver  nearly  fifty-three  years  before  when  they,  happy  in  the 
companionship  of  recent  marriage  and  inspired  by  the  autum- 
nal hues  of  a  glorious  Indian  summer,  drove  through  the 
incipient  city  in  search  of  a  suitable  place  to  found  their  home. 
—  Waterloo  Daily  Reporter,  June  24  and  25,  1908. 

422  Waterloo  Daily  Courier,  June  25,  1908 ;  Waterloo  Daily 
Eeporter,   June  25,   1908. 

The  sudden  death  of  William  B.  Allison  on  August  4th 
opened  the  way  to  the  Senate  for  Albert  B.  Cummins.  In 
view  of  the  ' '  division  of  sentiment ' '  among  his  friends. 
Colonel  Hepburn  did  not  think  it  wise  "to  be  an  active  sup- 
porter of  anybody."  He  himself  received  two  votes  in  the 
extra  session  of  the  General  Assembly  which  met  on  August 
31st  to  amend  the  direct  primary  election  law  and  elect  a 
Senator  to  complete  Allison's  unexpired  term. —  Copy  of  a 
letter  to  J.  M.  Wilson,  dated  September  7,  1908;  Iowa  House 
Journal  (Extra  Session),  1908,  p.  42;  Clark's  History  of  Sena- 
torial Elections  in  Iowa,  pp.  254,  255. 

423  Colonel  Hepburn  worked  earnestly  to  improve  the  postal 
facilities  in  the  eighth   district.      Through  his   influence   more 


416  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

than  t\AO  hundred  and  fifty  rural  mail  routes  were  established, 
a  number  probably  not  exceeded  in  more  than  two  other  Con- 
gressional districts  in  the  United  States.  Moreover,  he 
adopted  the  policy  of  obtaining  a  government  building  for 
every  second  class  post  office  in  the  district.  The  first  bill  he 
introduced  in  Congress  provided  for  a  $100,000  building  in 
Council  Bluffs  —  then  the  only  city  in  the  district  with  an 
office  above  third  class.  That  measure  became  a  law  in  1882. 
—  Copy  of  a  letter  to  W.  T.  Long,  dated  March  9,  1908; 
clipping  110  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  Congressional  Record, 
47th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  98,  958,  4242;  House  Com- 
mittee Eeports,  47th  Congress,  1st  Session,  No.  277. 

When  Hepburn  returned  to  Congress  in  1893  the  Creston 
post  office  had  become  second  class,  and  so  the  first  bill  he 
introduced  was  for  the  erection  of  a  public  building.  To 
secure  a  building  for  a  post  office  alone  in  a  city  of  less  than 
seven  thousand  population  was  no  easy  task,  however,  and  it 
was  not  until  1899  that  he  secured  the  authorization  of  a 
$50,000  structure  in  Creston.  Even  then  the  legislation  was 
accomplished  only  by  a  promise  that  a  division  of  the  southern 
federal  judicial  district  of  Iowa  would  be  established  with 
court  and  judicial  offices  at  Creston  so  that  the  new  building 
would  serve  a  double  purpose. —  Congressional  Eecorcl,  53rd 
Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  1396,  54th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p. 
159,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp.  380,  1580,  2932;  Census  of 
loiva,  1895,  p.  152. 

The  southern  division  of  the  southern  federal  judicial  dis- 
trict of  Iowa  with  the  court  held  in  Creston  was  established 
by  law  in  1900.—  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXI, 
p.  249. 

The  post  office  at  Centerville  had  become  second  class  by 
1901,  and  Hepburn  obtained  the  authorization  of  a  $35,000 
one  story  building  there.  The  amount  was  subsequently 
raised  to  $40,000.  Then  Clarinda  and  Shenandoah  became 
second  class  offices  simultaneously,  and  Hepburn  undertook 
the  difficult  work  of  securing  buildings  for  the  two  towns  of 
scarcely   more   than   four   thousand   population   located   in  the 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  417 

same  county.  He  began  by  introducing  a  bill  for  a  public 
building  at  Clarinda  to  cost  $80,000;  and  later  he  went  to  his 
personal  friends  on  the  Committee  on  Appropriations  and  pro- 
posed to  divide  the  $80,000  between  the  two  places.  After  "a 
■good  deal  of  trouble"  he  succeeded,  during  the  first  session  of 
the  Fifty-ninth  Congress,  in  having  a  $40,000  building  author- 
ized for  Clarinda  and  $5000  appropriated  to  purchase  a 
site  in  Shenandoah.  During  the  second  session  of  the  Fifty- 
ninth  Congress  no  new  public  buildings  were  authorized,  and 
so  it  was  not  until  1908  that  a  $50,000  building  was  author- 
ized for  Shenandoah. —  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol. 
XXXIT,  Pt.  1,  pp.  316,  1205,  Vol.  XXXIV,  Pt.  1,  pp.  778, 
782,  792,  794,  1236,  1296,  Vol.  XXXV,  Pt.  1,  pp.  483,  526, 
957;  Census  of  Iowa,  1905,  pp.  668,  677;  letter  to  H.  E. 
Dealer,  dated  March  19,   1907. 

424  Copy  of  a  letter  from  Theodore  Eoosevelt  to  W.  B. 
McKinley,  dated  September  9,  1908;  typewritten  copy  of 
resolutions  adopted  in  1908  by  the  Page  County  Eepublican 
convention  in  the  Hepburn  papers;  Waterloo  Daily  Beporter, 
June  24,  1908. 

425  The  Clarinda  Herald,  June  5,  1908 ;  The  Register  and 
Leader  (Des  Moines),  November  22,  1908. 

426  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  November  22  and 
December  14,  1908;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  February  3,  1909. 
See  also  note  427. 

^27  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  November  22, 
1908;  letter  from  T.  S.  Stevens,  dated  November  4,  1908; 
letter  from  Scott  Skinner,  dated  November  5,  1908;  letter  from 
W.  M.  Eeece,  dated  November  8,  1908;  letter  from  M.  L. 
Temple,  dated  November  9,  1908;  letter  from  Howard  Ted- 
ford,  dated  November  8,  1908;  letter  from  J.  C.  McDonald, 
dated  November  12,  1908;  Council  Bluffs  Nonpareil,  February 
10,  1916. 

428  loiva  Official  Register,  1909-1910,  p.  502. 

420  The  splendid  work  of  the  United  States  Revenue  Cutter 

28 


418  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

Service  in  the  war  with  Spain  directed  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  pay  and  privileges  of  that  service  were  inferior  to  the 
Army  and  Navy,  though  the  duty  was  scarcely  less  arduous  in 
times  of  peace  than  in  war.  On  January  18,  1898,  William  P, 
Hepburn  introduced  a  bill  increasing  the  pay  of  chief  engi- 
neers, appointing  a  naval  constructor,  and  granting  pensions 
to  seamen  in  the  Eevenue  Cutter  Service,  and  another  author- 
izing the  construction  of  new  vessels;  but  neither  of  these  bills 
was  reported  to  the  House.  In  June  the  Committee  on  Inter- 
state and  Foreign  Commerce  reported  unanimously  in  favor  of 
a  committee  bill  which  made  military  regulations  relating  to 
enlistment,  discipline,  and  uniforms  applicable  to  the  Cutter 
Service,  but  the  House  took  no  action.  Again,  in  1899,  Colonel 
Hepburn  introduced  a  bill  to  "promote  the  efficiency  of  the 
Revenue-Cutter  Service ' '  which  was  reported  with  an  amend- 
ment but  given  no  further  consideration. —  Congressional  Bec- 
ord,  55th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  743,  6204^6206,  3rd  Ses- 
sion, pp.   1371,   1778. 

Early  in  January,  1900,  Hepburn  introduced  a  measure,  iden- 
tical with  one  sponsored  by  William  P.  Frye  in  the  Senate,  to 
promote  efficiency  in  the  Revenue  Cutter  Service  by  establish- 
ing the  rank  and  salary  of  the  officers  on  a  par  with  cor- 
responding grades  in  the  Army  and  Navy,  providing  for 
longevity  pay  and  retirement  from  active  service,  and  re- 
quiring the  Army  and  Navy  to  recognize  Revenue  Cutter  offi- 
cers by  exchange  of  military  courtesies.  Although  this  bill  was 
reported  favorably  to  both  the  House  and  Senate  and  was  the 
subject  of  much  favorable  comment  neither  branch  of  Con- 
gress did  more  than  debate  the  proposition.  Colonel  Hepburn 
made  a  vigorous  fight  for  the  Revenue  Cutter  Service  in  the 
House  but  Congress  adjourned  before  he  could  obtain  a  vote. 
"I  believe  this  bill  ought  to  pass",  he  said  during  the  debate. 
' '  There  is  an  objection  in  the  minds  of  many,  fearing  that  it 
creates  something  in  the  nature  of  a  civil  pension.  I  want  to 
remind  you  that  the  duties  of  these  officers  are  not  civil  any 
more  than  are  the  duties  of  a  naval  officer.  The  difference 
between  the  two  is  this:    A  naval  officer  in  time  of  peace  has 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  419 

nothing  to  do.  When  we  are  at  war  the  revenue-cutter  officer 
does  all  that  the  naval  officer  does,  and  when  Ave  are  at  peace 
he  then  takes  up  the  vocation  of  an  aid  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  in  collecting  the  customs  revenue. ' '  In  view  of  their 
arduous  duties,  he  declared,  no  class  of  men  in  the  public 
service  were  so  poorly  paid.  Furthermore,  there  was  no  per- 
manent provision  for  retirement  and  consequently  officers  who 
had  passed  the  age  of  usefulness  still  filled  the  higher  places 
to  the  exclusion  of  younger  and  more  efficient  men. —  Congres- 
sional Record,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  694,  762,  2nd 
Session,  pp.  2918,  3236,  3248;  Souse  Committee  Reports,  56th 
Congress,  1st  Session,  No.  466;  favorable  editorials  relating 
to  the  Revenue  Cutter  Service  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

In  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty-seventh  Congress  Senator 
Frye  and  Colonel  Hepburn  again  introduced  companion  bills 
•with  practically  the  same  provisions  as  before  for  promoting 
the  efficiency  of  the  Revenue  Cutter  Service.  The  measure 
passed  the  Senate,  and  having  been  referred  to  the  House 
Committee  on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce  it  was  re- 
ported in  lieu  of  the  Hepburn  bill.  Determined  opposition  led 
by  James  R.  Mann  was  encountered  in  the  House.  The  sub- 
stance of  the  arguments  advanced  by  opponents  of  the  bill 
during  the  debate  which  lasted  parts  of  four  days  was  that  the 
Revenue  Cutter  Service  was  civil  in  character  and  that  the 
retirement  of  Revenue  Cutter  officers  on  pay  would  mark  the 
beginning  of  civil  service  pensions.  Friends  of  the  measure 
were  in  the  majority,  however,  and  when  Representative  Mann 
took  the  floor  to  close  the  debate  for  the  negative  he  admitted 
the  feebleness  of  his  remarks,  especially  since  he  would  be 
followed  by  "the  ablest  orator  and  debater  in  the  House"  for 
whose  judgment  he  professed  great  respect  and  in  comparison 
to  whose  ability  he  acknowledged  his  own  unworthiness  ' '  even 
to  unloosen  the  latchets  of  his  shoes."  He  warned  the  Con- 
gressmen against  being  carried  away  by  Colonel  Hepburn's 
eloquence. —  House  Committee  Reports,  57th  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion, No.  622;  Congressional  Record,  57th  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion, i>p.  141,  290,  1825,   1826,  3357,  33G0,  3623. 


420  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

With  his  accustomed  precision  and  lucidity  the  Colonel  ex- 
plained the  purposes  of  the  bill.  The  only  foundation  he 
could  discover  for  the  contention  of  his  opponents  that  the 
Eevenue  Cutter  Service  was  not  military  in  character  seemed 
to  be  that  the  cutters  did  not  fight  except  in  time  of  war. 
' '  Why,  my  God,  my  friends,  when  would  you  have  them 
fight f"  he  exclaimed.  "Do  you  want  them  so  organized  as  is 
my  friend  from  Illinois,  who  is  ready  to  fight  all  the  time  and 
everything?  When  I  have  observed  that  peculiarity  on  the  part 
of  my  friend  from  Illinois  I  have  thought  that  if  the  theory 
of  transmigration  of  souls  is  true  and  he  hereafter  appeared 
as  a  later  incarnation,  he  would  have  the  semblance  of  a  mule 
with   four  hind  legs  all  in  active   operation." 

With  consummate  skill  Colonel  Hepburn  replied  to  one 
argument  after  another  that  had  been  advanced  by  Mr.  Mann. 
He  quoted  the  opinions  of  Secretaries  of  the  Navy  and  Treas- 
ury—  men  who  knew  "something  about  the  subject"  in  con- 
trast to  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  who  had  spent  eighteen 
months  unearthing  frauds  and  "bringing  these  reptiles  of  the 
sea  into  full  view ' ' —  to  prove  that  the  service  was  naval  in 
character  and  worthy  of  retirement  with  pay.  Eloquent  in- 
deed were  the  pictures  he  painted  of  the  hazards,  hardships, 
and  the  heroism  of  the  R-evenue  Cutter  Service.  Efforts  of 
opponents  to  defeat  the  measure  by  destructive  amendments 
and  dilatory  motions  were  frustrated  and  the  long-delayed, 
"meritorious  and  just"  bill  passed  Congress  on  April  3,  1902, 
and  was  approved  nine  days  later. —  Congressional  Secord,  57th 
Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  3626-3628,  3639,  4031. 

In  1904  and  again  in  1907  Colonel  Hepburn  introduced  bills 
to  promote  the  efficiency  of  the  Revenue  Cutter  Service,  the 
latter  at  the  request  of  Leslie  M.  Shaw,  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, but  neither  of  these  measures  was  reported  to  the  House 
by  his  Committee.  In  1906  a  bill  to  regulate  enlistments  and 
discipline  in  the  Service  passed  the  Senate,  and  Hepburn 
supported  it  successfully  in  the  House.  Early  in  the  first 
session  of  the  Sixtieth  Congress  companion  bills  to  increase 
the  number  of  officers  and  the  pay  in  the  Revenue  Cutter  Ser- 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  421 

vice  were  introduced  in  the  House  and  Senate  by  Hepburn  and 
Frye  at  the  urgent  request  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
The  Senate  bill  passed  first  without  debate  and  was  agreed  to 
by  the  House  with  very  little  discussion. —  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, 58th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  1646,  59th  Congress,  1st 
Session,  pp.  7183,  7184,  2nd  Session,  p.  2256,  60th  Congress, 
1st  Session,  pp.  135,  224,  916,  4555-4560;  letter  from  L.  M. 
Shaw,  dated  January  7,  1907;  letter  from  Worth  G.  Ross, 
dated  January  8,  1908. 

Busy  with  the  problems  that  grew  out  of  the  regulation  of 
commerce  Colonel  Hepburn  nevertheless  retained  the  interest 
in  military  affairs  that  he  had  gained  by  years  of  active  ser- 
vice. Perhaps  it  was  the  recollection  of  Civil  War  recruiting 
methods  that  prompted  him  to  suggest  in  1894  that  the  ex- 
pense of  recruiting  the  army  if  paid  in  the  form  of  bounties 
to  the  soldiers,  would  relieve  many  officers  and  soldiers  for 
field  service  and  go  a  long  way  toward  solving  the  problem  of 
desertion.  Army  reorganization  based  on  Spanish  War  ex- 
perience drew  from  the  Colonel  remarks  on  the  length  of  the 
battle  line  that  should  be  occupied  by  a  regiment,  the  number 
of  officers  in  proportion  to  enlisted  men,  and  the  promotion  of 
volunteer  officers.  He  would  have  had  the  supply  departments 
of  the  army  filled  by  civilians,  in  order  that  the  experience  of 
experts  in  transportation  and  business  might  be  utilized. 
This  opinion  was  prophetic  of  the  methods  employed  so  suc- 
cessfully by  the  United  States  in  the  World  War.  To  increase 
the  efiiciency  of  the  Signal  Corps,  which  he  realized  was  dis- 
placing the  cavalry  as  the  eye  of  the  army,  he  proposed  in 
1908  that  the  personnel  be  increased,  that  the  resultant  pro- 
motions be  according  to  seniority,  and  that  the  officers  and 
men  assigned  to  duty  with  troops  should  constitute  part  of  the 
line  of  the  army.  The  interest  of  Colonel  Hepburn  in  the 
Signal  Corps  was  determined  somewhat  no  doubt  by  the  fact 
that  his  son,  Charles  B.  Hepburn,  was  a  captain  in  that  branch 
of  the  army.  Coast  defences  he  thought  should  not  be  neg- 
lected on  account  of  the  tendency  to  rely  upon  the  Navy  for 
protection   against    invasion.     The   practice   of   hazing   at   the 


422  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

United  States  military  and  naval  academies  was  bitterly  de- 
nounced by  the  Colonel,  not  only  because  it  was  in  violation 
of  the  law  but  because  it  trained  future  officers  in  tyranny 
and  disqualified  them  to  command  American  citizens. —  Con- 
gressional Eecord,  43rd  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp.  375,  376, 
55th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  3622,  3625,  3626,  3rd  Session, 
p.  2684,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  4231,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
71,  84,  57th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  799,  59th  Congress,  1st 
Session,  pp.  4240,  4241,  4247;  copy^f  H.  R.  Bill  No.  12,890, 
60th  Congress,  1st  Session,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

Colonel  Hepburn  was  always  an  advocate  of  preparedness 
but  he  was  absolutely  "opposed  to  the  civil  branch  of  the 
Government  being  dominated  by  the  military. ' '  He  felt  that 
the  functions  of  the  Navy  and  War  Departments  were  being 
usurped  by  the  Army  and  Navy  officers  who  had  no  business 
there.  "We  ought  not  to  yield  to  the  encroachments  of  a 
military  class",  he  declared. —  Congressional  Record,  56th 
Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  3087,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p. 
5578. 

In  the  judgment  of  the  Colonel  less  time  should  be  spent  in 
maneuvers  to  perfect  the  appearance  of  soldiers  and  more  at- 
tention devoted  to  target  practice  to  increase  their  efficiency. 
He  recalled  that  his  regiment  in  the  Civil  War  had_  drilled  for 
months  in  evolutions  and  tactics  that  were  never  used  in  actual 
service  while  accurate  shooting  was  neglected  with  the  result 
that  more  than  a  hundred  cartridges  were  discharged  to  kill 
or  wound  a  single  enemy.  He  consistently  advocated  larger 
appropriations  for  target  practice  both  in  the  Army  and 
Navy,  but  considered  the  expenditure  of  funds  for  militia  en- 
campments as  "an  absolute  waste  of  money."  Liberal  in 
expenditures  for  proper  purposes,  he  was  nevertheless  vigilant 
in  detecting  extravagance.  He  particularly  denounced  the 
practice  of  paying  enormous  profits  to  monopolistic  companies 
for  armor  plate  and  smokeless  powder. —  Congressional  Eecord, 
55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp.  1324,  2249,  57th  Congress,  2nd 
Session,  pp.  799,  2323,  59th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  844, 
1111. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  423 

In  1909  Colonel  Hepburn  led  the  fight  in  the  House  for  two 
new  battleships.  His  observation  taught  him  that  the  time 
for  universal  peace  had  not  yet  arrived  and  that  the  nation 
least  assailed  and  most  secure  "has  the  largest  armies  and  the 
most  efficient  and  disciplined  navy."  The  contention  of 
James  A.  Tawney  tliat  the  sole  purpose  of  building  more 
battleships  "was  because  of  an  amlbition  to  excel  in  naval 
architecture"  he  scouted  "as  an  insult  to  the  American  peo- 
ple." In  less  than  a  century  the  United  States  engaged  in 
four  wars  for  every  one  of  which  the  country  was  unprepared. 
After  ridiculing  the  attitude  that  America  had  no  need  of 
armament  the  Colonel  declared  that  "if  an  insult  comes  to  our 
Government  from  any  foreign  government,  there  will  be 
reparation  or  war.  Why  talk  about  peace  when  we  recognize 
that  fact?"  As  for  himself  he  wanted  "such  a  navy  as  will 
suggest  to  our  proposed  assailants  that  there  is  peril  in  the 
assault. ' ' —  Congressional  Record,  59th  Congress,  1st  Session, 
p.  8886,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.   1.306,  1307. 

*3«  Telegram  from  G.  D.  Perkins,  dated  November  4,  1908; 
letter  from  I.  P.  Wanger,  dated  November  5,  1908;  letter  from 
C.  H.  Grosvenor,  dated  November  14,  1908;  letter  from  Wil- 
liam Richardson,  dated  November  12,  1908;  letter  from  C.  A. 
Stanton,  dated  November  5,  1908;  letter  from  Frank  Ham- 
mond, dated  November  11,  1908;  letter  from  Milton  R«mley, 
dated  November  5,  1908;  letter  from  W.  A.  Glassford,  dated 
November  .5,  1908;  letter  from  Worth  G.  Ross,  dated  November 
9,  1908 ;  letter  from  Francis  E.  Hamilton,  dated  November  8, 
1908;  telegram  from  W.  H.  Taft,  dated  November  6,  1908; 
letter  from  Theodore  Roosevelt,  dated  November  7,  1908. 

*3i  Letter  to  Hepburn  Chamberlain,  dated  November  10, 
1908;  copy  of  a  letter  to  D.  W.  Turner,  dated  November  21, 
1905. 

432  Letter  from  M.  L.  Temple,  dated  November  9,  1908; 
letter  from  J.  M.  Hedge,  dated  November  17,  1908;  letter 
from  Warren  F.  Thummel,  dated  November  25,  1908;  copy  of  a 
letter  to  J.  J.  Jamison  and  ^L  L.  Temple,  dated  December  3, 


424  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

]908;  copy  of  a  letter  to  M.  L.  Temple,  dated  February  10, 
1909 ;  clipping  408  in  the  Hepburn  papers.  See  also  The  Reg- 
ister and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  November  28  and  December 
21,  1908,  for  unfavorable  comment. 

433  Letter  from  A.  B.  Thornell,  dated  November  5,  1908; 
letter  to  A.  B.  Thornell,  dated  November  10,  1908;  The  Sioux 
City  Journal,  November  5  and  6,  1908. 

434  Letter  to  John  N.  Miller,  dated  December  7,  1909;  letter 
from  W,  H.  Taft  to  W.  C.  Adamson,  dated  June  5,  1909. 

CHAPTER  XXIX 

435  New   Torh   Tribwie,  February  9,   1916. 

436  Hepburn 's  proposed  amendment  to  the  rules  making  it 
obligatory  for  the  Speaker  to  recognize  any  member,  if  in 
order,  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  fifty  to  eighty -five. —  Con- 
gressional Eecord,  53rd  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  1147. 

437  Congressional  Eecord,  53rd  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp. 
1043,  1144,  1145,  54th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  575. 

438  Congressional  Eecord,  55th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  IB- 
IS; Smith's  Parliamentary  Eeform  in  the  National  House  of 
Eepresentatives  in  The  Chautauquan,  Vol.  XXX,  p.  239. 

439  Congressional  Eecord,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp. 
1874,  1877,  1953. 

At  another  time  when  a  minority  member  suggested  that 
any  ruling  of  the  Chair  was  subject  to  the  will  of  the  House 
on  an  appeal  from  that  decision,  Hepburn  pronounced  it  a 
"most  astonishing  declaration".  When  reminded  of  his  vote 
to  override  the  decision  of  the  Chair  in  connection  with  the 
Nicaragua  canal  bill  he  replied  that  he  had  so  voted  not  for 
the  purpose  of  changing  the  rules  but  because  he  believed  a 
particular  rule  had  been  improperly  interpreted. —  Congres- 
sional Eecord,  58th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  3146,  3147. 

440  William  P.  Hepburn  was  prominently  mentioned  to  suc- 
ceed Thomas  B.  Reed  as  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives  in   1899,  but   long  before  the   Fifty-sixth   Congress   con- 


NOTES  AND  KEFERENCES  425 

vened  it  was  known  that  David  B.  Henderson  would  be  the 
choice  of  the  Eepublieans. —  Clipping  586  in  the  Hepburn 
papers. 

m  The  New  York  World  (Tri-weekly),  December  1,  1899; 
The  Iowa  State  Register  (Weekly,  Des  Moines),  December  8, 
1899;    The  Chautauqxian,  Vol.  XXX,  p.  242. 

442  In  the  allotment  of  seats  for  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress, 
Colonel  Hepburn  was  compelled  to  go  to  the  "Cherokee  Strip" 
on  the  Democratic  side  of  the  House.  He  was  received  with 
applause  by  the  Democrats. —  The  Burlington  Haick-Eye 
(Weekly),  December  7,  1899. 

*43The  New  York  World  (Tri-weekly),  December  4,  1899; 
Congressional  Record,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  6,  7. 

444  Hepburn  suggested  that  the  proper  size  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  might  be  determined  by  restoring  the  original 
ratio  of  numerical  strength  that  had  been  established  between 
the  House  and  the  Senate.  In  the  First  Congress  there  were 
twenty-six  Senators  and  sixty-five  Eepresentatives,  which  Hep- 
burn interpreted  to  mean  that  the  political  power  of  a  Senator 
should  be  two  and  one-half  times  as  great  as  that  of  a  Repre- 
sentative. On  that  basis  there  would  have  been  two  hundred 
and  twenty-five  Representatives  in  1901,  while  as  a  matter  of 
fact  there  were  three  hundred  and  fifty-seven. —  Congressional 
Record,  56th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  658. 

445  Congressional  Record,  56th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
658,  6.59. 

Much  as  he  desired  a  revision  of  the  rules  that  would  per- 
mit more  freedom  of  debate  and  individual  initiative,  there 
were  times  when  the  Colonel  himself  was  forced  to  support  the 
most  arbitrary  procedure.  He  was  ' '  especially  aggrieved ' '  by 
the  action  of  the  minority  at  the  end  of  the  last  session  of 
the  Fifty-seventh  Congress  when  the  Democrats  attempted  to 
prevent  the  passage  of  the  great  appropriation  bills  by  fili- 
buster. ' '  I  have  for  a  long  time  been  complaining  of  the 
severity  and  rigor  of  the  rules  as  they  have  been  adopted," 
said  Hepburn,  ' '  and  especially  do  I  dislike  being  compelled  in 


426  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

the  public  service  and  in  order  that  righteousness  may  prevail 
to  force  upon  you  other  rules  that  are  still  more  hateful  to 
my  sensibilities. ' '  Unpleasant  though  it  was,  however,  he 
warned  the  opposition  that  their  efforts  would  be  abortive, 
and  that  the  necessary  legislation  would  be  enacted. —  Con- 
gressional Record,  57th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  2921. 

446  Previous  to  the  caucus  meeting  Speaker  Henderson  con- 
ferred with  Colonel  Hepburn  on  the  subject  of  rules. —  Letter 
from  D.  B.  Henderson,  dated  November  25,  1901. 

447  The  restoration  of  the  "morning  hour"  would  have 
made  special  orders  from  the  Committee  on  Rules  almost  un- 
necessary. 

448  The  New  Yorl  Times,  December  1,  1901. 

449  Congressional    Record,    57th    Congress,    1st    Session,    pp. 

46,  47. 

450  Other  men  who  were  suggested  for  the  Speakership  were 
Joseph  G.  Cannon,  James  S.  Sherman,  Sereno  E.  Payne, 
Theodore  E.  Burton,  Charles  E.  Littlefield,  James  A.  Tawney, 
and  Charles  H.  Grosvenor. —  The  Des  Moines  Daily  Capital, 
September   18,   1902. 

431  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  September  17 
and  24,  1902. 

Advocates  of  reciprocity  with  Cuba  urged  that"  it  would 
alleviate  suffering  on  the  island.  Even  if  it  was  not  true  that 
the  Cubans  were  all  employed  at  unusually  high  wages,  Hep- 
burn denied  that  reciprocity  would  fulfill  a  "charitable  and 
kindly  purpose. ' '  With  only  one  sugar  buyer  in  the  United 
States,  undisturbed  by  competition,  sugar  prices  would  not  be 
fixed  by  the  Cubans,  and  the  "kindly  aid"  for  "destitute 
Cubans"  would  fill  the  coffers  of  the  sugar  trust.  Further- 
more, it  was  proposed  that  the  Cubans  should  adopt  the  exclu- 
sion laws,  contract  labor  laws,  and  immigration  laws  of  the 
United  States  at  a  time  when  nine-tentSs  of  the  island  was 
not  cultivated  on  account  of  the  lack  of  labor.  "What  will 
the   critic  of  the  future     ....     say  of  the  generosity  of 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  427 

the  United  States?"  exclaimed  Hepburn.  Finally,  he  feared 
that  the  contemplated  twenty  per  cent  reduction  of  the  duty 
on  Cuban  sugar  would  destroy  the  infant  beet-sugar  industry 
in  the  United  States.  When  the  Cuban  reciprocity  bill  passed 
the  House  in  November,  1903,  Hepburn  reluctantly  voted  in 
the  affirmative.  "I  do  it  because  the  large  majority  of  my 
associates  seem  to  think  that  it  is  necessary,  because  the  Ad- 
ministration very  heartily  approves  of  it,  because  the  last 
Republican  State  convention  of  the  State  of  Iowa  declared  in 
favor  of  it",  said  he  in  explanation. —  Congressional  Becord, 
57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  4382,  4383,  5Sth  Congress,  1st 
Session,  p.  365. 

i52  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  October  13  and 
17,  1902. 

453  r/je  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  October  17  and 
November  11,  1902;  letter  from  H.  E.  Decmcr,  dated  November 
10.  1902. 

Again  in  1908  Colonel  Hepburn  was  mentioned  as  a  suitable 
candidate  to  displace  Speaker  Cannon.  The  discussion  was 
ended,  however,  by  a  statement  from  the  Colonel  that  he  had 
no  desire  to  assume  the  burdens  and  responsibilities  of  the 
position.  His  failure  to  be  elected  to  the  Sixty-first  Congress 
precluded  any  possibility  of  occupying  the  Speaker's  chair. — 
Creston  Advertiser-Gazette,   April   2,   1908. 

■i^'i  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  November  16, 
1902,  and  November  8,  1903. 

455  Colonel  Hepburn  's  work  in  the  Sixtieth  Congress  was  not 
confined  to  revision  of  the  rules.  He  tried  to  secure  the  enact- 
ment of  laws  regulating  the  liquor  traffic,  the  trusts,  injunc- 
tions, and  immigration  into  Hawaii,  promoting  the  efficiency 
of  the  Revenue  Cutter  Service,  tlie  Signal  Corps,  and  the 
Marine  Hospital  Service,  providing  for  a  post  office  at  Shenan- 
doah, amending  the  Pension  Act  of  1907,  and  eliminating 
illegitimate  speculation.  Hepburn  thought  that  the  stock 
gamblers  "did  more  than  any  other  class  of  men,  through 
their   influence   with   the   banks   of   the   cities,"    to   cause   the 


428  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

financial  panic  of  1907.  He  estimated  that  40,000,000  shares 
had  been  bought  and  sold  on  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange  in 
1906  and  that  the  banks  of  the  city  had  furnished  $3,600,- 
000,000  at  very  high  interest  rates  to  carry  on  these  trans- 
actions. ' '  If  that  is  true, ' '  he  said,  ' '  if  this  great  proportion 
of  the  banking  capital  of  New  York  was  thus  absorbed  in  il- 
legitimate business,  is  it  any  wonder  that  later  on  when 
legitimate  transactions  were  to  be  conducted,  and  men  in 
ordinary  business  sought  the  banks  for  usual  accommodations, 
that  the  banks  were  unable  to  supply  their  customers  and  that 
ordinary  legitimate  business  languished?" — Congressional 
Eecord,  60th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  1498,  1499. 

When  President  Roosevelt  recommended  Federal  legislation 
to  penalize  stock  gambling  Hepburn  introduced  a  bill  on 
March  2,  1908,  placing  a  tax  of  fifty  cents  "on  each  share  of 
one  hundred  dollars  of  face  value  or  fraction  thereof"  in  the 
case  of  "all  sales,  agreements  to  sell  or  memoranda  of  sales 
or  delivery  or  transfer  of  shares  or  certificates  of  stock". — 
Congressional  Eecord,  60th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  2785; 
The  OutlooJc,  Vol.  LXXXVIII,  pp.  570,  571 ;  New  YorTc  World, 
March  3,   1908. 

The  Hepburn  bill  raised  a  storm  of  protest  in  financial 
centers.  "There  is  no  question  but  what  such  a  bill,  if  made 
into  a  law  by  Congress,  would  stop  all  speculation",  wrote  the 
editor  of  The  Financial  World.  "It  would  close  the  New 
York  Stock  Exchange.  It  would  choke  up  at  once  the  only 
free  market  for  our  securities.  It  would  dam  up  so  effectually 
the  sources  of  capital  necessary  for  the  development  of  our 
resources  that  new  enterprises  of  large  scope  could  not  raise 
any  money.  It  would  cause  a  drop  in  real  estate  values  in  the 
Wall  Street  district,  estimated  at  least  $500,000,000.  And 
finally,  this  very  measure,  which  is  intended  to  prohibit  specu- 
lation instead  of  controlling  persons  who  live  by  wits  on  other 
people's  money,  will  fall  most  severely  on  innocent  share- 
holders who,  when  they  want  to  sell  their  securities,  will  find  it 
difficult  to  find  buyers  for  them."  Another  argument  against 
the  Hepburn  bill  was  that  a  tax  based  on  the  face  value  of 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  429 

shares  would  result  in  discrimination  against  all  stocks  selling 
below  par.  Although  it  was  stated  that  the  measure  met  the 
approval  of  the  President,  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means 
to  which  it  was  referred  never  reported. —  The  Financial 
World,  March  7,  1908;  New  York  World,  Alarch  3,  1908. 

456  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  December  12  and  17,  1908. 

4.''7  Congressional  Becord,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
274-277. 

458  Congressional  Record,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
579-589,  599-605,   610,  2653. 

459  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  January  28  and  February  9  and 
10,  1909;  Congressional  Becord,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p. 
605. 

Another  resolution  signed  by  seven  Representatives  who 
refused  to  support  the  amendments  offered  by  the  main  body 
of  "insurgents"  provided  for  "calendar  Tuesday"  only.  A 
similar  resolution  proposing  a  ' '  calendar  Tuesday ' '  had  pre- 
viously been  introduced  by  Augustus  P.  Gardner  on  January  6, 
1909. —  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  February  10,  1909 ;  Congres- 
sional Becord,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  566,  605,  2116. 

^ao  The  New  York  Sun,  February  19,  1909;  Congressional 
Becord,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  2653-2655. 

461"!  think  that  there  could  be  no  more  faulty  system  of 
legislation  than  that  which  proceeds  by  the  log-rolling  system 
that  we  denominate  as  'unanimous  consent'  ",  said  Hepburn 
in  the  course  of  his  remarks.  Unanimous  consent,  he  asserted, 
does  not  imply  familiarity  with  a  subject  or  even  consent  in  a 
proper  sense.  It  simply  means  that,  inasmuch  as  most  bills 
are  passed  by  unanimous  consent,  no  member  cares  to  assume 
the  odium  of  objection  lest  when  his  turn  comes  another  mem- 
ber, "with  a  memory  sharpened  by  disappointment,  may  rise 
to  stick  the  javelin  of  'I  object!'  into  his  little  measure." — 
Congressional  Becord,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  2654. 

462  In  discussing  the  faults  of  thfe  committee  system  Hep- 
burn suggested  that  it  was  unwise  to  authorize  standing  com- 


430  WILLIAM  PETEKS  HEPBURN 

mittees  to  sit  during  the  sessions  of  the  House  because  the 
practice  could  prevent  a  quorum.  Moreover,  it  gave  an  excuse 
for  members  not  being  present  when  important  questions  were 
being  considered  in  the  House.  The  Committee  on  Interstate 
and  Foreign  Commerce  never  asked  consent  to  sit  during  the 
sessions  of  the  House  and  did  not  make  a  practice  of  doing  so. 
—  Congressional  Record,  60th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  465. 

Committees  of  conference,  said  Hepburn,  on  another  occa- 
sion, were  ' '  constantly  encroaching  upon  the  prerogatives  and 
rights  of  the  House."  He  objected  to  the  custom  of  referring 
bills  that  had  been  amended  by  the  Senate  to  conference  com- 
mittees without  discussion  or  recommendations.  "How  many 
times  have  things  important  to  the  House  been  surrendered  by 
its  conferees  and  the  House  placed  in  a  position  where  it 
could  not  protect  itself?  I  think  it  is  time  that  something 
should  be  done;  that  the  conference  committees  of  the  House 
should  be  given  to  understand  their  duties  in  this  matter. ' ' 
He  reminded  the  House  that  the  conferees  were  members  of 
the  standing  committee  that  had  reported  the  bill  originally. 
"If  it  is  an  amendment  put  on  in  the  House,  in  almost  every 
instance  it  is  an  amendment  against  the  preference  of  the 
committee;  and  if  they  maintain  the  views  of  the  House,  they 
surrender  their  own.  So  it  often  happens  that  these  gentle- 
men, beaten  in  the  House,  get  their  revenge  by  surrendering 
to  the  Senate  amendments,  often  possibly  securing  their  re- 
enactment  in  order  that  they  may  agree  to  them. ' ' —  Congres- 
sional Record,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  5695. 

463  Congressional  Record,  60th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp. 
2655,  3567,  3568,  3572. 

One  reason  for  the  failure  of  the  "insurgents"  in  the 
Sixtieth  Congress  was  a  difference  of  opinion  among  them- 
selves. Twenty-nine  radicals,  led  by  Hepburn,  believed  no 
modification  of  the  rules  would  be  salutary  unless  the  Speaker 
was  stripped  of  his  power.  The  other  group,  consisting  of 
those  who  introduced  the  resolution  for  "calendar  Tuesday" 
only,  simply  wanted  the  rules  relaxed  so  as  to  permit  more 
freedom   of   initiative  in  calling  up   legislation   for  considera- 


Jl 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  431 

tion.  Speaker  Cannon  reached  an  agreement  with  the  second 
group  which  resulted  in  the  Committee  on  Rules  offering  an 
amendment  providing  for  ' '  calendar  Wednesday ' ',  which  was 
adopted.  Thus  the  plans  of  the  radical  "insurgents"  were 
frustrated.  On  March  3rd  the  efforts  of  the  twenty-nine  ' '  in- 
surgents" were  further  discredited  by  a  report  from  a  special 
committee  that  the  introduction  of  bills  or  resolutions  by 
more  than  one  member  was  "unauthorized". —  New  York 
Evening  Font,  February  22,  1909;  Congressional  Eecord,  60th 
Congress,  2nd  Session,  pp.  3808-3811. 

CHAPTER  XXX 

464"!  find  that  every  step  of  progress  made  in  a  state  and 
nation,  every  law  lifting  humanity  higher,  every  law  bringing 
blessing  to  mankind,  has  been  wrought  out  by  partisans", 
declared  Hepburn  in  191.5. —  Iowa  House  Journal,  1915,  pp. 
825,  826. 

46.^  To  the  advice  and  assistance  of  William  P.  Hepburn 
many  a  man  may  attribute  his  success  in  life.  William  Orr  is 
one  who,  as  a  young  man  beginning  his  career,  Avas  enabled  to 
surmount  adversity  by  virtue  of  Colonel  Hepburn's  friendly 
aid.  ' '  I  stand  with  memory  flooded  with  recollections  of 
words  of  advice,  encouragement  and  cheer,  spoken  to  me  by 
you,  as  they  have  been  spoken  to  many  others  in  this  audi- 
ence, when  life's  path  seemed  neither  very  bright  nor  broad; 
of  loving  deeds  done  by  you  and  your  family  when  I  went 
down  in  the  dark  valley  beside  the  deep  waters",  said  Mr. 
Orr  on  one  occasion.  The  Colonel  always  delighted  in  helping 
worthy  and  earnest  young  people.  During  the  years  he  was  in 
Congress  the  influence  he  exerted  in  shaping  the  lives  of  a 
number  of  young  men  for  whom  he  made  an  education  avail- 
able by  means  of  government  positions  was  scarcely  less 
praiseworthy  than  his  public  deeds.  Among  the  Hepburn 
papers  there  are  many  letters  of  appreciation  for  money 
loaned  and  favors  bestowed. —  The  Clarinda  Herald,  October 
13,  1905,  and  February  10,  1916;    The  Clarinda  Jnurnal,  Feb- 


432  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

ruary   17,   1916;    letter   from   Margaret    Hepburn   Chamberlain 
to  Benj.  F.  Shambaugh,  dated  August  25,  1917. 

466  To  those  -nho  were  privileged  to  observe,  the  domestic  life 
of  Colonel  Hepburn  became  an  ideal.  "Never  was  the  unity, 
harmony,  and  the  purity  of  the  American  home  more  beauti- 
fully exemplified  than  in  the  home  life  of  Mr.  Hepburn  and 
his  wife",  said  Horace  M.  Towner  in  1916. —  Letter  from 
Margaret  Hepburn  Chamberlain  to  Benj.  F.  Shambaugh,  dated 
August  25,  1917;  Congressional  Becord,  64th  Congress,  1st 
Session,  p.  6044. 

467  On  February  24,  1909,  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and 
Foreign  Commerce  met  in  honor  of  the  retiring  members  — 
William  P.  Hepburn,  James  S.  Sherman,  and  William  H.  Eyan. 
Charles  E.  Townsend,  on  behalf  of  the  Committee,  presented 
Colonel  Hepburn  with  a  chair,  trusting  that  it  would  prove 
comfortable  in  the  succeeding  years.  The  men  "who  so  hap- 
pily served  under  you  around  this  table",  declared  Townsend. 
"will  always  cherish  your  memory,  and  whenever  time  and 
circumstances  shall  make  it  possible  for  you  to  come  here  you 
will  be  a  welcome  guest  —  no,  not  a  guest,  but  always  the 
head  of  the  family."  Colonel  Hepburn  replied  that  his  long 
service  on  the  Committee  had  been  made  pleasant  by  the 
friendship  of  the  members.  He  would  leave  his  place  with 
regret,  he  said,  but  he  realized  that  he  was  growing  old  and 
confessed  that  he  looked  forward  "to  a  period  of  repose  with 
a  great  deal  of  gratification." — Presentations  to  Retiring 
Members  of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and  Foreign  Com- 
merce, February  24,  1909,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

468  Letter  to  Margaret  Hepburn  Chamberlain,  dated  October 
21,  1907;  letter  to  E.  H.  Chamberlain,  dated  July  31,  1914; 
letter  from  Hepburn  Chamberlain,  dated  May  25,  1914;  letter 
from  Margaret  Hepburn  Chamberlain  to  Benj.  F.  Shambaugh, 
dated  August  25,  1917. 

i<io  Mount  Ayr  Record-News,  February  22,  1916;  letter  to 
Mrs.  W.  P.  Hepburn,  dated  August  1,  1863. 

470  Copy   of   a   letter   to   J.   N.   Miller,   dated  December    7, 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  433 

1909;   clippings  67  and  223  in  the  Hepburn  papers;   letter  to 
Hepburn  Chamberlain,  dated  August  12,   1911. 

471  Letters  from  H.  W.  Wiley,  dated  July  13  and  August  1, 
1911;  The  Review  of  Reviews,  Vol.  XLIV,  pp.  270,  393;  The 
Outlook,  Vol.  XCVIII,  p.  599. 

472  Copy  of  a  letter  from  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  Janu- 
ary 28,   1910. 

In  order  to  secure  party  harmony  In  the  campaign  of  1910, 
Hepburn  would  have  supported  Dan  W.  Turner  for  Congress 
from  the  eighth  district,  which  was  "surely  making  some 
sacrifice". 

473  Prior  to  1910  Hepburn  thought  that  after  Cummins  se- 
cured a  seat  in  the  Senate  prudence  would  dictate  to  him  the 
wisdom  of  working  for  the  unity  of  the  party.  After  ob- 
ser\'ing  the  Senator's  conduct  and  reading  some  of  his  speeches, 
however,  Hepburn  concluded  that  "the  field  of  his  political 
ambition  was  not  bounded  by  the  meagre  limits  of  Iowa", 
and  that  his  purpose,  like  that  of  La  Follette  and  Clapp,  was 
to  organize  a  new  party  in  which  they  would  be  prominent. — 
Copy  of  a  letter  from  William  P.  Hepburn,  dated  January  28, 
1910. 

474  The  New  International  Year  Bool-,  1910,  p.  382. 

475  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  August  3  and  4, 
1910;  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  August  4,  1910;  The  Des  Moines 
Capital,  August  4,  1910. 

476  Roosevelt 's  The  New  Nationalisin,  pp.  3-33;  The  Amer- 
ican Year  Book,  1910,  p.  52,  1911,  p.  68;  letter  to  Thomas  E. 
Powers,  dated  February  21,  1912. 

Colonel  Hepburn  did  not  want  a  pure  democracy  substituted 
for  the  representative  democracy  in  the  United  States.  "The 
pretense  for  the  change",  he  said,  "lies  in  the  claim  that 
Eepresentatives  in  the  Legislatures  and  Congress,  and  other 
public  servants  do  not  perform  their  duty.  The  true  remedy 
for  that  is  to  be  found  in  frequent  elections.  If  in  the  elec- 
tions proper,  selections  are  not  made  the  fault  is  on  the  part 

29 


434  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

of  the  people  who  vote.  If  they  make  mistakes  in  the  selec- 
tion of  men  to  represent  them,  will  they  not  be  much  more 
likely  to  make  mistakes  when  they  undertake  to  enact  a  law, 
or  directly  to  approve  a  law?  If  they  make  mistakes  in  the 
selection  of  a  judge  will  they  not  be  liable  equally  to  make 
mistakes  in  the  recall  of  a  judge?  If  this  system  of  recall 
should  be  inaugurated  what  decent  man  would  accept  office?" 
' '  The  failure  of  the  more  competent  men  to  vote,  is  the 
great  curse  of  our  political  system",  declared  the  Colonel. 
' '  We  have  not  had  a  presidential  election  in  fifty  years,  in 
which  if  all  of  the  voters  had  been  present  at  the  polls,  a  dif- 
ferent result  might  not  have  happened.  .  .  .  The  ab- 
senteeism is  found  in  the  more  intelligent,  the  more  virtuous 
citizens,  and  those  that  have  the  greatest  interest  at  stake  be- 
cause of  their  property.  .  .  .  Bather  than  change  our 
system  of  representative  government,  I  would  adopt  some 
means  by  which  all  men  entrusted  with  the  voting  power  were 
compelled  to  vote  both  at  the  primary  and  at  the  election. 
This  would  be  possible  through  the  imposition  of  fines,  or  of 
temporary  disfranchisement." — Letter  to  Thomas  E.  Powers, 
February   21,    1912. 

477  Letter  to  Thomas  E.  Powers,  dated  February  21,  1912. 

478  Letter  to  John  N.  Miller,  dated  January  15,  1912;  letter 
to  Thomas  E.  Powers,  dated  February  21,  1912. 

i'^  The  Cedar  Bapids  Bepuhlican,  April  23  and  2.5,  1912; 
letter  to  Hepburn  Chamberlain,  dated  April  29,  1912. 

480  Letter  to  Hepburn  Chamberlain,  dated  June  25,  1912. 

481  Letter  to  E.  P.  Heizer,  dated  October  3,  1914. 

482  Colonel  Hepburn  delivered  a  number  of  public  addresses 
after  1909,  probably  the  most  important  of  which  was  a  speech 
to  an  association  of  railroad  men  in  New  York  City.  On 
August  25,  1910,  he  spoke  to  the  old  settlers  of  Johnson  County, 
Iowa;  he  was  one  of  the  principal  orators  at  the  dedication  of 
the  Keokuk  Dam  on  August  27,  1913 ;  he  addressed  the  pioneer 
law-makers  of  Iowa  on  March  11,  1915;   and  on  July  8,  1915, 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  435 

he  delivered  an  address  at  Atlantic  City  on  the  subject  of 
"Public  Sentiment  and  Reform." — Letter  from  Margaret 
Hepburn  Chamberlain  to  Benj.  F.  Shambangh,  dated  Septem- 
ber 23,  1917;  Proceedings  of  the  Forty-fourth  Annual  Meeting 
of  the  Old  Settler's  Association  of  Johnson  County,  Iowa,  pp. 
13-17;  The  Burlington  Hawh-Eye,  August  27,  1913;  Iowa 
House  Journal,  1915,  pp.  825-827;  letter  from  Howard  H. 
Russell,  dated  June  30,   1915. 

483  Letter  to  Hepburn  Chamberlain,  dated  July  8,  1910. 

^s*  Journal  of  the  Forty-first  Anmial  Fncampment,  Depart- 
ment of  Iowa,  Grand  Army  of  the  Bepuhlic,  1915,  pp.  78,  159, 
182-186. 

William  P.  Hepburn  was  an  influential  member  of  the  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic.  In  1878  he  helped  to  organize  a  G. 
A.  R.  post  at  Clarinda  and  acted  as  the  commanding  colonel 
at  a  soldiers'  reunion  at  Clarinda  on  May  29,  30,  and  31,  1878. 
In  November,  1879,  he  was  judge-advocate  on  the  staif  of  H.  E. 
Griswold,  which  escorted  U.  S.  Grant  across  Iowa  as  he  was 
returning  from  his  trip  around  the  world.  Whenever  it  was 
possible  Hepburn  attended  G.  A.  R.  encampments.  In  1887 
he  was  a  delegate  to  the  Iowa  encampment  in  Dubuque  and 
received  fourteen  votes  on  the  first  ballot  for  department  com- 
mander. In  1915  he  was  the  alternate  delegate-at-large  from 
Iowa  to  the  national  G.  A.  R.  encampment  in  Washington, 
D.  C. —  History  of  Page  County,  Iowa  (Iowa  Historical  Com- 
pany), pp.  526-528;  Journal  of  the  Ninth  Annual  Session  of 
the  Department  of  Iowa,  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  1883, 
pp.  38,  40,  47,  50;  Journal  of  the  Thirteenth  Annual  Encamp- 
ment, Department  of  Iowa,  Grand  Army  of  the  Bepuhlic,  1SS7, 
pp.  23,  108. 

483  The  Sioux  City  Journal,  November  30,  1915,  and  February 
8,  1916;  Tri-WeeMy  Sentinel-Post  (Shenandoah),  February  9, 
1916;    The  Clarinda  Herald,  February  10,   1916. 

Colonel  Hepburn  was  survived  by  his  wife  and  two  children 
—  Margaret  and  Charles.  His  daughter  Edith  died  on  January 
15,    1913.      Mrs.    Hepburn,    now    in    her    eighty-second    year 


436  WILLIAM  PETERS  HEPBURN 

(July,  1919),  is  living  in  Washington,  D.  C,  with  her 
daughter  Margaret,  the  wife  of  R.  H.  Chamberlain.  Charles 
Hepburn,  who  served  in  the  Signal  Corps  during  the  Spanish- 
American  War  and  was  commissioned  captain  in  the  regular 
army  in  1901,  is  now  on  the  retired  list. —  Clipping  182  in  the 
Hepburn  papers;  Heitman's  Historical  Begister  and  Dictionary 
of  the  United  States  Army,  1889-1903,  Vol.  I,  p.  525. 

486  The  Clarinda  Journal,  February  17,  1916. 

In  1907  Colonel  Hepburn  reserved  two  lots  in  Arlington 
Cemetery  —  number  1477  for  himself  and  number  1480  for  his 
son  Charles. —  Letter  to  George  Euhlen,  dated  February  16, 
1907. 

487  The  Clarinda  Journal,  February  17,  1916. 

488  New  York  Tribune,  February  9,  1916. 

"Iowa  has  had  few  men  in  national  life  so  strong,  so  self- 
reliant  and  so  aggressive  as  Colonel  Hepburn,"  wrote  the  edi- 
tor of  the  Des  Moines  Begister  and  Leader  in  1905.  Whatever 
his  faults  may  have  been,  ' '  dissembling  for  the  sake  of  curry- 
ing favor"  was  not  one  of  them.  "I  want  to  do  what  is 
right ' ',  he  is  reported  to  have  declared.  ' '  I  must  live  with 
myself  the  balance  of  my  days  and  I  want  to  be  at  peace  with 
myself." — The  Begister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  February 
25,  1905;   The  Clarinda  Herald,  February  10,  1916. 

489  The  Clarinda  Journal,  February  17,  1916. 

490  Resolutions  of  Warren  Post,  No.  11,  G.  A.  R.,  on  the 
death  of  Colonel  W.  P.  Hepburn,  signed  by  J.  N.  Miller, 
Henry  Loranz,  and  H.  F.  Hitchcock,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

491  Resolutions  of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  and  Foreign 
Commerce  on  the  death  of  William  P.  Hepburn,  signed  by 
W.  C.  Adamson,  in  the  Hepburn  papers. 

492  Copy  of  a  letter  from  James  S.  Clarkson  to  H.  M. 
Towner,  June  25,  1916;  Congressional  Becord,  64th  Congress, 
1st  Session,  pp.  6043-6045. 


INDEX 


437 


INDEX 


Accidents,  i-eport  of,  on  railroads, 
410 

Accounts,  publicity  of,  264,  265 

Acting  inspector  general  of  cav- 
alry,   Hepburn    as,    71 

Adams,    John,    5 

Adams  County,   100,   102,  377 

Adamson,  William  C,  opinion  of 
Hepburn  expressed  by,  222 ; 
opposition  of,  to  pure  food  bill, 
280,  283,  284;  friendship  of, 
for    Hepburn,    308  , 

Adulteration,  prohibition  of,  276, 
277,   278,   279,   283 

Agricultural  products,  reciprocity 
in,   226 

Agriculture,  promotion  of,  by 
Hepburn,  132  (see  also  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture  and  Secre- 
tary   of    Agriculture) 

Alaska,   158 

Albay    (Philippine    Islands),    241 

Albion,  newspaper  of,   32 

Alcoholic    Liquor    Traffic,    Commit- 
tee  on,    Hepburn   on,    128,    376 
report   by,    3  77 

Aldrich,  Nelson  W.,  opposition  of 
to  Hepburn  rate  bill,  268;  oj) 
position  of,  to  pure  food  bill 
281 

Alfred  the  Great,  196 

Alien  contract  labor  laws  (see 
Contract   labor   laws) 

Allen,    Ethan,    4 

Alliances,  advocacy  of,  by  Hep- 
burn,   195 

Allison,  William  B.,  43,  261,  297, 
301,  308,  351,  382;  defense  of, 
by  Hepburn,  130;  candidacv  of, 
for  President,  142-145,  180- 
182;  record  of,  143,  144;  char- 
acter of,  143,  144;  refusal  of 
Cabinet  position  by,  145;  sup- 
port of  Hepburn  by,  165;  Hep- 
burn rate  bill  amended  by,  271; 
nomination  of,  for  Senate,  299; 
denth    nf.    415 

Americanization,  attitude  of  Hep- 
burn  on,    155,    199 

Americans,    protection    of,    340 

Amov  (China),  Taft  party  at, 
242 


Anarchy,    397,    398 

Anderson,  Albert  R.,  candidacy 
of,  for  Congress,  99-104,  133, 
136;  attitude  of,  on  tariff,  133, 
137;  attitude  of,  on  railroad 
regulation,  133,  135,  137,  138; 
record  of,  as  railroad  commis- 
sioner, 135,  137,  138;  debates 
of,  with  Hepburn,  136-138,  381, 
382;  election  of,  to  Congress, 
138,  139;  retirement  of,  160; 
reference  to,  308 ;  career  of, 
380 

Anderson,  John  A.,  filibuster  by, 
115 

Andersonville  prison,  cruelties  in, 
124 

Annapolis,  hazing  at,   421,  422 

Anson,  Henry,  Marshalltown  found- 
ed by,    19;   reference  to,   33 

Anthony,    Susan    B.,    399 

Antietam,    battle   of,    122 

Anti-Monopolists,  personnel  of, 
97;  attitude  of  Hepburn  to- 
ward,  97 

Appanoose  County,  164,  297,  298, 
304,    377 

Appraisers'    warehouse,    158 

Appropriation  bills,  privileges  of, 
203,    204 

Appropriations,  Committee  on,  417 

Arbitration,  attitude  of  Hepbiirn 
on,    178,    388;    demand   for,   388 

Arithmetic,  study  of,  by  Hepburn, 
10 

Arizona,   admission  of,   178 

Arkansas,  Congressman  from,  5 ; 
Hepburn  in,  82 ;  reference  to, 
389 

Arlington  Cemetery,  371;  Hep- 
burn's lots  in,    436 

Armor   plate,    422 

Army,  services  of  Hepburn's  an- 
cestors in,  2-4;  Hepburn's  ca- 
reer in,  48-87;  attitude  of  Hep- 
burn toward  standing,  170; 
engineers  from,  202,  208;  re- 
cruiting of,  421:  organization 
of.  421  ;  training  of  officers  for, 
422;    training   of,    422 

Army  of  the  Cumberland,    78,   80 

Army   of    the   Mississippi,    61,    63, 

439 


440 


INDEX 


71,  75 ;  commander  of,  76 ;  ac- 
tivities  of,    77;    cavalry   in.    361 

Armv  of  the  Ohio,    76,   77 

Army  of  the  Potomac,  command 
of,"    123 

Arnold,    Benedict,    118 

Artillery,  James  S.  Hepburn  in,  3 

Artisan,  training  of  Hepburn  as, 
13,    400,    401 

Assistant  clerk,  election  of  Hep- 
burn as,  26;  success  of  Hep- 
burn  as,    27 

Assyria,    immigrants    from,    152 

Atchison  rebates,  262 

Atlantic  City  (New  Jersey), 
speech  of   Hepburn   in,    435 

Attorney  General   (Iowa),   371 

Attorney  General  (Memphis), 
hope  of  Hepburn  for  office  of, 
90 

Attorney  General  (United  States), 
252,    261,    394 

Audubon  County,   24,    100 

Aviation,    62 

Ayers,  H.  C,  vote  for,  371 

Babcock,    C,    34 

Bacolod        (Philippine       Islands), 

Taft  party   in,    241 
Bailev,   Joseph  W.,   206 
Baker,   N.    B.,    50 
Balance  of  trade,   173,   228 
Ballard,     Samuel     M.,     newspaper 

owned  by,    13;   reference  to,    24 
Ballot,   obligations  connected  with, 

237;  party  circle  removed  from, 

293,   294,   306 
Bankers,    business    of,    172 
Banking,     attitude     of     Democrats 

toward,    130;    reference   to,    150 
Banks,     opposition     of,     to     silver 

purchase    law,    172;    support   of 

stock  gambling  by,   427,    428 
Banners,    inscriptions    on.    82 
Bar,   admission  of  Hepburn  to,   16, 

17;    examination    for    admission 

to,    371 
Barbary  pirates,    3 
Barber  buggy  case,   135 
Battery  K,   367 

Battle  Hymn  of  the  Republic,   342 
Battle  line,  length  of.   421 
Battles,   inscription  of,  on  banners, 

82    (see    also   names   of   particu- 
lar  battles) 
Beaureeard.    P.   G.  T.,    67.    361 
Beekwith.   Corvdon,    16,    17.   352 
Beet  sugar  industry,  protection  of, 

318.  427 
Belgium,      government     ownership 

in,   246 


Bennett,  John  V.,  candidacy  of, 
for  Congress,   397 

Bennett,  L.,  defeat  of,  for  Con- 
gress,  126 

Benton  Barracks,  Hepburn  at,  52, 
53 ;    reference  to,   54,    68 

Berryhill,   C.   H.,   24 

Berryhill  Brothers,,  employment  of 
Hepburn   by,    11 

Bertrand    (Missouri),    55 

Beverages,  adulteration  of,  277; 
misbranding  of,   277 

Bills,  introduction  of,  431  (see 
also    particular   bills) 

Bimetallism,  advocacy  of,  by  Re- 
publicans, 173,  174,  177,  180, 
183,  184;  legality  of,  175;  pop- 
ularity of,    176 

Bird's  Point  (Missouri),  Hepburn 
at,   54 

Blackland  (Mississippi),  engage- 
ment near,   68,   69 

Blackstone's  Commentaries,   14 

Bladensburg,   battle  of,   4 

Blaine,  James  G.,  campaign  of 
Hepburn  with,   105 

"Bloody    .shirt",    120 

Bloomington,  7  (see  also  Musca- 
tine) 

Blythe.  James  W.,  opinion  of,  on 
election  returns,  180,  294;  ref- 
erence to,  252.  290;  political 
influence  of,  289;  opinion  of, 
concerning  Hepburn.  290,  291; 
denendence  of  Hepburn  on, 
292 ;  opposition  of,  to  Hepburn 
rate  bill.  413 

Board  of  General  Appraisers,  can- 
didacy of  Hepburn   for,    156 

Board  of  health,   237 

Boarding  houses,  concessions  to. 
152 

Boards  of  trade,  opposition  of,  to 
silver  purchase  law,    172 

Bohemia,    immigrants  from,    152 

Boone  Countv.   .3.56 

Booneville  (Mississippi),  raid  on, 
67.  362:  reference  to.  68;  en- 
gagement  at.   71,   72 

Boonsboro.  Hull  from,  38;  debate 
at.  38.   39:  reference  to,  40 

Boss,  experience  of  Hepburn  with, 
290,   291 

Boston  (Massachusetts),  immigra- 
tion  at,   384 

Bounties,  paj-ment  of,  to  soldiers 
421 

Bowen   Guards,   exploit  of.   34 

Bowery    (New   York   Citv),    2 

Bowling  Green  (Kentucky),  Hep- 
burn at,  78 


I 


INDEX 


441 


Bradley,   Philip  B.,   26 

Bragg,   Braxton,   tactics  of,   76,   77 

Bragg,  Edward  S.,  criticism  of, 
by   Hepburn,    118 

Bremner,  William,  partnership  of, 
with  Hepburn,  22 ;  reference  to, 
41;   wife  of,   354 

Brigade,  command  of,  by  Hep- 
burn,  84,   86 

British   Empire,    196 

Brito    (Nicaragua),   202 

Brosius,  Marriott,  advocacy  of 
pure  food  by,   284 

Brown,    John,    43 

Brownville  and  Nodaway  Valley 
Railroad,  promotion  of,  94;  ref- 
erence to,   3  70 

Brussels  (Belgium),  International 
Monetary  Conference  at,   175 

Bryan,    Jaines   F.,    336 

Bubonic  plague,  400 

Buchanan,  James,   122,  390 

Buell,  Don  Carlos,  army  com- 
manded by,  76 ;  reference  to, 
77;  attitude  of,  toward  cavalry, 
78 

Buford,  N.  B.,   60 

Bull  Run,  battle  of,  49,  50 

Bureau  of  Chemistry,  establish- 
ment of,  278,  279,  281;  refer- 
ence  to,    330 

Bureau   of   Corporations,    396 

Burlington,  speech  of  Hepburn  in, 
185;  celebration   in,  389 

Burlington  Hawk-Eye,  opinion  ex- 
pressed in,   253 

Burlington  Railroad,  services  of 
Hepburn  for,  93,  145,  146; 
general  solicitor  of,  252 ;  polit- 
ical  control   of,    289 

Burton,  Theodore  E.,  opposition 
of,  to  canal  legislation,  211; 
candidacy  of,  for  Speakership, 
426 
Butler,  Jacob,  campaign  of,  40; 
reference  to,  357 

Cabinet,  refusal  of  Allison  to  serve 
on,  145 ;  mention  of  Hepburn 
for,  145,  307,  308;  reference 
to,   261 

Cadets  of  Temperance,  Hepburn 
as   leader   of,    11 

Caldwell,    Timothy  J.,    141 

"Calendar  Tuesday",  establishment 
of,  322,  323;  Hepburn  in  favor 
of,  325;  reference  to,  429,  430, 
431 

"Calendar  Wednesday"',  provision 
for,   327,   431 

Calendars,    322,   325 


California,   emigrants   to,    91;    trip 
of  Hepburn  to,    158,   385;   Con- 
grressmen  from,   244,  246;  refer- 
ence to,   33  7 
Cairo    (Illinois),   54,    109 
Camp     McCIellan,      Second     Iowa 

Cavalry  at,  50-52 
Campaign,  participation  of  Hep- 
burn in,  in  1883,  126131,  378, 
379;  conduct  of,  in  1892,  165, 
166;  participation  of  Hepburn 
in,  in  1896,  180-186;  conduct 
of,  by  Hepburn,  223,  224,  231; 
conduct  of,  in  1906,  293,  294; 
conduct  of,  in  1908,  297-304; 
events  in,  in  1912,  334-338;  ac- 
tivity of  Hepburn  in,  in  1885, 
379;  work  of  Hepburn  in,  in 
1898,    394 

Canada,  reciprocity  with,  226  227, 
230;   free  trade  with,   396 

Canal,  construction  of,  at  Island 
No.  10,  58,  59  (see  also  Isth- 
mian canal,  Hennepin  Canal, 
Panama  Canal  and  Nicaragua 
Canal) 

Canal  Zone,  visit  of  Hepburn  to, 
221;  government  of,  221;  ac- 
quisition   of,    221.    392,    393 

Candies,  misbranding  of,  277; 
adulteration  of,   277 

Cannon,  .Joseph  G.,  debate  of, 
with  Hepburn,  203-206,  214- 
216;  opposition  of,  to  canal  leg- 
islation, 203,  204,  211  214- 
216,  219;  attitude  of,  toward 
the  rules,  203-206;  characteri- 
zation of,  by  Hepburn,  205, 
206,  215;  reference  to,  257 
289,  324,  427,  431;  selection 
of,  as  Speaker,  319,  412,  426 

Canton  (China),  Taft  party  in, 
242 

Cape  Horn,  voyage  of  "Oregon" 
around,    200 

Capital,  proposed  removal  of,  to 
Marshalltown,    29 

Capital,  antagonism  of,  to  labor 
401,    402 

Capitalism,   growth  of,   331 

Captain,  commission  of  Hepburn 
as.  50;  ability  of  Hepburn  as, 
51 

Carleton,  R.  A.,  job  sought  bv, 
148,     383 

Carlisle,  .Tohn  (?.,  loans  negotiated 
by,    ]  74 

Carpet-bagcers.   work  of,   88,   89 

Cass   County,    100.    102,    256 

Castalia    (Ohio),    351 

Castle    Garden    (New   York    City), 


442 


INDEX 


use  of,  as  immigrant  station, 
152,  153;  abandonment  of,  154; 
reference   to,    155 

Catholics,    335 

Catlett,  Ann  Fairfax,  3,  4  (see 
also   Hampton,   Mrs.   George   S.) 

Catlett,    Columbus,    6,    8 

Catlett,  Hanson,  career  of,  3  ;  wife 
of,  3;   daughter  of,  3,  4 

Catlett,   Marcia,    349 

Catlett,  Minerva  Lyon,  parents  of, 
3;  events  in  life  of,  3,  4;  ref- 
erence to,  6;  land  owned  by,  8; 
affection  of,  for  Hepburn,  9 

Cattell,   John  W.,   campaign  of,   40 

Cattle,   disease  of,    132 

Caucus  (Committee),  action  of,  on 
Hepburn   bill,    265,    266 

Caucus  (Republican),  Hepburn 
nominated  for  chief  clerk  by, 
27,  28;  action  of,  141,  18Q; 
chairman  of,  288,  289,  319, 
412;  reform  of  House  rules  by, 
313,  314,  315,  316,  319;  selec- 
tion of  Speaker  by,  319;  mem- 
bership in,  412;  reference  to, 
426 

Cavalry,  company  of,  raised  by 
Hepburn,  49,  50 ;  use  of,  in 
Civil  War,  62,  421;  work  of,  in 
campaign  against  Corinth  63 ; 
strength  of  Confederate,  71;  in- 
spection of,  by  Hepburn,  71,  78- 
80,  87;  attitude  of  Buell  to- 
ward, 78;  condition  of,  78,79; 
best  regiment  of,  81;  charge  of, 
83  ;  command  of  dismounted,  by 
Hepburn,  87;  acceptance  of, 
358 

Cavalry  division,  troops  in,  366; 
commander    of,    366 

Cebu  (Philippine  Islands),  Taft 
party    at,    241 

Cedar   Rapids,    convention   at,    336 

Cedar   River,    415 

Centerville,    debate    at,    137     138;  , 
sneech  of  Heriburn  at,  159;  ref- 
erence   to,     298,     382 ;     Federal 
building   in,    416 

Centerville  Citizen,  opinion  ex- 
pressed in,  131,  132;  editor  of, 
379 

Central  Journal    (Albion),   32 

Central  Pacific  Railroad,  245,  404; 
description  of,   246 

Cerro  Gordo  County,   356 

Chair,  appeal  from  decision  of, 
424 

Chalmers.  James  R.,  attack  or- 
dered bv,  71,  72,  82,  83;  activ- 
ities of,  85 


Chamberlain,  Margaret  Hepburn, 
visit  to,  235 ;  reference  to,  435, 
436  (see  also  Hepburn,  Mar- 
garet) 

Chamberlain,   Roy  H.,   397,   436 

Chambers,   Alexander,   358 

Chambers  of  commeice,  opposition 
of,    to   silver  purchase  law,    172 

Chance,    W.    S.,    385 

Chapman,  John  W.,  100;  mention 
of,   for  Congress,    102 

Chariton,  convention  in,  132,164; 
reference   to,    298 

Charleston    (Missouri),   55 

Charleston  (South  Carolina),  pub- 
lic  building  in,    372 

Chattanooga  (Tennessee),  Bragg 
at,   76 

"Cherokee  Strip",  Hepburn  in, 
425 

Chicago,  Hepburn  in,  16,  17;  de- 
scription of,  17;  conventions  in, 
44,  95,  96,  142,  336;  reference 
to,   162,   381;   law  firm  in,   352 

Chicago,  Burlington,  and  Quincy 
Railroad  (see  Burlington  Rail- 
road) 

Chicago  and  Alton  Railroad,  352 

Chicago  Inter-Ocean,  opinion  ex- 
pressed   in,    210,    211 

Chicago  Record-Herald,  252,  405 

Chicago  Tribune,  criticism  of  Hep- 
burn bill  in,  252,  253;  refer- 
ence  to,    405 

Chickamauga,   battle  of,   364 

Chief  clerk,  election  of  Hepburn 
as,  27,   28 

China,   Taft  party  in,   242 

China   Sea,   242 

Chinese,   exclusion  of,   236 

Chittenden,  Thomas,  services  of  4 ; 
daughter   of,    4 

Cincinnati    (Ohio),   6 

Circuit  Courts,  265 

Civil  pension,  opposition  to,  418, 
419 

Civil  service,  attitude  of  Hepburn 
toward  reform  in,  98,  188-193; 
methods  of  appointment  to,  188- 
193;  improvement  of,  190;  ref- 
erence to.    336 

Civil  Service  Commission,  criti- 
cism of,   by  Hepburn,    189 

Civil  War,  eflFect  of,  46;  use  of 
cavnlrv  in.  62:  conduct  of,  121;. 
reference  to,  170,  236,  243,  329, 
379,  401.  422;  recruiting  meth- 
ods  in,    421 

Civilians,  use  of,  in  army  supply 
departments,    421 

Civilization,   promotion   of,    196 


INDEX 


443 


Citizens,  protection  of,   340 

Citizenship,  observations  of  Hep- 
burn  on,   236,   237 

"Citv  of  Alton"  (steamboat),  61, 
63 

Clapp,  Moses  E.,  support  of  Hep- 
burn rate  bill  by,  268;  refer- 
ence to,    433 

Clarinda,  removal  of  Hepburn  to, 
91,  92;  railroad  convention  in, 
94;  recention  for  Hepburn  in, 
104,  285-287;  glee  club  of, 
164;  home  of  Hepburn  in,  329; 
reference  to,  339,  353,  403; 
funeral  in,  341 ;  court  in,  343 ; 
population  of,  369;  Federal 
building  in,  416,  417;  G.  A.  R. 
post  at,   435 

Clark,  Champ,  opposition  of,  to 
pure  food  bill,  280;  reference 
to,   414 

Clark.  D.  M.,  defeat  of,  for  Con- 
gress,   126 

Clark,  T.  E.,  Hepburn  nominated 
by,   100:  reference  to,   101 

Clarke,  William  Penn,  character 
of,  14 ;  friends  of,  14 ;  associ- 
ation of  Hepburn  with,  14,  15 ; 
activities  of,  14,  24,  25;  refer- 
ence  to,    33 

Clarke  County,    304,   377 

Clarkson.   James  S.,    181.   344 

Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,  abrogation 
of,  209,  212,  216;  violation  of, 
210 

Clerk,  Hepburn  as  deputy  countv, 
17 

Cleveland,  Grover,  118,  120;  elec- 
tion of,  166;  fear  of,  by  pen- 
sioners, 168;  attitude  of,  on 
currency  question,  170,  174; 
special  message   of,    174 

Coal   car   scandal,    262 

Coast    defense.    Hepburn    for,    421 

Cocknm,    William   B.,   321 

Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York, 
153,    154,    157 

Collierville  (Tennessee),  participa- 
tion of  Hepburn  in  engagement 
at,   83 

Colombia,  acquisition  of  land 
from,  219.  220;  revolution  in, 
220:  reference  to,   393 

Colonel,  recommendation  of  Hep- 
burn  for.    74,    75 

Colonies,  acquisition  of,  194;  atti- 
tude of  Hepburn  toward.  195, 
196;    disadvantages   of,    196 

Colt   rifles,    53 

Columbus  (Kentucky),  evacuation 
of,   55 


Commerce  and  Labor  Department, 
work  of  Hepburn  for,  401,  402 

Commerce  Committee,  Hepburn 
on,    376 

Commercial  expansion,  results  of, 
194;  attitude  of  Hepburn  on, 
195,    197;   reference   to,    200 

Commissioner  of  Patents,  Hep- 
burn  mentioned  for,    145 

Commissioner  of  Pensions,  posi- 
tion of,  offered  to  Hepburn,  308 

Commissioners  of  Emigration  (see 
Emigration  Commissioners) 

Committee   clerks,   work   of,    387 

Committee  of  the  Whole,  Hepburn 
chairman  of,  187;  reference  of 
canal  bill  to,  202;  reference  to, 
205,  209,  280;  calendar  of, 
322;   debate   in,   323 

Committee  on  credentials,  Hep- 
burn on,  142,  181,  337;  chair- 
man of,  181;  report  of,  181,  182 

Committee  on  permanent  organi- 
zation,  Hepburn   on,   44 

Committee  on  resolutions,  Hepburn 
on,    332 

Committees  (standing),  organiza- 
tion of,  313,  320,  322,  323,  325, 
326;  power  of,  313,  315,  325; 
sitting  of,  429,  430  (see  also 
particular  committees) 

Commodity  clause,  272,  273,  274, 
275:    Tillman  for,    410 

Common  carriers,  definition  of, 
267,   269,  272,  273,  274 

Company  B,  acceptance  of,  50; 
march  of,  to  Davenport,  50; 
captain  of,  50,  74 ;  muster  of, 
into  service,  50,  358;  discipline 
in,   51 

Company   E,    53 

Company   K,    53,    59 

Company   L,    53,    59 

Company   M.  53 

Condiments,  adulteration  of,  277; 
misbranding  of,   277 

Confcderntrs.  forces  of.  56:  em- 
barrassment of,  67;  escape  of. 
68;  treatment  of  Hepburn  by, 
81;  resources  of,  84;  tactics  of, 
85:  conscription  among,  124; 
treatment  of  prisoners  by.  124; 
representation  of,  in  Congress, 
140:    defeat  of.    365 

Conference  committee,  members  of, 
272,  273-  reports  of,  273,  274, 
275j  Hepburn  on.  277,  284, 
402.   410:   power  of,   430 

Congress,  Matthew  Lyon  in,  5, 
349:  candidates  for,  99,  100, 
126,     133,     160-162,     164,     186, 


444 


INDEX 


225,    289,    292,    293,    296,    297, 

394  397  433;  nomination  of 
Hepburn  for,  99-104,  126.  132, 
164,    165,    182,    227,    299,    380, 

395  ;  prominence  of  Hepburn  in, 
105  179,  293  ;  election  of  Hep- 
burn to,  105,  106,  126,  166, 
179,  180,  186,  223,  224,  234, 
293,  294;  petitions  to,  119, 
377';  laws  passed  by,  120;  ser- 
vice of  Hepburn  in,  133,  134, 
163,  328,  374-376;  resolution 
of  General  Assembly  sent  to, 
138;  investigation  of  immigra- 
tion bv,  155 ;  program  of  Harsh 
for,  162 :  control  of,  by  Demo- 
crats, 166,  170;  message  to, 
174,  249,  263;  reference  to, 
198!  201,  244,  248,  334;  isth- 
mian canal  question  in,  200- 
222;  oratory  in,  214;  corrup- 
tion'of,  231,  232;  action  of,  on 
pure  food  legislation,  276-285; 
special  session  of,  279;  retire- 
ment of  Hepburn  from  302, 
306,  329;  equality  of  constitu- 
encies in,  310,  324;  Iowa  dele- 
gation in,  332;  Rosecrans  in, 
371;  river  and  harbor  bill  in, 
374;  power  of,  over  commerce, 
381  (see  also  particulai  Con- 
gresses) 

Congressional  Record,  214 
Congressmen,   votes   for,   in   Eighth 
Congressional       District,        106, 
126,    139,    161,    166,   186;   oppo- 
sition  of   Soiithern,   to   pensions, 
117,    123;    duties    of,    169,    232, 
233,    387;    opinion    of,    concern- 
ing   Hepburn.    188;    honesty    of, 
191,     193;     influence    on,     208; 
recognition  of,  by  Speaker,   309. 
313,  316.  320,   324,  325 
Conquest,    defense   of,    197 
Conscription,  harshness  of  Confed- 
erate,  124 
Conservation,   333 
Constituencies,     equality    of,     310. 

324 
Constituents,     work     of     Hepburn 

for,    387 
Constitution    (United  States),  250, 

260.   269.   310,   312.   315,   324 
Constitutional  Convention  of  1844, 

secretary  of,   350 
Constitutional    law,     study    of.    by 

Hepburn.    106 
Contract,  freedom  of,  401 
Contract    labor    laws,     administra- 
tion of,    151,   153,   154;   revision 
of,   156;   reference  to,   426 


Cook,  J.  C.  letter  from,   147 
Cook,    J.   H.,    179 
Coon,  Datus  E.,  52;  promotion  of. 
71-    praise   of    Hepburn    by,    74 
Cooper-Quarles  Bill,  249,  251,  254 
Corinth      (Mississippi),     campaign 
against.    61,    68;    cavalry   opera- 
tions   against,     63 ;     communica- 
tion with,  67;  evacuation  of,  67: 
reference  to,    69,    70,    76;    battle 
of,    77,    365 ;    Hepburn   in,    82 ; 
siege  of,  361,  362 
Corn,   destruction  of,    84;   produc- 
tion of,  111 
Corn    Belt   Meat   Producers'    Asso- 
ciation,  232 
Cornell      College,      attendance      of 
Melvina    Morsman    at,    352;    de- 
gree conferred  on   Hepburn  by, 
352 
Corning,    163,    289;    Wallace-Hep- 
burn debate  at,  258 
Corporations,   attitude  of  Hepburn 
toward.     114,     116,     163,     164, 
244,     245,     403;     influence     of, 
232.    289;    attitude   of    Congress 
toward.    244,    245;    registration 
of,    396     (see    also    Trusts    and 
Monopoly) 
Corresidor     (Philippine    Islands). 

240 
Corruption,    attitude    of    Hepburn 

toward,    96,    97.    98,    414 
Corydon,    298,    382 
Costa  Rica,  purchase  of  land  from, 

202 
Cotton,   destruction  of,  84 
Council,    transcribing   clerk   of,    8 
Council  Bluffs,   93,   101,    102.   104, 
141,    286;     convention    in,     99; 
steamers  at,  113;  Federal  build- 
ing  in,    416 
Counties,  swamp  lands  in,  46 
Countv   seat,    location    of,    in   Mar- 

shail    County,    29-35 

Court,   frontier  sessions  of,   41,   42 

Court   martial,    Hepburn's    opinion 

of,    72,    73 ;    service   of   Hepburn 

in   connection   with,    72,    73,    75, 

83,    87 

Court     of     Commerce,     power     of, 

252:   criticism  of,    260 
Court  of  transportation,  255 
Courthouse,    erection    of,    in    Mar- 
shalltown,     30;     bonds     for,     in 
Marietta,    34,   35 
Courts,    power    of,    to    review   rate 
cases,   250,   260,   263,   264,   269- 
271 
Credit,  effect  of  silver  coinage  on, 
176 


INDEX 


445 


Creston,  convention  in,  159,  227, 
293;  reference  to,  160,  164, 
285,  382;  Federal  building  in, 
416:  Federal  district  .court  in, 
416;    population   of,    416 

Creston  Blue  Grass  Palace,   162 

Creston  Gazette,  quotation  from, 
162 

Criminals,   exclusion  of,    153,   155 

Crocker,  Marcellus  M.,   26 

Crosby,  W.  O.,  campaign  managed 
by,   136;   reference  to,  379 

Cuba,  annexation  of,  196,  197; 
independence  of,  198;  reciproc- 
ity with,    318,   426,   427 

Cullom,  Shelby  M.,  Hepburn  rate 
bill  supported  by,  268 ;  appoint- 
ment of,  on  conference  commit- 
tee,  273 

Cullom  bill,  advocacy  of,  by  Hep- 
burn, 134,  135,  138;  provisions 
of,  134,  135 ;  opposition  of  An- 
derson to,  137;  endorsement  of, 
by  Iowa  General  Assembly,  138; 
reference  to,   380 

Cummings,  Amos  J.,  quotation 
from,    199 

Cummins,  Albert  B.,  Hepburn  con- 
gratulated by,  166,  167;  can- 
didacy of,  for  Senate,  179,  224, 
297,  298,  299,  415;  party  lead- 
ership of,  225;  attitude  of,  on 
tariff,  225,  226,  230;  election  of, 
as  Governor,  225,  291,  293, 
294;  criticism  of  Hepburn  rate 
bill  by,  254,  406;  reference  to, 
263,  303,  304;  progressive 
leadership  of,  289,  293,  298, 
300,  332;  attitude  of  Hepburn 
toward,  291,  292,  293,  303, 
338,  433;  attitude  of,  toward 
Hepburn.  292 ;  candidacy  of, 
for  President,  335,  3:56  attitude 
of,  on  "Iowa  idea",   396 

Currency,  attitude  of  Cleveland 
on,  170;  attitude  of  Democrats 
on,  170,  171,  172,  174;  attitude 
of  Hppl)urn  on,  172-177,  184, 
185;  defense  of  treasury  notes 
as,  172,  173;  solution  of  ques- 
tion of,  173;  Republican  record 
on,  183,  184;  regulation  of, 
184,  185;  problem  of,  295 
Customs  administration,  frauds  in, 
149,  150;  investigation  of,  by 
Hepburn,    157 

Customs  Court,  candidnov  of  Hep- 
burn  for,   308 

Dairy,  work  of  Hepburn  for,  132 
Dakota,  admission  of,  144 


Dalzell,  John,  315,  327 

Danville    (Illinois),    324 

Davenport,  Camp  McClellan  at, 
50 ;  Second  Iowa  Cavalry  at. 
50,  52,  358,  359;  location  of 
post  office  at,   158 

Davey,  Robert  C,  rate  bill  of, 
251;  reference  to,  254;  tribute 
of.    to    Hepburn,    257 

Davis,  F.  M.,  opinion  of,  concern- 
ing Hepburn,    163 

Davis,   Fred,   352 

Davis,   Henry  W.,    119 

Davis.   .Ipff'-rson,   364 

Debate,  abilitv  of  Hepburn  in,  38, 
39,  96,  98,  105,  117,  118,  119, 
123,  136,  179,  182,  189,  195, 
199,  255.  256.  309,  319,  323, 
328;  opportunity  for,  375;  free- 
dom of,   425 

Debates,  holding  of,  129,  136,  381, 
382 

Debts,   collection  of,    150,    157 

Decatur  County,   186.  329.  377 

Decorah.    353 

Delaware,    181,    182 

Demagogue,    345 

Democrat,  vote  of  Hepburn  for, 
338,    339 

Democratic  party,  candidates  of, 
for  Congress,  126,  133.  164, 
293.  296.  299,  371,  394,  397, 
412;  attitude  of.  on  prohibition, 
127;  candidate  of.  for  Governor, 
129:  record  of.   130 

Democrats,  opinions  of,  concern- 
ing Hepburn,  39,  40,  222,  425; 
policies  of,  43 ;  criticism  of,  by 
Hepburn.  97.  183.  184,  229; 
fusion  of,  97,  164.  165,  180, 
293,  297,  298,  303,  304;  refer- 
ence to,  105,  132.  137.  161,  251, 
331;  attitude  of,  toward  pen- 
sions, 118,  120;  conduct  of 
campaign  bv,  165,  302-304; 
control  of  Congress  by,  166; 
faction  of,  170;  control  of  gov- 
ernment by,  170;  j)rogram  of, 
170;  partisanship  of,  170,  171; 
attitude  of,  on  currencv  ques- 
tion. 170.  171,  172,  174;  effect 
of  election  of,  171.  172;  effect 
of  administration  by,  183;  rec- 
ord of,  183 ;  coinage  of  silver 
by.  184:  opposition  of,  to  Hep- 
burn, 185.  186:  attitude  of,  on 
imperialism.  196:  attitude  of, 
on  railroad  legislation,  254;  at- 
titude of.  on  Hepburn  rate  bill, 
268 ;  strength  of,  in  eighth  dis- 
trict,  299;    floor  leader  of,   314, 


446 


INDEX 


316;    reform    of    standing    rules 
by,    314,    316,    317;    cooperation 
of,    with    insurgents,    320,    321; 
filibuster  by,   425,   426 
Denver    (Colorado),    258 
Department    of    Agriculture,    pure 
food     administration     by,     278, 
279;   reference  to,   330 
Department    of    the     Cumberland, 

commander  of,   77 
Department    of    the    Tennessee,    81 
Departments,  appointments  to  civil 

service  by  heads  of,  192 
Dependent    pensions    bill,    attitude 

of  Hepburn  toward,   118,   120 

Desertion,    problem   of,    421 

Des    Moines,     27,     29,     140,     179, 

353;   conventions  in,  44,   95,  97, 

180,    181,   331;   barbecue  in,   96 

Des    Moines    River    Land    Settlers' 

Union,  Hepburn  praised  by,  379 

Des   Moines   Vallev,   land   titles   in, 

132,   379 
Dilatory   motions,    310,   324 
Dingley   tariff,    effect    of,    225 
Direct   legislation,    333;    opposition 
of   Hepburn   to,    333,    334,    335; 
effect  of,   335;  fault  of,  434 
Discipline,     attitude     of     Hepburn 

toward,    70 
Discrimination,       prohibition       of, 

248,   249,   263,   264,   272,   381 
Dishon.    William,   34 
Dispatchers,    hours   of,    410 
Distilleries,  supervision  of,  378 
District     attorney,     nomination     of 
Hepburn  for,   37;  campaign  for, 
38-41;    election    of    Hepburn    as, 
41;  salary  of,  43  ;  duties  of,  41, 
42  ;   success  of  Hepbiirn  as,  42  ; 
Anderson    as,    99;    reference   to, 
150,    380 
District    court     (Iowa),    cases    be- 
fore,  32,   35;   reference  to,   343 
District    courts     (United    States), 

278 
District    of    Columbia,    government 

of,    178 
Dockertv,   Alexander  M.,   207 
Dodge,   Grenville  M.,  43;   Hepburn 

recommended  by.    146 
Dollar,    value   of,    175,    176 
Dolliver,    Jonathan    P.,    speech    of, 
142;    appointment    of,    as    Sena- 
tor, 224;  reference  to,  225,  261; 
sunnort  of  Henburn  rate  bill  bv. 
268,     270,     271;     leadership     of 
Progressives     by,     332 :     service 
of,    against    liquor    traffic,    378; 
rate  bill  of,    408 
Double  standard,   173,   174,    177 


Dragoons,  United  States,  experi- 
ences of,   1 

Drugs,  misbranding  of,  277,  278, 
279,  283;  adulteration  of,  277, 
278,   279.   283 

Dubuque,  G.  A.  R.  encampment 
at,   435 

Dubuque  Times,  27;  opinion  ex- 
pressed in,    105 

Dunmore,    Lord,   6 

Eastman,   Enoch  W.,   26 

Eaton,  William,  opinion  of  Hep- 
burn by,    160 

Economics,  influence  of,  on  poli- 
tics,   131 

Economy,  attitude  of  Hepburn  to- 
ward,   110,    111,    112,   372 

Education,    facilities   for,    10 

Eighth  Congressional  District,  can- 
didates for  Congress  in,  99,  100, 
103,  104,  126,  131,  133,  160- 
162,  164,  182,  292,  293,  296, 
394,  397,  433;  convention  in, 
99-104,  395;  election  results  in, 
106,  126,  138,  139,  166,  180, 
186,  223,  224,  225,  234,  294, 
304,  371;  reference  to,  114, 
233;  counties  of.  126,  133,  377; 
opinion  of  Hepburn  in,  131, 
132,  160,  164,  288;  campaign 
in,  135.  136,  159,  231.  293, 
294,  297-304;  work  of  Repre- 
sentatives from,  163 ;  party 
strength  in,  165,  166,  186, 
299;  voters  in,  169;  patronage 
in,  169;  free  silver  sentiment 
in,  180,  185,  186;  opposition  to 
Hepburn  in,  185,  186.  258, 
297,  298.  299,  302-304;  attitude 
of  farmers  in,  185 ;  political 
conditions  in,  223,  292,  293, 
296,  297.  382;  reception  of 
Hepburn  in,  285,  286;  control 
of.  289,  290;  Cummins  in,  292, 
298;  public  buildings  in,  301; 
highways  in,  374;  Republican 
chairman  in,  379;  work  of  Hep- 
burn for  postal  facilities  in,  415 

Eighth  General  Assemblv,   43,   357 

Eldora,    40 

Election,  contest  of,  by  Hepburn, 
306,    307 

Elections,    regulation   of,    433,    434 

Elections.  Committee  on,  selection 
of,    320;    Henburn   on,    376 

Eleventh  Congressional  District, 
291 

Eleventh  judicial  district,  cam- 
paign in,  37-41;  prosecuting  at- 
torney in,  41,  42 ;  cou'-t  sessions 


INDEX 


447 


in,  41,  42;  swamp  lands  in,  46; 
counties  in,  356;  population  of, 
357 

Elkins,  Stephen  B.,  opposition  of, 
to  Hepburn  rate  bill,  268;  ap- 
pointment of,  on  conference 
committee,   273 

Elkins  Act,  provisions  of,  248; 
support  of,  by  Hepburn,  248, 
249;   effect  of,   249 

Elliott,  Washington  L.,  character 
of,  52  ;  reference  to,  59,  66,  68, 
70,  361;  praise  of  Hepburn  b}', 
63,  64;  promotion  of,  66,  67; 
treatment  of  Hepburn  by,  66 ; 
raid  led  by,    67 

Ellis  Island,  immigrant  station  on, 
155,   156 

Emigration  Commissioners,  inves- 
tigation of,  151-154;  adminis- 
tration of,  152,  153 ;  termina- 
tion of  contract  with,  153,  154, 
156 

Employment,   hours  of,   410 

England,  Hepburn  in,  410 

English,  training  of  Hepburn  in, 
13 

Entrenchments,  description  of,  362 

Equal  suffrage  (see  Woman  suf- 
frage) 

Esch,  John  J.,  rate  bill  of,  251, 
254 

Esch-Tovirnsend  bill,  passage  of, 
255 ;  provisions  of,  255 ;  sup- 
port of,  by  Hepburn,  255,  256, 
261;    reference   to,    407 

Estes,  J.  S.,  nomination  of,  for 
Congress,    293 

Europe,  government  ownership  in, 
246:  ministers  in,  390;  trip  of 
Hepburn   to,   410 

Evarts,    William   M.,    145 

Expediting  Act,   265 

Expenditures  of  the  Department  of 
Agriculture,    Committee   on,    330 

Express  companies,  regulation  of, 
267,   272 

Fair  Haven  (Vermont),  founding 
of,   4 

Fairfax,  Ann,   4 

Fairfax,   Bryan,   4 

Farmers,  hard  times  among,  131; 
work  of  Heplnirn' for,  132;  in- 
fluence of  Wallace  on,  138;  at- 
titude of,  toward  Hepburn.  138, 
159,  256,  258,  262;  literature 
sent  to,  185:  attitude  of.  on 
reciprocity,  227:  attitude  of.  on 
railroad  regulation,  232,  233; 
opposition   of,    to   Hepburn   rate 


bill,    254,    406;    attitude    of,    to- 
ward Congressmen,   259 

Farming,  experiment  of  Hampton 
in,  6,  7,  8 ;  pioneer  methods  of, 
7 

Farmington  (Mississippi),  engage- 
ment  near,    64-66 

Federal  government,  collection  of 
money  due  to,  150,  151;  con- 
struction of  canal  by,  201,  202, 
209,  210,  213;  control  of  rail- 
roads by,  263;  power  of,  333; 
threat   to   overthrow,    364 

Federalists,   opposition   to,   4,   5 

Fifteenth  Amendment,   96 

Fifth   Congressional   District,   95 

Fifth  General  Assembly,  26,   27 

Fifty-third  Congress,  control  of,  by 
Democrats,  170;  special  session 
of,  170;  work  of  Hepburn  in, 
171-175,  309,  416;  reference  to, 
317 

Fifty-fourth  Congress,  work  of 
Hepburn  in,  175-177,  187,  201, 
400,  404;  Speaker  during,  187; 
canal  legislation  in,  201;  refer- 
ence to,   311,   313,   404 

Fifty  fifth   Congress,   work  of  Hep- 
burn in,   183-192,   202-207,   311 
400,    401,    402,    404,    416,    418 
canal     legislation     in,     201-207 
control  of  House  in,   203  ;  refer- 
ence to,  207,  311,  313,  404 

Fifty-sixth  Congress,  207,  313, 
314,  316,  424;  control  of  House 
in,  208;  Speaker  of  House  in, 
208;  work  of  Hepburn  in,  208- 
216,  277,  313-315,  410;  canal 
legislation  in,  216;  pure  food 
bills  in,  277;  allotment  of  seats 
in,   425 

Fifty-seventh  Congress,  canal  leg- 
islation in,  216-219;  work  of 
Hepburn  in,  216-219,  277-279, 
315-317,  378,  394,  400,  410; 
pure  food  bills  in,  277-279;  ref- 
erence to,  315,  318,  425 

Fiftv-eighth  Congress,  work  of 
Hepburn  in,  249,  250-257,  279 
281,  378.  399,  400,  420;  refer 
ence   to,   250,   317 

Fifty-ninth  Congress,  canal  legis 
lation  in,  222;  work  of  Hep 
burn  in,  222,  264-275,  281-285 
288,  378,  410,  412,  414,  416, 
417,  420;  pure  food  legislation 
in,  281-285;  reference  to,  285 
292 

Filibuster,  conduct  of,  by  Hep 
burn,  114,  115;  prevention  of 
323,  324;  futility  of,  375 


448 


INDEX 


Filipinos,    240 

Finance,  43,  165 ;  Republican  rec- 
ord on,    183 

Financial  stringency,  6;  cause  of, 
131,    171,    172,   183 

Financial  World,  The,  opinion  ex- 
pressed in,   428,  429 

Finn,   George  L.,  394 

First   Congress,    size   of,    425 

First  Illinois  Light  Artillery,   367 

First   Iowa   Cavalry,   49 

First  Iowa   Infantry,  48 

First   West  Tennessee  Cavalry,  366 

Flag  Day,   236 

Flick,  James  P.,  mention  of,  for 
Congress,  103 ;  retirement  of, 
160 

Flinn,   Mr.,   337 

Florida,  James  S.  Hepburn  in,  3 

Food,  misbranding  of,  276,  277, 
278,  279,  283;  adulteration  of, 
276,  277,  278,  279,  283;  stand- 
ards of,  278,  279,  281,  283,  284 

Foote,  Andrew  H.,  58 

Foraker,  Joseph  B.,  campaign  of, 
185;  opposition  of,  to  Hepburn 
rate  bill,  268,  270;  attitude  of, 
on  railroad  regulation,  2  70;  ref- 
erence to,   389 

Forrest,  N.   B.,   activities  of,  85 

Fort,  J.  F.,  work  of,  in  Republican 
national  convention,    181,   182    ■ 

Fort  Dodge,   40 

Fort  Donelson,    54.    55 

Fort   Henry,    54,   55 

Fort   Pickering,   Hepburn  at,   87 

Fort   Pillow,   61 

Fort   Sumter,   capture  of,   47,  49 

Fort  Washington,    4 

Forty-seventh  Congress,  work  of 
Hepburn  in,  107,  108,  119,  120, 
377,  399,  416,  419;  reference 
to,   376 

Forty-eighth  Congress,  work  of 
Hepburn  in,  108,  109-111,  119, 
120:   reference  to,   376 

Fortv-ninth  Congress,  work  of 
Hepburn  in,  108,  112-116,  119, 
120,  132,  134,  140,  276,  378, 
399;   reference  to,   376 

Foster,    Samuel,    360 

Fourth  Illinois  Cavalry,  366 

France.   213 

Franklin  County,   356 

Free  silver,  opposition  of  Hepburn 
to.  133,  134,  176,  177:  cam- 
paign based  on,  180;  result  of, 
184,  185;  sentiment  for,  185, 
186 

Free  trade,  226;  results  of,  228 

Freight,  231 


Freight  loading  company,  promo- 
tion   of,    90 

Fremont  County,  99,  100,  136, 
186;  importance  of.  in  campaign 
of  1886,   133,   139 

Frontier,  location  of,  7;  conditions 
on,  19,  20,  36;  removal  of  Hep- 
burn to,    92 

Frye,  William  P.,  work  of,  for 
Revenue  Cutter  Service,  418, 
419,    421 

Fuller,   R.   C,    157 

Furlough,  Hepburn  desirous  of, 
70;  reasons  for,  363 

Galveston  (Texas),  opposition  of 
Hepburn  to  improvement  of  har- 
bor of,  111 

Gardner,  Augustus  P.,   321,  429 

Garfield,  James  A.,  inauguration 
of,  106;  military  service  of,  106; 
reference  to,   371 

Garfield,   James  R.,   337 

Gault,  Edward  J.,   138 

Gear,  John  H.,  43,  181;  opposi- 
tion to,  179,  180;  election  of,  to 
Senate,   179,    180;  death  of,   223 

General  Appraisers  (see  Board  of 
General  Appraisers) 

General  Assembly,  Stone  in,  99; 
reference  to,  415  (see  also  va- 
rious   Assemblies) 

German-American  Alliance,  pur- 
pose of,  198;  opposition  of  Hep- 
burn to,   198,    199 

Germans,  attitude  of  Hepburn  to- 
ward,  199 

Germantown    (Tennessee),    84 

Gladstone,  William  E.,  351 

Gold,  use  of,  for  currencv,  170, 
172,  173,  175,  176;  attitude  of 
Republicans  toward,    184 

Gold  bonds,  attitude  of  Cleveland 
on,  174;  opposition  of  Hepburn 
to.   174,   175 

Gold  reserve,  170,  172;  decline  of, 
174 

Gold  standard,  advocacy  of,  by 
bankers,   172;  Hepburn  for,  177 

Golden  wedding,  celebration  of. 
403 

Government,   interference  of,  250 

Government  ownership,  advantages 
of,  for  isthmian  canal,  213.  214; 
effect  of.  246.  247:  threat  of, 
246,  247;  opinion  of  Hepburn 
on.    246.    247,    403.    404 

Governor,  campaign  for,  126-131; 
reference  to,   260 

Governor's   Island.    154 

Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,   ad- 


INDEX 


449 


vocacy    of    pensions    by,     118 
support    of    Hepburn    by,    141 
encampment  of,   339,   340,   342 
tribute    of,     to    Hepburn,     343, 
344 ;  prominence  of  Hepburn  in, 
435 

Grange  decisions,  259 

Granger,  Gordon,  cavalry  praised 
bv,  63,  66 ;  reference  to,  70 ; 
staff  of,  71;  Hepburn  praised 
by,  74,  85 ;  transfer  of,  76 

Grant,  U.  S.,  mistake  of,  62 ; 
Hepburn's  criticism  of,  62,  360, 
361;  reference  to,  76,  97,  122, 
239,  435 ;  nomination  of,  for 
President,  96 ;  opposition  of 
Hepburn  to,   96,  97 

Great  Britain,   212 

Great  Debates  in  American  His- 
tory, speeches  of  Hepburn  in, 
377,  390,  393 

Greece,   196 

Greeley,  Horace,  96 

Green  Mountain  boys,  4 

Greenback  partv,  candidate  of,  for 
Congress,  126,  133,  371;  atti- 
tude of,  on  proiiibition,  127; 
candidate  of,  for  Governor,  129 

Greenbackers,   105,    137 

Greencastle  Township,  31,  33 

Gresham,  "Walter  Q.,  candidacy  of, 
for  President,   142 

Greytown    (Nicaragua),    202 

Grierson,  Benjamin  H.,  87;  troops 
commanded  by,  366 

Grimes,  James  W.,  14,  24,  27,  43, 
95 

Grinnell,   Josiah   B.,   14,   24 

Grist   mills,    establishment    of,    4 

Griswold,   H.   E.,   435 

Grosvenor,  Charles  H.,  207_;  can- 
didacy of,   for   Speakership,   426 

Guam,   annexation  of,   194 

Guimoras  Strait,  241 

Halleck,  Henry  W.,  character  of, 
61 

Hamilton,   Hugh,    10 

Hamilton,  Schuyler,  63,  360 

Hamilton,  William,   10 

Hamilton   County,    356 

Hampton,  Catherine,  episode  con- 
cerning, 12;  husband  of,  354 

Hampton,  George  S.,  business  of, 
5,  21,  22;  removal  of,  to  Iowa, 
6;  land  owned  by,  6,  7,  8;  ex- 
periment of,  in  farming,  6,  7, 
8 ;  services  of,  as  transcribing 
clerk,  8;  character  of,  10;  ser- 
vice of,  as  clerk  of  Supreme 
Court,  14;  offices  of,  350 

30 


Hampton,  Mrs.  George  S.,  school 
taught  by,  10  (see  also  Catlett, 
Ann  Fairfax) 

Hampton,   William,    11 

Hancock  County,   356 

Hanna,  Marcus  A.,  campaign  man- 
agement by,  181;  control  by, 
225 

Hardin   County,    356 

Harlan,  James,  school  taught  by, 
10  ;  newspaper  work  of,  13  ;  ref- 
erence to,  24,  43,  96;  estimate 
of,  by  Hepburn,  351 

Harper's  Ferry    (Virginia),   43 

Harriman,  Edward  H.,  program 
of,  247 

Harris,  Robert,  correspondence  of, 
with  Hepburn,  139,  140;  Hep- 
burn recommended  by,  145 ;  ref- 
erence to,  382 

Harris,   Sheriff,  34 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  candidacy  of, 
for  President,  142-145 ;  election 
of,  as  President,  145;  letters  to, 
146;  appointment  of  Hepburn 
by,    146,    147 

Harrison,   Edgar,   18 

Harrison,   Edmond,    18 

Harrison  County,   100 

Harsh,  J.  B.,  candidacv  of,  for 
Congress,  160,  161,  162,  164; 
political  record  of,  160,  162; 
reputation  of,  160,  162;  service 
of,  in  Senate,  386 

Hartsock,  James  R.,  position 
sought  by,   148 

Hatch.  Edward,  51,  70,  79;  charge 
led  by,  65;  raid  led  by,  361; 
troops  commanded  by,  366,   367 

Hawaii,  annexation  of,  188,  194- 
197;  government  of,  197;  fu- 
ture of,  235;  visit  of  Hepburn 
to,  235-239,  402;  care  of  lepers 
in,  237,  238,  399;  reference  to, 
390,  391;  Collector  of  Internal 
Revenue  in,  397;  immigration 
to,   427 

Hawaiians,  opinion  of,  concerning 
Hepburn,   236 

Hay-Pauncefote  Treatv,  effect  of, 
208,  212:  terms  of,  210,  212, 
216;  ratification  of,  216 

Hayes,   Rutherford   B..   98 

Hazins,  attitude  of  Hepburn  on, 
421,  422 

Hearst,  William  R.,  rate  bill  of, 
251;  reference  to,   254 

Henderson.  D.  B.,  159,  181.  311, 
313,  426;  position  of,  as  Speak- 
er, 208,  425;  retirement  of, 
from    Congress,    317 


450 


INDEX 


Henderson,  Henry  C,  30,  33 

Heney,   Francis  J.,   337 

Hennepin  Canal,  support  of,  by 
Hepburn,  372,  373 

Hepburn,  Bertha,  368 

Hepburn,  Charles  B.,  368,  435, 
436;  service  of,  in  Signal  Corps, 
421 

Hepburn,  Edith  C,  368;  marriage 
of,  369  (see  also  Thummel, 
Edith  HeplDurn) 

Hepburn,  Fanny,  2 ;  scrap  book 
by,  371 

Hepburn,  Frank,  368;  murder  of, 
389 

Hepburn,   Hanson,    8 

Hepburn,  James  S.,  character  of, 
2 ;  career  of,  2,  3 ;  wife  of,  3 

Hepburn,  Margaret,  368  (see  also 
Chamberlain,  Margaret  Hep- 
burn) 

Hepburn,  Peter,   305 

Hepburn,  William  P.,  birth  of,  1 ; 
name  of,  1,  349;  ancestry  of, 
2-5 ;  boyhood  of,  2-12 ;  relatives 
of,  2,  5,  6,  8,  11,  349,  354; 
home  of,  2,  7,  8,  10,  19,  20,  89, 
90,  92,  329,  353,  354,  369;  ap- 
pearance of,  5,  11,  15,  123, 
189,  390:  journey  of,  to  Iowa, 
6,  7,  366:  pioneer  experiences 
of,  7,  8,  9,  19,  20,  41,  42;  re- 
ligious training  of,  9 ;  character 
of.  9,  12,  37,  38.  42,  73,  79, 
90,  91,  93,  106,  117,  139,  146, 
148,  149,  158,  165,  179,  187, 
188,  198,  199,  204,  205,  206, 
215,  216.  224,  255,  256,  257, 
258.  262.  275,  286,  300,  305, 
306.  307,  308,  309,  314,  318, 
328,  329,  331,  341-345,  390, 
403.  407,  408,  431,  436;  educa- 
tion of,  10,  11,  13;  employment 
of,  in  general  store,  11:  nick- 
name of,  11.  351;  courtship  of, 
12,  15,  16:  study  of  law  by, 
13-17:  political  training  of,  13, 
14.  15.  24.  25,  27;  printer  ap- 
prenticeship of,  13,  400.  401; 
admission  of,  to  bar,  16,  17; 
residence  of,  in  Chicago,  16,  17; 
service  of,  as  deputy  county 
clerk,  17:  health  of,  18.  60.  69, 
224.  339,  340,  341.  365,  366, 
394:  marriage  of,  18,  353.  354; 
location  of.  in  Marshalltown.  19  ; 
law  practice  of.  19.  21.  22.  26, 
33,  89.  90.  92,  93.  139,  140, 
308,  330,  339,  356,  372,  382; 
property  of.  20,  88,  328,  329, 
354,    363;  law  partners  of,   22, 


92,  93,  368;  presence  of,  at 
first  Republican  convention,  24, 
25,  354;  election  of,  as  prose- 
cuting attorney,  25 ;  services  of, 
as  prosecuting  attorney,  25,  26  ; 
ability  of,  as  lawyer,  25,  26,  37, 
38,  42,  93,  146."  343;  services 
of,  as  clerk  in  House,  26,  27, 
28,  29,  30,  355,  357;  investiga- 
tion of  school  fund  accounts  by, 
27,  40,  41;  county  seat  contest 
led  by,  30,  32-35;  election  of,  as 
district  attorney,  37-41;  public 
opinion   of,    37,    38,    42,    96,    98, 

105,  117,  140,  141,  146,  147, 
148,     156,     160-164,     166,     167, 

179,  209,    210,    211,    218,    222, 

223,  252'-254,  305,  341-345; 
tributes  to,  37,  38,  42,  105,  118, 
119,  146,  156,  166,  167,  182, 
209,    210,    218,    219,    222,    223, 

224,  252.  253.  256.  257,  261, 
262,285,286,287,305,  306,  341- 
345,  436;  ability  of,  as  debater, 
38,39,96,98,105,  117,  118,  119, 
123,  136,  179,  182,  189,  195, 
199,  255,  256,  309,  319,  323, 
328,  419,  420;  participation  of, 
in  political  campaigns,  43,  126- 
146,  159,  165,  179-186,  223- 
234,  290-304,  331-339,  379; 
participation  of,  in  Republican 
national  convention,  44-46  95 
96.  142,  181,  182;  promotion  of 
railroads  by,  44,  94;  participa- 
tion of,  in  Republican  State 
convention,  44.  95.  97.  127    142 

180,  181,  182-185,  300, '332,' 
333,  336,  355,  371:  efforts  of, 
to  secure  swamp  land  titles,  46; 
presence  of,  at  first  inaugura- 
tion of  Lincoln,  46:  trip  of,  to 
Washington,  46,  106,  167:  atti- 
tude of,  toward  enlistment,  49, 
50:  company  raised  by,  49,  50, 
358;  commission  of,  as  captain, 
50;  military  career  of,  50-87; 
promotion  of.  to  ma.ior.  51:  abil- 
ity of,  as  military  officer.  51,  66, 
72,  74,  75,  86;  feeling  of.  under 
fire,  64;  promotion  of,  to  lieu- 
tenant colonel,  70,  71,  73,  74, 
75;    opposition   to,    70.    73,    105^ 

106,  185,  186.  289.  290.  292 
293,  296,  297,  298,  302-304, 
303,  408;  staff  duty  of,  71-80; 
court  martial  duty  of,  72,  73, 
75,  83,  87;  removal  of.  to  Mem- 
phis. 89;  interest  of,  in  Memphis 
Street  Railway.  90;  organization 
of   freight  loading   company  by. 


INDEX 


451 


90;  removal  of,  to  Clarinda,  91, 
92 ;  newspaper  edited  by,  92 ; 
activities  of,  in  Iowa  Bar  Asso- 
ciation, 93 ;  employment  of,  by 
Burlington  Railroad,  93,  97; 
prominence  of,  94,  95,  97,  117, 
131,  132,  141,  179,  185,  187, 
188,  219,  222,  243,  244,  288, 
289,  317,  328,  331,  342,  412; 
participation  of,  in  soldiers'  and 
sailors'  conventions,  95;  par- 
ticipation of,  in  Republican  Con- 
gressional convention,  95,  355  ; 
mention  of,  for  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor, 96;  affiliation  of,  with 
Liberal  Republicans,  96,  97; 
return  of,  to  Republican  party, 
97;  election  of,  as  Presidential 
elector,  97,  145;  opponents  of, 
for  Congress,  99-103,  126,  133, 
186,  226,  289,  292,  293,  296, 
297,  299,  302,  394,  397;  nomi- 
nation of,  for  Congress,  99-104, 
126,  132,  160-164,  182,  227, 
380,  395;  reception  for,  104, 
285,  286,  402,  403;  political 
record  of,  105 ;  election  of,  to 
Congress,  105,  106,  126,  166, 
180,  186,  223,  224,  225,  234, 
293,  294;  opposition  of,  to  pork 
barrel  legislation,  107-116,  374- 
376;  filibuster  led  by,  114-116; 
work  of,  for  pensions,  117-125, 
168-170,  302;  partisanship  of, 
117,  118,  121-125,  132,  171, 
172,  173,  174,  176,  177,  183- 
185,  237,  295,  296,  300,  328, 
412,  414,  431,  433;  comment 
on  speech  of,  118;  debate  of, 
with  Wheeler,  121-125;  reputa- 
tion of,  for  industry,  126;  work 
of,    against    liquor    traffic,     128, 

129,  130,  131,  377,  378;  com- 
mittee membership  of,  128,  187, 
243,  288,  376,  391;  speeches  of, 

130,  159,  227-230,  399,  400, 
420,  434,  435;  debates  of,  with 
Anderson,  136,  137,  138,  381, 
382;  defeat  of,  for  Congress, 
138,  139,  304,  306;  support  of, 
by  soldiers,  140,  141;  candidacv 
of,  for  Senate,  140,  141,  179, 
180,  223,  224;  nomination  of 
Allison  for  President  by,  143, 
144;  mention  of,  for  Commis- 
sioner of  Patents,  145;  can- 
didacy of,  for  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission,  145,  146; 
mention  of,  for  Cabinet,  145, 
307,  308;  work  of,  as  Solicitor 
of  Treasury,    146-158;   motto  of 


clan  of,  147;  disposal  of  patron- 
age by,  148,  149,  168,  169, 
302,  383,  389,  390;  candidacy 
of,  for  Board  of  General  Ap- 
praisers, 156 ;  attitude  of  farm- 
ers toward,  159,  256,  257,  258; 
attitude  of,^  Republicans  toward, 
160-164,  166,  167;  Congression- 
al record  of,  163,  301,  317,  318, 
328,  333;  friends  of,  165;  Re- 
publicanism of,  171,  ability  of, 
as  parliamentarian,  187,  203- 
206;  advocacy  of  Hawaiian  an- 
nexation bv,  195-197;  patriotism 
of,  198,  199,  200,  209,  210,  213, 
216,  339,  340,  345,  391,  398; 
advocacy  of  isthmian  canal  bv, 
200-222;  provisions  of  canal  bill 
by,  202,  208,  216,  217;  debate 
of,  with  Cannon,  203-206,  214- 
216,  219;  praise  of,  for  canal 
legislation,  218,  219,  222;  trips 
of,  to  Panama,  221;  definition 
of  Standpatters  by,  228;  opinion 
of,  concerning  Roosevelt,  229, 
238;  disagreement  of,  with 
"Wallace,  231-234;  open  letter  to, 
232,  233;  climax  in  life  of, 
234;  trip  of,  to  Orient,  235- 
242,  402;  opinion  of,  by  Ha- 
waiians,  236  ;  interest  of,  in  leper 
colony,  237,  238,  399,  400;  vis- 
it of,  to  Japan,  239,  240;  visit 
of,  to  Philippines,  240-242;  vis- 
it of,  to  China,  242 ;  chief  work 
of,  243 ;  services  of,  on  trans- 
portation question,  243-275, 
380,  381,  410;  defense  of  El- 
kins  bill  by,  248,  249;  cooper- 
ation of,  with  Roosevelt,  252, 
253,  261,  292,  301,  302,  305, 
306,  396;  opposition  of  Wallace 
to,  253,  254,  258,  259,  263, 
407;  support  of,  by  Perkins, 
253,  292,  301,  305,  306;  op- 
position of  Cummins  to,  254, 
263,  292,  297,  298;  hanging  of, 
in  effigy,  256,  257;  loving  cup 
presented  to,  257;  debate  of, 
with  Wallace,  258-262 ;  en- 
dorsement of,  by  Roosevelt,  261, 
262,  412;  service  of,  on  confer- 
ence committee,  273,  277,  284, 
410;  work  of,  for  pure  food, 
276-286;  criticism  of  muck- 
rakers  by,  287;  chairmanship 
of  Republican  caucus  held  bv, 
288,  319,  412;  letter  of,  to 
Turner,  290;  relations  of,  to 
Blythe,  290,  291,  292;  inde- 
pendence    of.     290,     291,     342, 


452 


INDEX 


343  345;  relations  of,  with 
Progressives,  290,  293,  294, 
295  296,  298,  300,  301,  303, 
304;  331,  333,  334,  337,  338, 
433;  support  of  Perkins  by, 
291-  opposition  of,  to  Cummins, 
291,  292,  335,  336,  415,  433; 
support  of  Cummins  by,  292, 
293,  303  ;  party  loyalty  of,  295, 
296,    306,    314,    316,    317,    318, 

331,  334,  338,  339;  campaign 
manager  for,  297,  379;  support 
of,  by  Lacey,  298;  support  of, 
by  Wilson,  298,  308;  sympathy 
for,  304,  305;  letter  to,  from 
Roosevelt,  305,  306;  contest  of 
election  bv,  306,  307;  friendship 
of,  for  Wilson,  307,  308;  can- 
didacy of,  for  Customs  Court, 
308 ;  Commissionership  of  Pen- 
sions offered  to,  308;  opposition 
of,  to  House  rules,  309-327; 
attitude  of,  on  power  of  Speak- 
er, 309,  310,  313,  315,  316, 
320,  324-327;  attitude  of,  on 
power  of  Committee  on  Rules, 
309,  313,  326,  327;  attitude  of, 
on  committee  organization,  313, 
320,  322,  325,  326;  candidacy 
of,  for  Speakership,  317-319, 
412 ;  insurgents  led  by,  320- 
327,  333,  430;  Wiley  defended 
by,  330;  support  of  Standpat- 
ters by,  331,  332,  333,  334, 
336;    support    of   Taft   by,    331, 

332,  334,  335,  336;  disagree- 
ment of,  with  Roosevelt,  333, 
335,  336,  337,  338;  comment 
of,  on  ReDublican  national  con- 
vention of  1912,  337;  attend- 
ance of.  at  G.  A.  R.  encamp- 
ment, 339,  340,  342;  death  of, 
341;  membership  of,  in  Society 
of  Sons  of  the  American  Revo- 
lution, 350 ;  degree  of  LL.  D. 
conferred  upon,  352;  Masonic 
career  of,  353 ;  misconduct  of, 
360;  application  of,  for  fur- 
lough, 363;  opinion  of,  on  mili- 
tary appointments,  364"  body 
seKvant  of,  365;  ministry  sug- 
gested to,  368;  familv  of,  368, 
369,  389,  397,  421,  435,  436; 
invention  by,  369;  deliverv  of 
s])eeches  by,  370;  service  of,  as 
law  examiner,  371;  attention  of, 
to  public  duties.  372:  work  of, 
to  quiet  land  title,  379;  service 
of,  as  college  trustee,  384;  mag- 
azine article  by,  392;  work  of, 
for    Department     of    Commerce 


and  Labor,  401,  402;  golden 
wedding  anniversary  of,  403 ; 
praise  of,  by  Committee  on  In- 
terstate and  Foreign  Commerce, 
407;  mention  of,  for  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission,  408 ; 
participation  of,  in  International 
Railway  Congress,  408;  trip 
of,  to  Europe,  410;  service  of, 
on  House  Office  Building  com- 
mission, 412;  work  of,  in  B^ifty- 
ninth  Congress,  412;  work  of, 
for  Revenue  Cutter  Service, 
417-421;  work  of,  for  Signal 
Corps,  421;  interest  of,  in  mili- 
tary affairs,  421-423;  debate  of, 
with  Tawney,  423 ;  change  in 
House  rules  proposed  by,  424; 
mention  of,  for  Speakership, 
424,  425,  427;  seat  of,  in  Fif- 
ty-sixth Congress,  425 ;  work 
of,  in  Sixtieth  Congress,  42  7- 
429 ;  work  of,  to  regulate  spec- 
ulation, 427-429;  young  men 
helped  by,  431;  chair  presented 
to,  432;  domestic  life  of,  432; 
G.  A.  R.  activities  of,  435 ;  cem- 
etery lots  of,  436 

Hepburn,  Mrs.  William  P.,  19,  22, 
28,  42,  46,  89,  235,  239,  286, 
287,  329,  353,  359,  368,  385, 
402;  character  of,  415;  custom 
of,  to  accompany  husband, 
415;  age  of,  435;  residence  of, 
436  (see  also  Morsman,  Mel- 
vina) 

Hepburn    (Iowa),   name   of,   370 

Hepburn-Dolliver    bill,    378 

Hepburn  rate  bill,  opinion  on, 
252-254,  266,  267,  .275;  provi- 
sions of,  252,  264,  265,  266, 
272-275;  public  debate  on,  266- 
271;  report  of,  266,  268;  pas- 
sage of,  268,  271,  275;  amend- 
ment of,  271,  272-275;  attitude 
of  Wallace  toward,  405  406; 
attitude  of  Cummins  toward, 
406;  opposition  of  Blythe  to, 
413 

Hess,    S.   J.,    24 

Heyburn,  Weldon  B.,  advocacy  of 
pure   food   bill   by,    281-283  ' 

Higgins,   Hattie,    16 

Higgins.  Van  H.,  acquaintance  of, 
with  Hepburn,  16;  appearance 
of,    16;    reference   to,    352 

Hisrgins,   Mrs.  Van  H.,    16 

HigTins.  Beekwith,  and  Strother, 
law  firm  of,    16,    17,   352 

Hinds,   Asher  C,   321 

Hinds,  B.  H.,  opin-'on  of  Hepburn 
by,    156 


INDEX 


453 


History,  study  of,  by  Hepburn, 
13,    15,    106 

Holcombe,  R.  I.,  letter  of,  to 
Hepburn,    147 

Holt,    Joseph,    124 

Homer,   40 

Homestead  (Pennsylvania),  strike 
at,   166 

Homestead,  The  Iowa,  influence 
of,    138 

Homesteads,  Republicans  in  favor 
of,    183 

Hongkong  (China),  Taft  party  at, 
242 

Honolulu  (Hawaiian  Islands), 
visit  of  Hepburn  to,  235-239; 
Hepburn's  opinion  of,  236; 
Taft  party  in,  239 ;  reference 
to,    400 

Hoolka    Creek,    84 

Hopeville,    168 

Horses,  impressment  of,  by  Hep- 
burn, 79 ;  inspection  of,  by 
Hepburn,  79,  87;  capture  of, 
84,    85 

Hospital,  maintenance  of,  for  im- 
migrants,   152 

Hot  Springs  (Arkansas),  Hep- 
burn  at.    224 

Hours,  limitation  of,  for  railroad 
employees,    410 

House  of  Representatives  (Iowa), 
Hepburn  assistant  clerk  in,  26, 
27;  residence  of  officers  of,  27; 
Hepburn  chief  clerk  in,  27,  28, 
357;    reference   to,    355 

House  of  Representatives  (United 
States),  speech  bv  Hepburn  in 
107,  134,  229,  230,  295,  296 
rules  of,  114,  115,  203-207 
309-327,  311,  312,  313,  315 
424,  427,  429,  430,  431 
prominence  of  Hepburn  in,  117 
288,  289,  301,  328,  342,  343 
bills  passed  by,  120,  221,  238 
reference  to,  131,  174,  251 
252,  274,  331,  402,  414,  418 
419,  420,  421,  423,  430;  atti 
tude  of,  on  isthmian  canal 
201,  202,  216,  219;  control  of, 
203;  Speaker  of,  208,  317-319 
424,  425,  426,  427,  431;  in 
fluence  of,  212,  213;  disagree 
ment  of^  with  Senate,  220,  272 
277;  passage  of  rate  bill  by 
255;  debate  in,  255,  256;  rail 
road  regulation  bills  in,  265 
action  of,  on  pure  food  bill 
279,  280,  282,  284;  minority 
floor  leader  in,  314;  size  of, 
314,  315,  425;  Republican  cau 


cus  of,  412;  allotment  of  seats 
in,  425;  committee  sittings  in, 
429,    430 

House  Office  Building,  Hepburn 
on  construction  commission  of, 
412 

Houston    (Mississippi),    84 

Hughes,  Tom,   24 

Hull,  John  A.,  character  of,  38; 
debate  of,  with  Hepburn,  38, 
39 

Hungarians,   societies  of,    391    A 

Hungary,  government  ownership 
in,"  246 

Hurlbut,  Stephen  A.,  troops  com- 
manded by,    366 

Idiots,    exclusion    of,    153,    155 

Illinois,  prairies  of,  6 ;  admission 
of  Hepburn  to  bar  in,  16; 
Presidential  candidate  from, 
142;    reference  to,    205,    420 

Iloilo  (Philippine  Islands),  Taft 
party    in,    241 

Immigrants,  landing  of,  on  Sun- 
day, 151,  152,  153;  accommo- 
dations for,  152,  153,  154; 
condition  of,  152,  153 ;  exami- 
nation of,  153,  154,  156;  ex- 
clusion of,  154,  155;  American- 
ization   of,    154,    155,    198,    199 

Immigration,  investigation  of,  151- 
156,  384;  problems  of,  154, 
155;  restriction  of,  235,  236, 
397,   398,   426,   427 

Imogene,    convention   in,    133 

Imperialism,  attitude  of  Hepburn 
toward,  194-198;  United  States 
policy  of,  194-198;  attitude  of 
Democrats  on,  196;  reference 
to,    248 

Income   tax,    333 

Independence,  political  speeches 
at,    129,    130 

Independent,  The,  article  by  Hep- 
burn  in.   392 

Indiana,  forests  of,  6 ;  Presiden- 
tial candidate  from,  142; 
speeches   of   Hepburn    in,    159 

Indians,  9 

Industrial  development,  prophecy 
of,  1,  2 ;  realization  of,  224,  225 

Industrial  disputes,  arbitration 
of,    178 

Industrial    revolution,    401 

Inheritance   tax,    333 

Initiative    (see    Direct    legislation) 

Injunction,  use  of,  248,  260,  272; 
regulation  of,   427 

Inland    Sea.    242 

Insane,   exclusion  of,   153,   155 


454 


INDEX 


Insane  asylum,  maintenance  of, 
for    immigrants,    152 

Inspector  of  cavalry,  service  oj 
Hepburn    as,    78-80 

Insular  Affairs,  Committee  on, 
Hepburn   on,    391 

Insular  possessions,  attitude  of 
Hepburn    toward,     194-198 

Insurance  companies,  investiga- 
tion  of,    262 

Insurgents,  leadership  of,  by  Hep- 
burn, 309,  320,  333;  program 
of,  320,  322,  323,  325;  aciiieve- 
ment  of,  321,  327;  amendment 
of  House  rules  by,  429;  dis- 
agreement  among,    430,    431 

Internal  improvements  (see  Pub- 
lic improvements) 

International  Monetary  Confer 
ence,   failure  of,    175 

International  Railway  Congress 
Hepburn    at,    408 

Interstate  and  Foreign  Commerce 
Committee  on,  Hepburn  ap 
pointed  chairman  of,  187;  ref 
erence  to,  200,  221,  258,  320 
400,  402,  404,  409,  419;  action 
of,  on  canal  bill,  201,  202,  208 
209,  216;  criticism  of,  204;  re 
ports  by,  209,  210,  238,  418 
trips  of,  to  Panama,  221;  trib 
ute  of,  to  Hepburn,  222,  256 
257,  344,  407,  432;  service  of 
Hepburn  on,  243,  244,  276 
277,  285,  288,  289,  290;  hear 
ings  before,  250,  251;  work  of, 
on  railroad  regulation,  250 
251;  members  of,  251,  432 
opinion  of,  on  Hepburn  rate 
bill,  254,  265,  266;  Esch 
Townsend  bill  reported  by 
255;  hearings  before,  277;  re 
port  of,  on  pure  food  bill,  277 
279;   sittings   of,    430 

Interstate     Commerce,     Committee 
on    (Senate),   members   of.    268 
action  of,   on  Hepburn  rate  bill, 
268,    269;    reference   to,    409 

Interstate  commerce,  power  of 
States  over,    135 

Interstate  Commerce  Act,  provi- 
sions in,  247;  interpretation  of, 
248;  reference  to,  257,  264; 
support  of,  by  Hepburn,  380, 
381 

Interstate  Commerce  Commission, 
138,  255,  396,  410;  candidacy 
of  Hepburn  for.  145.  146,  408; 
attitude  of  Wallace  toward,  231, 
232,  233:  attitude  of  Hepburn 
toward,     231,     232,     234,     380; 


recommendation  of,  248 ;  pow- 
ers of,  249,  250,  251,  252,  260, 
263,  264,  265,  267,  269,  271, 
272^  406;  size  of,  252,  265, 
266,  272,  273;  salary  of  mem- 
bers of,  252,  265,  272,  273; 
term  of,   265,   266 

Inventions,  effect  of,   on  labor,  401 

Iowa,  journey  to,  6,  7 ;  admission 
of  Hepburn  to  bar  in,  17 ;  po- 
litical conditions  in,  23,  25" 
263,  335,  338,  382;  delegates 
of,  to  Republican  national  con 
vention,  44,  45,  181;  Southern 
sympathy  iii_,  48 ;  troops  from 
48,  358;  third  parties  in,  97 
prominence  of  Congressional 
delegation  from,  105;  reference 
to,  112,  159,  206,  329;  re 
districting  of,  126;  railroad 
pooling  in,  137,  138;  Presiden 
tial  candidate  from,  142,  143 
180-182;  strength  of  Republi 
cans  in,  143,  166,  227;  repre 
sentation  of,  on  Cabinet,  145 
307;  opinion  of  Hepburn  in 
179,  219,  232,  233;  Poraker 
in,  185;  Governor  of,  225,  226 
campaign  in,  231;  Speaker 
from,  319;  visit  of  Hepburn  to 
330,  336,  339,  366;  action  of 
Congressmen  from,  332 ;  admis 
sion  of,  389;  Federal  court  in 
416;    Grant   in,   435 

Iowa,    Territory   of,    capital   of,    6 
government    of,     198;     Superin- 
tendent    of     Public     Instruction 
in,    351 

Iowa  Capitol  Reporter  (Iowa 
City),  employment  of  Hepburn 
on,    13 

Iowa  City,  removal  of  Hepburn 
to,  6,  7,  10 ;  Legislative  Assem- 
bly in,  8 ;  schools  in,  10 ;  doc- 
tor in,  12  ;  visit  of  Hepburn  to, 
12,  159;  newspapers  in,  13; 
society  in,  15,  16;  reference  to, 
17,  20,  21,  26,  38,  49,  50,  52, 
91,  92,  353,  354,  360;  build- 
ing in,  22 ;  conventions  in,  23, 
355;  Hampton  in,  350;  mayor 
of,    351;    Morsman   in,    351 

Iowa  City  College,  Hepburn  in, 
10 ;  principal  of,   10 

Iowa  City  Lodge,  No.  4,  A.  F.  & 
A.  M.,  Hampton  in,  350;  Hep- 
burn in,   353 

Iowa  City  Republican,  employ- 
ment of  Hepburn  on,   13 

Iowa  City  Univp'"'"tv.  regent  of. 
350 


INDEX 


455 


Iowa  Falls,  40,   383 

"Iowa  idea",  substance  of,  225; 
repudiation  of,  227,  230;  refer- 
ence to,  300;  attitude  of  Cum- 
mins on,   396 

Iowa   River,    19 

Iowa  State  Agricultural  Society, 
350 

Iowa  State  Bar  Association,  exec- 
utive council  of,   93 

Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines), 
96,    98,    105 

Ireland,  Matthew  Lyon  from,  4 ; 
reference  to,    144 

Irish,   societies  of,   391 

Iron  works,  establishment  of,  by 
Lyon,   4 

Irving  Block  prison,  inspection  of, 
87 

Island  No.   8,  55 

Island  No.  10,  54,  55,  56;  opera- 
tions against,  54-60 ;  bombard- 
ment of,  57;  evacuation  of,  59, 
60,  61 

Isolation,  end  of,  195 

Isthmian  canal,  question  of,  200; 
advocacy  of,  by  Hepburn,  200- 
222;  necessity  for,  200,  201, 
209;  Congressional  debate  on, 
200,  203,  204,  207,  211-214, 
216,  217-219;  legislation  for, 
201-222;     investigation     of,  201, 

208,  211;  attitude  of  newspa- 
pers on,  201,  209;  opposition 
to,  203,  204,  210,  211,  218, 
219,  220;  defense  of,  208,218; 
American  control  of,  209,  210, 
212,    213,    216;    advantages    of, 

209,  213,  214;  neutralization 
of,  210;  destruction  of,  218; 
construction  of,  by  commission, 
219,  220;  reference  to,  248, 
311,  312,  392;  government 
ownership  of,  403,  404  (see 
also  Nicaragua  Canal  and  Pan- 
ama   Canal) 

Isthmian     Canal    Commission,    es- 
tablishment   of,    208;    report    of, 
219 
Isthmus    of    Panama,    208 ;    canal 

zone  in,   221 
Italians,   societies  of,   391 
Italy,   immigrants  from,   152 
luka     (Alabama),     battle    of,     77, 

365 
Ivev's     Hill     (Mississippi),     battle 
at,    86 

Jackson,   Andrew,    124 
Jackson    (Tennessee),   Hepburn  at, 
81 


Jamieson,  William  D.,  character 
of,  296,  297,  302;  candidacy 
of,  for  Congress,  296,  299,  302- 
304;   campaign  manager  of,  302 

Jamison,   J.  J.,   307 

Japan,  Taft  party  in,  239,  240, 
242 

Jerusalem  (Palestine),  consulship 
at,    148 

Jews,  335 

"Jim  Crow"  amendment,  272,  273 

Johns,   John,    44 

Johnson,  Andrew,  repudiation  of, 
by  soldiers,    95 

Johnson  County,  Hepburn  in,  7 ; 
deputy  clerk  in,  17;  reference 
to,  24,  26;  Hampton  in,  350; 
supervisor  of,  351;  old  settlers 
in,   434 

Johnston,   Albert   S.,    361 

Jolo  (Philippine  Islands),  Taft 
party   at,    241 

Jones,    Benjamin   F.,    27 

Judge  advocate,  attitude  of  Hep- 
burn toward  duties  of,  75,  76, 
78 ;  service  of  Hepburn  as,  75, 
76,    78,   435 

Judicial   district,    division   of,    416 

Judicial  review,  extent  of  power 
of,  251,  265,  267,  269-271; 
provision  for,  252,  260,  263, 
264,    267,    271 

Judiciary,  Committee  on,   Hepburn 

.     on,   376;   reference  to,   396,   399 

Junior  warden,   Hampton   as,    350 

Kamehameha  Day,   236 

Kansas,   Representative  from,    115 

Kansas  Central  Committee  of 
Iowa,    14 

Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  23 

Kasson,   John   A.,    43 

Kelley,  William  D.,  praise  of  Jlep- 
burn   by,    118,    119 

Kentucky,  Congressman  from,  5 ; 
Confederate   defense   in,    55 

Keokuk  dam,  dedication  of,   434 

Kinne,  L.  G.,  joint  debates  of,   129 

Kinney,  John  F.,  Hepburn  on 
farm  of,    11 

Kirkwood,  Samuel  J.,  14,  24  70 
73,  106,  357,  358;  campaign 
of,  40,  43 ;  inaugural  address 
of,  43 ;  troops  raised  by,  48 ; 
Hepburn  recommended  to,  74, 
75;  attitude  of,  toward  Hep- 
burn, 75 ;  criticism  of,  by  Hop- 
burn,    364 

Kirkwood   Hotel.    140 

Kobe  (Japan),  Taft  party  in,  240, 
242 


456 


INDEX 


"Korea"    (steamship),    242 
Kvoto     (Japan),     Taft    party     in, 
240 

Labor  disputes,  arbitration  of,  388 

Laborers,  contract  for,  157;  un- 
employment of,  172 ;  protection 
of,  178,  183,  227,  333,  395, 
397,  398:  organization  of,  238, 
239 ;  opposition  of,  to  Hepburn, 
303 ;  opposition  of,  to  Roose- 
velt, 335;  sympathy  of  Hepburn 
for,  401;  antagonism,  of,  to  cap- 
ital, 401,  402;  need  of,  in 
Cuba,    426,    427 

Lacey,  John  F.,  candidacy  of,  for 
Senate,  179,  224;  support  of 
Hepburn  by,  298;  Standpatters 
supported    by,    332 

La  Follette,  Robert  M.,  flTibuster 
by,  115;  candidacy  of,  for  Pres- 
ident,  335;    reference   to,    433 

La  Grange  (Tennessee),  Hepburn 
at,    81,    366 

Land,  sale  of,  21,  354;  grant  of, 
to  railroads,  44;  title  to,  in  Des 
Moines  Valley,  132 ;  grant  of, 
for  reclamation,  178 ;  invest- 
ment in,  by  Hepburn,  329;  title 
to   swamp,   358 

Larrabee,  William,  mention  of,  for 
Senate,    141 

Lathrop,   Henry  W.,   14,  24 

Latin,   study  of,  by  Hepburn,   15 

Law,  study  of,  by  Hepburn,  13- 
17;  practice  of,  bv  Hepburn, 
88,  89,  90,  91,  92,  93,  139. 
140,  308,  330,  339,  356,  368, 
372,   382;   origin  of,   196 

Law  suits,  instigation  of,  by  Hep- 
burn,  150,   IS"". 

Lawyer,  busintj^  of,  21;  ability 
of  Hepburn  as,  22,  25,  26,  37, 
38,    42,    93,    146,   343 

Lawrers,  tribute  of,  to  Hepburn, 
343 

Lee,  Harry  S.,  partnership  of, 
with   Hepburn,    368 

Lee,   S.  D.,   83,   85 

Lee  County,  Hepburn  on  farm  in, 
11 

Legaspi  (Philippine  Islands), 
harbor  of,   241 

Legislative  Assembly,  transcribing 
clerk   in,   8 

Le    Grand    Township,    31,    33 

Lepers,   colony  of,   238 

Leprosv,  studv  of,  238;  protection 
against,    399,   400 

Levees,  opposition  of  Hepburn  to, 
107-110,   112,   375 


Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition,  in- 
spection of,  3 

Leyte    Island,    Taft   party   on,    241 

Liberal  Republicans,  work  of 
Hepburn  for,  96,  97;  conven- 
tion of,  97;  failure  of,  97  (see 
Republicans    and    Progressives) 

Lieutenant  Colonel,  promotion  of 
Hepburn   to,    70,    71,    73,    74 

Lieutenant  Governor,  Hepburn 
mentioned   for,    96 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  44,  122;  nom- 
ination of,  for  President,  45, 
46;  inauguration  of,  46;  call 
of,    for   volunteers,    48 

Liquor  traffic,  regulation  of,  43, 
378,  427;  issue  on,  in  1883, 
126;  constitutional  amendment 
on,  126,  127;  attitude  of  po- 
litical parties  toward,  127;  at- 
titude of  Hepburn  on,  127-129, 
130,  131,  377,  378;  investiga- 
tion   of,    377 

Litigation,   expedition  of,  260 

Little    Rock    (Arkansas),    82 

Littlefield,  Charles  E.,  candidacy 
of,  for  Speakership,  426 

Lobb'-.    influence   of,    269 

Log-rolling,  attitude  of  Hepburn 
on,    113,   116,   342,   374,  429 

Logan,    story   of,    5,    6 

"Logan"     (transport),    242 

Long  and  short  haul,  nullification 
of.  248 ;  attitude  of  Hepburn 
on,    380,   381 

Loner  Branch  Life  Saving  Station, 
158 

Lookout   Mountain,    130 

LoTiisiana,    112 

Louisiana  Purchase,  result  of.  194 

Louisville    (Kentucky);    3.    6,    76 

Love.    Hiram   W..    52 

Lovering,   William  C.   254 

Loving  cup,  presentation  of,  to 
Hepburn,    257 

Low.   Seth.   396 

Lucas   County,   377 

Lyon,    George   G.,   27 

Lyon.  Matthew,  daughter  of,  3 ; 
wife  of,  4 ;  career  of,  4,  5 ; 
service  of,  in  Congress,  349; 
reference  to.    350 

McOlellan,    George  B.,   removal  of, 

122,    124 
McCumber,    Porter    J.,    pure    food 

bill    introduced   bv,    280 
McDill,     J.     W.,     mention     of.     for 

Congress,    102 
McGinnis,     V.     R.,     candidacy    of, 

for  Congress,   299,   394 


INDEX 


457 


Machine,     experience    of    Hepburn 
with,   290,    291;    composition   of, 
389,    390 
McKinlev,       William,       nomination 
of,     for     President,     181,     182; 
Philionine    policy    of,    198;    ref- 
erence   to,    410 
McKinley  tariff,    170,    172 
Maclean,     J.     N.,     tribute     of,     to 

Hepburn,   286,   287 
McPherson,      Smith,      opinion      of, 

294;   reference  to,   371 
Madison,    Dolly,    3 
Madison,   James,    3 
Magellan,   Fernando,    241 
Major,    promotion    of   Hepburn    to, 

51 
"Manchuria"      (steamship),      239, 

240 
Manila    (Philippine   Islands),  198  ; 

Taft  party  in,  240,  241,  242 
Mann,  James  R.,  advocacy  of 
pure  food  bill  by,  283,  "284, 
285;  tribute  of,  to  Hepburn, 
284,  285;  reference  to,  419; 
character  of,  420 
Manufacturers,     opposition     of,     to 

Hepburn    rate    bill,    254 
Manufactures,   Committee  on  (Sen- 
ate),   action    of,    on    pure    food 
bill,    279 
Marietta,    removal    of    county    seat 

from,   30-35 ;   reference  to,   40 
Marietta    (Ohio),    6 
Marine     Hospital     Service,     immi- 
grants   examined    by,    156;    sup- 
port  of,    by   Hepburn,   400 ;    ref- 
erence to,   427 
Marion   Township,    31,    33 
Maritime     Canal     Company,     sup- 
port of,    201,    202 
Marshall     County,     population     of, 
19;      prosecuting     attorney     in, 
25 ;    location    of   county   seat    in, 
29-35;     reference    to,    36,     356; 
Republican    convention    in,    355 
Marshall      Horse     Guards,      accep- 
tance  of,    for   service,    50 
Marshalltown,     founding     of,     19; 
removal     of     Hepburn     to,     19; 
population  of,   19,   20;   reference 
to,    21,     25,    47,     50,     74,     354; 
loyalty    of    people    in,    29;    pro- 
posal  to   remove   capital   to,    29 ; 
removal    of    county    seat    to,    30- 
35;    growth   of,    88;    convention 
in,    355 
Marshalltown    Lodge    No.    108,    A. 

F.    &   A.   M.,    Hepburn   in,    353 
Martini     law,     Hepburn's     opinion 
of,    72,    73 

31 


Maryland.    144 

Mason,   John   Y.,   390 

Mason,     career     of     Hepburn     as, 

341,    353 
Mason    City,    52 
Massey,     B.     A.,     partnership     of, 

with    Hepburn,    368 
Maxwell,     Thomas     L.,     candidacy 

of,    for    Congress,    164 
Meat,   price   fixing  of,    162 
Mechanics'     Academy,     attendance 
of    Hepburn    at,    10 ;    service    of 
Mrs.   Hampton   as  instructor   in, 
10;   reference  to,   353 
Medill,    Mes-srs.,   337 
Memphis      (Tennessee),      Plepburn 
in,    82,    87,    89;    prison   in,    87; 
law   practice   in,    89,    90;    pnblic 
utilities    in,    89,    90;    removal   of 
Hepburn     from,     91;     reference 
to,    366,    368 
Memphis  and  Charleston   Railroad, 

361 
Memphis    Street    Railway,    90 
Merchant  marine,   increase   of,  173 
Meridian     (Mississippi),     raid    on, 

84.    85 
Mei-idian    exjiedition,    participation 
of     Hepburn     in,     84-86,     148 ; 
troops   commanded  by   Hepburn 
in,   367 
Merit     system,      criticism     of,      by 
Hepburn,    188-193;    expense   of, 
189,    191 
Methodist    Church,    341 
Mexico,   340 
Michigan,     pork     for,     113,     116; 

Hepburn    in.    231 
"Midnight     tarilfs",     abolition     of, 

264 
Military  Academy,  hazing  at,   421, 

422 
Military    affairs,    interest    of    Hep- 
burn   in,    421-423 
Military     maneuvers,      attitude     of 

Hepburn   on,    422 
Military      organization,      volunteer 

system  of,    169,    170 
Military   strategy,    results    of,    194, 

195 
Militia   encampments,    422 
Miller,   J.   F.,    385 
Miller,    Samuel    F.,    14 
Miller,   William    K.,    91 
Mills   County,    99,    100 
Milwaukee    (Wisconsin),    post    of- 
fice  in,    158 
Mindanao    Island,    Taft    partv    on, 
241  ... 

Miners,    attitude   of,    toward    Hep- 
burn,   297,    298,    303 


458 


INDEX 


Mingo   Indians,   chief   of,    5 
Ministry,   preparation  of  Hepburn 
for,    368 

Minnesota,    148;   Hepburn  in,  231 

Minority,  leadership  of,  by  Hep- 
burn, 117;  obstruction  by,  425, 
426 

Misbranding,  prohibition  of,  276, 
277,    278,    279,    283 

Mississippi,  desire  for  peace  in, 
81 

Mississippi  River,  trip  on,  7 ;  ref- 
erence to,  36,  55;  opposition  of 
Hepburn  to  improvement  of, 
107-111,  112,  375;  importance 
of,    108 

Mississippi  River  Commission,  110 

Missouri,  campaign  in,  54-60 ; 
roads   in,   55;    reference  to,    373 

Missouri  River,  7,  377;  commerce 
on,  113,  114;  opposition  of 
Hepburn  to  improvement  of, 
113,    114,    375 

Mitchell,  W.  O.,  candidacy  of,  for 
Congress,    162,    164 

Mobile  and  Ohio  Railroad,  raid 
on,   67,   84 

Molokai  Island,  leper  colony  on, 
238 

Money   (see  Currency) 

Money  changers,  concessions  to, 
152 

Monopoly,  attitude  of  Hepburn 
toward,  134;  attitude  of  Ander- 
son toward,  135 ;  restraint  of, 
162;  tendency  toward,  225; 
shelter  of,  by  tariif,  225,  226, 
227,  229,  230;  creation  of, 
249;  reference  to,  426  (see  also 
Trusts,  Corporations,  and  Rail- 
roads) 

Monroe  Doctrine,  attitude  of  Hep- 
burn toward,   209 

Monterey  (Tennessee),  attack  on, 
361 

Montgomery    County,    100 

Moody,  William  H.,  207;  cooper- 
ation of,  with  Hepburn,  251, 
261 

Moore,  Charles  P.,  Hepburn 
praised  by,   74 

Moore,  N.  B.,  election  of,  to  State 
Senate,    94,    95 

"Morning  hour",  revival  of,  316; 
effect   of.    426 

Moros,   241 

Morsman,  M.  J.,  12 ;  career  of, 
351 

Morsman,  Melvina,  acquaintance 
of,  with  Hepburn,  12 ;  court- 
ship  of,    15,    16,    17;    marriage 


of,  18;  schools  attended  by, 
352,  353  (see  also  Hepburn, 
Mrs.   W.   P.) 

Morsman,  W.  W.,  partnership  of, 
with   Hepburn,    92,    93 

Morton,   Levi   P.,    145 

Mount  Ayr,   289,   298 

Muckrakers,  criticism  of,  by  Hep- 
burn, 287 

Mules,   capture   of,   84,    85 

Munn  V.  The  State  of  Illinois,  381 

Murfreesboro  (Tennessee),  battle 
of,    315,    366 

Muscatine,  51  (see  also  Bloom- 
ington) 

Nagasaki  (Japan),  Taft  party  at, 
240,   242 

Nashville  (Tennessee),  Hepburn 
at,    78;   reference  to,  366 

National  Civic  Federation,   396 

National  Progressive  Republican 
League,   333 

National  Pure  Food  and  Drug 
Congress,    278 

Naturalization,  bill  providing  for, 
282;  attitude  of  Hepburn  to- 
ward, 391 

Naval  Academy,  hazing  at,  421, 
422 

Naval   constructor,    418 

Navigation,  attitude  of  Hepburn 
on  improvement  of,  107-116; 
reference   to,    150 

Navj',  engineers  from,  202,  208; 
use  of,  236;  reliance  on,  421; 
increase  of,  423  (see  also  Sec- 
retary   of   the    Navy) 

Navy   Department,    422 

Navy  Yard,    154 

Nebraska,   146 

Negroes,  freedom  of,  90,  91,  97; 
flight  of,  to  Union  lines,  84; 
reference   to,    335 

Negros  Island,   Taft  party  on,   241 

Nepotism,  Hepburn  accused  of, 
390 

Nevada.   40,   246 

New    Albany     (Mississippi),    84 

New  Jersey,  181;  Hepburn  in, 
231 

New  Madrid  (Missouri),  cam- 
paign against,  54-57:  attack 
on,  56;  appearance  of,  57; 
evacuation    of,    57 

New  Orleans  (Louisiana),  2;  im- 
portance of,    108 

New  Panama  Canal  Companv,  lob- 
by of,  207.  208:  stock  of."  213; 
reference  to,  217,  218;  pur- 
chase of  property  of,   219 


INDEX 


459 


New  York  City,  2,  144,  145,  158, 
199,  262;  immigration  adminis- 
tration in,  151-155;  Collector 
of  Port  of,  153,  154,  157;  cus- 
toms administration  in,  157; 
speech    of    Hepburn    in,    434 

New  York  Press,  opinion  ex- 
pressed   in,    254 

New  York  Stock  Exchange,  busi- 
ness of,   428 

New  York  Tribune,  tribute  of,  to 
Hepburn,    342,    343 

New  York  World,  opinion  ex- 
pressed  in,    267 

Newport  Township,  Hepburn  in,  7 

Newspaper,  establishment  of,  by 
Lyon,  4 ;  management  of,  by 
Hepburn,    91,    92 

Newspapers,  attitude  of,  toward 
Hepburn,  156,  161,  252,  253, 
408;  attitude  of,  on  isthmian 
canal,  201;  interview  in,  226; 
comment  in,  282,  307;  cor- 
respondents  of,    405 

Nicaragua,  acquisition  of  land 
in,  202,  219;  revolutions  in, 
392 

Nicaragua  Canal,  Congressional 
debate  on,  200,  203,  204,  207, 
211-214,  216,  217-219;  advo- 
cacy of,  201-204,  208-220,  311, 
424;  legislation  for,  201-220; 
opposition  to,  202,  203,  204, 
207,  210,  211,  218,  219,  220; 
cost  of,  202,  209,  213,  216, 
217;  practicability  of,  209, 
211;   route  of.   392 

Nicaragua   Canal   Board,   201,   204 

Ninth   Congressional    District,    380 

Ninth    Illinois    Cavalry,    367 

Nodaway  Lodge  No.  140,  A.  F.  & 
A.  M.,  Hepburn  in,   353 

Nodaway   River,    92 

Nodaway   Township,    94 

Nodaway  Valley,   railroad    in,    94 

North  American  Commercial  Com- 
pany,   158 

Northern  Pacific  Railroad,  139, 
382 

Norvell,  Alice,  letter  from,  148, 
149 

Notes,  cancellation  of  legal-tender, 
174 

Nourse,  C.  C,  14;  offices  of,  27; 
reputation    of,    27 

Oahu  College,  400 

Office-holders.    389.    390 

Officers,     proportion     of,     to     men, 

421;   promotion   of,    421 
Ogden    (Utah),    246 


Ohio,    forests    of,    6 ;    speeches    of 

Hepburn   in,    159 
Ohio      Constitutional      Convention, 

speech   of   Roosevelt   at,    335 
Ohio  River,   importance  of,    1;    ap- 
pearance   of,    5;    traffic    on,    5; 

journey    down,    6,    7;    reference 

to,    76" 
Ohio    Valley,    2 
Oil  comiianies,   regulation  of,   274, 

275 
Okolona    (Mississippi),    84 
Oktibbeha   Creek,    85 
Old    Brick    Capitol,    27;    acoustic 

properties  of,   28 
Old  Port  Pitt,   James  S.  Hepburn 

at,   3 
Old    settlers,    speech    of    Hepburn 

to,   434 
Old  Stone  Capitol,   13 ;  convention 

in,    24 
Oleomargarine,    tax  on,    132,    276; 

regulation    of   sale   of,    276,    410 
Olmsted,     Marlin     E.,     defense     of 

standing  rules  by,   321 
Open    door,    attitude    of    Hepburn 

toward,    236 
"Oregon''    (battleship),    vo\  age   of, 

200 
Orient,    trip    of   Hepburn    to,    235- 

242.    402:    open    door    in,    235, 

236;    hospitality    in,    239,    240, 

241 
Original   package,    378 
Orr,    William,    402 ;    gratitude    of, 

to    Hepburn,    431 
Osawatomie    (Kansas),    speech    of 

Roosevelt    at,    336,    335 
Osceola,    379 

O-stend  Manifesto,    196,   390 
Outlook,     The,    opinion    expressed 

in,   210 
Pacific   Ocean,   military   control  of, 

195;   reference  to.   200 
Pacific  railroads,   attitude  of  Hep- 

Ijurn     toward,     244-247;     settle- 
ment    of     claims     against,     244- 

247,   404;   proposed  government 

ownership   of,    246.   247 
Pacific     Railroads.     Committee    on, 

service     of     Hepburn     on,     243, 

244;   proposals  of,   244 
Packing  houses,  sanitation   in,  276 
Page    County,    95,    99,     100,     102, 

103,    286,    301,    304,    329,    377, 

395 
Page    County    bar,    memorial    ser- 
vices of.   for  Hepburn.   ;!43 
Paf/e     Coinilii     Democrat,     opinion 

expressed  in,    106 
Page    County    Herald,    interest    of 


460 


INDEX 


Hepburn    in,    92 ;    reference    to, 
95 
Paine,    E.  A.,   56,   64,   65 
Palmer,   John   M.,    65 
Panama,     independence     of,     220, 
221,    393;    canal   zone   in,    221; 
trips   of   Hepburn   to,    221 
Panama   Canal,    advocacy   of,    207, 
208,    218,    219,    220;    opposition 
to,  213,   217,  218,  220;  type  of, 
222;     value    of,     235;     work    of 
Hepburn    for,    412 
Panav   Island,  Taft  party  in,   241 
Panic  of   1837,    6 
Panic   of   1893,   224 
Panic  of  1907,  cause  of,  427,  428 
Paper    mills,    establishment    of,    4 
Paper   money,    value   of,    175 ;    dis- 
advantage  of,    177 
Parliamentary       law,       Hepburn  s 
knowledge    of,     106,     187,     203- 
206 
Parliamentary       procedure        (see 

Rules  of  the  House) 
Partisanship,   attitude  of  Hepburn 

toward,    171 
Party   harmony,    attitude   of   Hep- 
burn toward,    102 
Passavant  glove  case,    157 
Passes,    regulation    of,    203,     267, 

269,    272,    273,    274,    275 
Patents,    Committee    on,    Hepburn 

on,    376 
Patriotism,  expression  of,  by  Hep- 
burn,  198,    199 
Patronage,     disposal    of,    by    Hep- 
burn,   148,    149,    168,    169,    302, 
383,    389,    390;    defense    of,    by 
Hepburn,         188-193;        trouble 
from,    298,    302 
Paupers,    exclusion    of,     153,     155 
Pavne,    O.    E.,    opinion    expressed 

bv,    209 
Payne,   Sereno  E.,   320;   candidacy 

of,    for   Speakership,    426 
Pavne-Aldrich  tariff,  opponents  of, 

332;   effect  of,    333 
Peace,     attitude     of     Hepburn     to- 
ward,   81,    82;    efforts    of    Taft 
for,   334,   335 
Pearl   River.    ""'42 

Pendleton    civil    service    bill,    sup- 
port of,   by  Hepburn,   389 
Pennsvlvania,    Hepburn    in,    231; 

reference  to,  262,  327 
Pension  Act  of  1907.  4'^7 
Pensions,  work  of  Hepburn  for 
117-125.  168,  169,  302;  atti 
tnde  of  Democrats  toward.  118 
attitude  of  G.  A.  R.  toward 
118;    attitude    of    Cleveland    to 


ward,  118,  120;  defense  of,  by 
Hepburn,  169,  170;  reference 
to,  302 ;  grant  of,  to  men  in 
Revenue  Cutter  Service,  418, 
419,  420 
Pensions,   Committee  on,   Hepburn 

on,    376 
Percival,   Robert,   vote  for,   371 
Perczel,    Nicholas,    360 
Perkins,   George   D.,   candidacy  of, 
for   Senate,    179;    Hepburn   sup- 
ported   by,     253  ;     campaign    of, 
for    Governor,    291;    support   of, 
by      Hepburn,      291;      telegram 
from,     304,     305;     Standpatters 
supported  by,    332,    336 

Peters,  William,  Hepburn  named 
for,    349 

Philadelphia  Press,  opinion  ex- 
pressed in,   253,   319 

Philippine  Islands,  annexation  of, 
194,  197:  defense  of  adminis- 
tration in,  197,  198;  self- 
government  in,  198;  taxes  in, 
240.  241;  independence  of,  sug- 
gested, 240,  241,  242;  Taft 
party  in,  240-242 ;  capital  of, 
241;  inspection  of,  241;  refer- 
ence  to,    391 

Pierce,   Franklin,   390 

Pinchot,   Gifford,    337 

Pioneer  law-makers,  speech  of 
Hepburn   to,    434 

Pioneers,  methods  of,  7;  exneri- 
ences  of,  7,  8,  9,  10,  36,  42, 
243 

Pipe  lines,  regulation  "of,  272, 
274,    410 

Pittsburg  Landing  (Tennessee), 
battle  at,   61;   Hepburn  at.  61 

Pittsburgh  (Pennsylvajiia),  Re- 
publican convention  in,  14,  23 ; 
reference   to,    337 

Piatt,  Thomas  C.  opposition  of, 
to  pure  food  bill,  281 

Pleuro-pneumonia,    132 

Poetry,    study  of,   by  Hepburn,    15 

Political  parties,  break  up  of,  23 ; 
hnrmonv  in,  102 ;  necessity  of, 
190,  191;  maintenance  of,  191; 
faith    in,    237,    414 

Political  reforms,  methods  of,  290; 
opposition  of  Hepburn  to,  333, 
334.   335.   338,   339 

Politics,  training  of  Hepburn  in. 
13 ;  tense  situation  in,  43 ;  in- 
fluence of  Hepburn  in,  94,  95 ; 
coinnlexitv   of,    131 

Pnlk  Countv  Republican  Club,  396 

Pontotoc    (Mississippi),    85 

Pooling,    attitude   of   Anderson    on. 


INDEX 


461 


133,  135,  137,  138;  attitude  of 
Hepburn  on,  135 ;  provision  of 
Cullom  bill  on,  135 ;  provisions 
of  Reagan  bill  on,  135 ;  prohi- 
bition of,  247;  authorization  of, 
263;   regulation  of,   381 

Poorhouses,  soldiers  in,    120 

Pope,  John,  55,  56,  58,  61;  strat- 
egy of,   56;   statf  of,   66,    70 

Populists,  fusion  of,  161,  164, 
165,  180,  183;  candidate  of, 
for  Congress,  104 ;  conduct  of 
campaign  by,  165,  166;  defeat 
of,  180 ;  opposition  of,  to  Hep- 
burn, 185,  186;  criticism  of, 
by    Hepburn,    246 

Pork  barrel  legislation,  opposition 
of  Hepburn  to,  107-116,  372, 
374-376;  origin  of  name  of,  373 

Porter,  Albert  G.,   142 

Porter,  Claude  R.,  303 

Porter,    Peter    A.,    politics   of,    412 

Porto  Rico,  annexation  of,  194, 
197;   reference  to,    391 

Post  offices,  support  of  small,  178, 
179;  work  of  Hepburn  for, 
415-417 

Postmasters,  appointment  of,  223  ; 
dissatisfaction    of,    298,    302 

Postville,   debate  at,   378,   379 

Potomac   River,    4 

Pottawattamie  County,    100,    103 

Poverty,  attitude  of  Hepburn  to- 
ward, 329 

Powder,  price  of  smokeless,  422 

Powell's  block,   22 

Powers,   Thomas  E.,   354 

Poweshiek  County,   24,   27 

Preparedness,  Hepburn  for,  422, 
423;    Tawney   against,    423 

President,  Allison  proposed  for, 
142-145,  180-182;  candidates 
for,  142,  334,  335;  nomination 
of  McKinley  for,  181,  182; 
power  of,  202,  204,  208,  217, 
219,  220,  270;  reference  to, 
218,  220,  221,  222,  252,  259, 
261,  308,  330,  332,  337,  393, 
402,   407,  409,   429 

Presidential  elector,  service  of 
Hepburn    as,    97,    145 

Price,  Sterling,  battles  with  army 
of,   77 

Primary  elections,  289,  293,  294, 
308,  415;  danger  of,  296;  con- 
duct of,   298.   299 

Printer,  experience  of  Hepburn  as, 
13 

Prisoners,  exchange  of,   83,  87 

Private  car  lines,  regulation  of, 
249,    264 


Progressive  party,  organization  of, 
338    (see  also  Progressives) 

Progressives,  activities  of,  225, 
230,  263;  leadership  of,  225, 
289,  290,  291,  332,  333;  atti- 
tude of,  toward  Hepburn,  289, 
293,  304;  program  of,  289,  333; 
opposition  of  Hepburn  to,  290, 
296,  300,  331,  333,  334,  337, 
338,  433;  alliance  of,  with 
Democrats,  293,  298,  303,  304; 
strength  of,  299;  victory  of, 
333;    defeat  of,    336 

Prohibition,  issue  on,  in  1883, 
126 ;  constitutional  amendment 
for,  126,  127;  attitude  of  polit- 
ical parties  toward,  127;  atti- 
tude of  Hepburn  on,  127-129, 
130,    131 

Promotion,    method  of,    421 

Property,  ownership  of,  by  Hep- 
burn,  329 

Property  rights,  attitude  of  Hep- 
burn on,   250,   259,   260 

Prosecuting  attorney,  duties  of, 
25;  election  of  Hepburn  as,  25; 
salary  of,  25 ;  success  of  Hep- 
burn as,  25,  26;  record  of  An- 
derson as,  138;  Hampton  as, 
350 

Protective  tariff,  trusts  sheltered 
by,  225,  226,  227,  229,  230 
Republicans  tested  by,  226;  im 
portance  of,  227;  origin  of,  227 
benefits  of,  227,  228,  "229;  sup 
port  of,  by  Hepburn,  395,  414 
reference  to,  396,  401  (see  also 
Tariff) 

Proudfit,    S.   v.,    100 

Provisional  regiment,  connection 
of  Hepburn  with,    87 

Public  buildings,  work  of  Hep- 
burn for,  158,  301,  415-417, 
427;  monev  wasted  on,  375, 
376 

Public  Health  and  Marine  Hos- 
pital Service,  238  (see  also  Ma- 
rine  Hosnital    Service) 

Public  improvements,  attitude  of 
Hppbvrn  tnw,-ird,  108,  100,  110, 
111,  112,  113,  116,  301,  374- 
376 ;  attitude  of  Democrats 
toward,    130 

Public  Lands.  Committee  on,  Hep- 
burn  on,    376,   379 

Public  nftice.  desire  of  Hepburn 
for,    329.   330.    331 

Public  oiTicials,  free  transportation 
of,    274 

"Public  Sentiment  and  Reform',' 
speech  by  Hepburn  on,  435 


462 


INDEX 


Puget   bonnd,   382 

Pure  food,  advocacy  of,  by  Hep- 
burn, 276-285;  demand  for, 
276,  279 

Pure  food  bill,  authorship  of,  277, 
278,  280,  281,  284;  opposition 
to,   280;   provision  of,   283 

Pure  food  law,  administration  of, 
330 

Pusey,  "W.  H.  M.,  380 

Quarantine,   provisions  for,   400 

Quartermaster  department,  civil- 
ians  in,    421 

Queal,  Paul  A.,  Hepburn  praised 
by,    74;    letter  from,    80 

Quorum,  counting  of,  310,  324 

Railroad  commissioner,  decisions 
of  Anderson  as,  135,  137,  138; 
election  of,  162 ;  reference  to, 
380 

Railroad  regulation,  131,  247-275; 
attitude  of  Anderson  toward, 
133,  135.  137,  138;  attitude  of 
Hepburn  toward,  134,  135,  137, 
138,  231-234,  243-275,  380, 
381,  404,  408.  410;  attitude  of 
farmers  on,  138,  232;  attitude 
of  Wallace  on,  232.  233  258, 
259  ;  effect  of,  247,  248  ;  attitude 
of  Roosevelt  on,  249,  250,  263, 
264;  demand  for,  249,  262, 
263;  hearings  on,  250,  251, 
259,  260;  attitude  of  Foraker 
on,  270;  attitude  of  Dolliver  on, 
270,  271;  attitude  of  Progress- 
ives on,  289  (see  also  Transpor- 
tation and  Rates) 

Railroads,  extent  of,  36  ;  problem  of, 
43 ;  interest  of  Hepburn  in,  44, 
94,  97,  114,  211,  256,  257,  259; 
importance  of.  108 ;  concessions 
to,  152;  arbitration  of  disputes 
of,  178;  opposition  of,  to  canal, 
207;  combination  of,  247;  dis- 
crimination by,  247,  249;  in- 
vesticration  of,  255 ;  congestion 
of.  262:  regulation  of  industrial, 
264:  accidents  on.  410  (see 
also  Rates,  Rebates,  Discrimina- 
tion, Pooling,  and  Pacific  rail- 
roads) 

Ralston  Creek,  12 

Rates,  power  of  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission  over,  232, 
233;  rise  of,  247;  regulation  of, 
247,  248,  250,  252,  260,  263, 
264.  266.  267,  268,  269.  270, 
272,  406;  reduction  of.  380,  381 


Reagan  bill,  provisions  of,  134, 
135 ;  opposition  of  Hepburn  to, 
134,  135,  138,  380;  Anderson 
in   favor  of,    137 

Reapportionment,  attitude  of  Hep- 
burn on,   314,   315 

Rebates,  practice  of,  247,  248, 
249,  262;  prohibition  of,  249, 
272 

Recall,  333:  effect  of,  335;  oppo- 
sition of  Hepburn  to,  335  ;  fault 
of,   434 

Reciprocitv,  attitude  of  Hepburn 
on,  226.  227.  230.  318:  atti- 
tude of  Cummins  on,  226,  230; 
reference  to,  336;  effect  of,  with 
Cuba,  426,  427 

Reclamation,  land  grants  for,  178; 
opposition  of  Hepburn  to,  178, 
388 

Reclamation  Act  of  1902,  attitude 
of  Hepburn  toward,  388 

Reconstruction,  attitude  of  Hep- 
burn toward,  98 

Recruiting,   methods   of.    421 

Red  Oak,  ovation  for  Hepburn  at, 
104;  speech  of  Hepburn  at,   185 

Reddv,  James  J.,  campaign  man- 
aged by,    302,    303 

Reed,  J.  R.,  mention  of,  for 
Congress,    102,    141 

Reed,  Thomas  B.,  opinion  of,  con- 
cerning Hepburn,  187;  attitude 
of,  on  isthmian  canal,  201;  ref- 
erence to,   311,  424 

Reed  rules,  adoption  of,  208;  at- 
titude of  Hepburn  toward,  323, 
324 

Referendum  (see  Direct  legislation) 

Refrigeration,  charges  for,  264 

Regiment,  length  of  line  occupied 
by,   421 

Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines), 
opinion  expressed  in,  436 

Registry  laws,    150 

Relief,   funds   for  soldier,    120 

Religion,  early  training  ofr  Hep- 
burn in,  9 

Representative  government,  danger 
to,   335;   Hepburn  for,   433,   434 

Republican  Congressional  district 
committee,  297 

Republican  Congressional  district 
convention,  nomination  of  Hep- 
burn by.  99-104,  126,  132,  293; 
proceedings  of,  99-104,  164, 
380;  praise  of  Hepburn  by, 
132;  harmony  in,  132,  133; 
Hepburn  at,  355 ;  delegates  to 
395 

Republican     judicial    district    con- 


INDEX 


463 


vention,    Hepburn    at,    36,    37; 
nomination  of  Hepburn  at,   37 

Republican  national  committee, 
powers  of,   181,   182 

Republican  national  convention, 
secretary  of  first,  14 ;  date  of 
first,  23 ;  reference  to,  24,  25 ; 
participation  of  Hepburn  in,  44, 
95,  96,  142,  181,  182;  nomina- 
tion of  Lincoln  by,  in  1860, 
45,  46:  proceedings  of,  142-145, 
181,  182,  337;  delegates  to,  181 

Republican  party,  organization  of, 
14,  15,  23:  principles  of,  23, 
24,  227,  337,  338;  prominence 
of  Hepburn  in,  25,  26,  28,  117, 
123,  288,  289,  328,  331; 
strength  of,  36,  161,  165,  186, 
223;  harmony  in,  43,  132,  133; 
leaders  in,  43,  225,  229;  return 
of  Hepburn  to,  97;  attitude  of, 
on  prohibition,  127:  candidate 
of,  for  Governor,  127,  129;  at- 
titude of.  toward  soldiers,  141; 
lovaltv  of  Hepburn  to,  171,  295, 
300,  313,  314,  316,  317,  318, 
331.  334.  338,  339,  345;  plat- 
form of,  on  currency,  173,  174, 
175,  177;  factions  in,  179,  180, 
225,  226.  289;  attitude  of. 
toward  trusts,  225 ;  control  of, 
291;  disruption  of,  291,  293, 
294,  296.  297,  299,  300.  331- 
339:   achievements  of,    295,   296 

Revublican  State  central  commit- 
tee,  work  of,   165,   166 

Republican  State  convention,  call- 
ing of  first,  23 ;  delegates  to 
first,  24;  participation  of  Hep- 
burn in,  43,  44,  95,  127,  142, 
336,  354,  355,  371;  character 
of.  44.  182,  231,  300,  301; 
nomination  of  Hepburn  as  Pres- 
idential elector  bv,  97;  speech 
of  Hepburn  to,  '  97,  183-185, 
230;  endorsement  of  Hepburn 
by,  136,  301.  302;  Allison  pro- 
posed for  President  bv,  141, 
142,  180,  181;  selection  of  del- 
egates by,  181  ;  Hepburn  tem- 
porary chairman  of,  in  1904. 
230;  "proceedings  of,  331,  332. 
427;  presence  of  Mrs.  Hepburn 
at,  415 

Republicans,  activitv  of,  in  South, 
88.  89.  90:  endorsement  of,  by 
soldiers,  95 ;  barbecue  bv.  96 ; 
attitude  of,  toward  pensions, 
120;  attitude  of,  toward  Hep- 
burn, 123,  135,  136,  145,  160- 
164,   222,   297;   record  of,   183; 


attitude  of,  on  currency  ques- 
tion, 183-185;  praise  of,  by 
Hepburn,  183-185;  test  of,  by 
tariff  attitude,  226;  attitude  of, 
toward  railroad  regulation,  254; 
liberal  faction  of,  263,  320-323  ; 
Jamieson   supported  by,   304 

"Reservation",  politics  in,  289; 
Cummins  in,  292 ;  control  of, 
293,    299 

Revenue,    frauds   in,    158 

Revenue  Cutter  Service,  305,  427; 
work  of.  in  Spanish-American 
War,  417,  418;  work  of  Hep- 
burn for.  417-421;  vessels  for, 
418:  duties  of,  418,  419,  420; 
pensions  for,  418,  419,  420; 
retirement  in,  418^  419,  420; 
pav  in,  418,  419,  420,  421; 
work  of  Prye  for,  418,  419, 
421;  military  regulations  ap- 
plicable  to,    418,    420 

Review   of  Reviews,  The,  209 

Revolutionary  War,  4 

Reyn-)lds,  William,  school  of,  10; 
reference   to,    351 

Rice,   Wells   S.,    30,    32,    33 

Richardson,  William,  appointment 
of.  on  conference  committee. 
273;  attitude  of,  on  reform  of 
rules,   314,   316 

Ringgold   County,    100.    377 

River  and  harbor  bills,  opposition 
of  Hepburn  to.  107-116,  374- 
376:  reference  to.  117;  support 
of,  by  Hepburn,  372,  373;  de- 
scription   of.    374 

Rivers  and  Harbors.  Committee 
on,  composition  of.  113 

Robb.  W.  H..  candidacy  of,  for 
Con-rress,    186 

Roosevelt,  Alice,  reception  of,  in 
Orient,    239 

Ronsrvelt  Theodore,  approval  of 
canal  bill  by,  220:  letter  to  Hep- 
burn from,  221:  relation  of 
Hepburn  with,  221,  252,  253, 
254.  261,  262,  264,  292,  301, 
302.  333.  335.  337.  338.  396; 
Henburn's  tributes  to,  229,  238, 
305.  306;  policv  of.  248:  atti- 
tude of.  on  railroad  regulation, 
249,  250,  263,  264;  reference 
to.  251.  274,  288,  289.  392, 
393,  409.  428;  support  of  Esch- 
Townsend  bill  bv,  255:  opposi- 
tion of  Tillman  to.  268:  attitude 
of,  on  judicial  review,  271; 
achievement  of,  275;  pure  food 
bill  approved  by.  276.  284; 
Progressives   led   by,    333,    335, 


464 


INDEX 


337,  338;  opponents  of,  335, 
336;  candidacy  of,  for  Presi- 
dent, 335,  337;  cooperation  of, 
with  DoUiver,  408 ;  telegram 
from,  411,   412 

Rosecrans,  William  S.,  70,  75,  76; 
Hepburn  recommended  by,  74; 
Hepburn  on  staff  of,  76-80 ; 
Hepburn's  opinion  of,  76,  77, 
364,  365;  promotion  of.  77; 
generalship  of,  78;  Garfield  on 
staff  of,  106,  371;  criticism  of, 
364,  365;  burial  of,  371;  ser- 
vice of,   in  Congress,   371 

Royal  Archon,  selection  of  Hep- 
burn  as,    11 

Rules,  Committee  on,  attitude  of, 
on  isthmian  canal,  201;  power 
of,  203,  309,  313,  326,  327; 
action  of,  283,  311,  327,  378; 
organization  of,  313,  320,  322, 
323,  326:  special  orders  from, 
426;  amendment  of  House  rules 
by,   431 

Rules  of  the  House,  misuse  of, 
114.  115;  debate  on,  203-207; 
attitude  of  Hepburn  toward, 
204-206,  425,  426;  reform  of. 
309-327,  424,  427,  429.  430, 
431;  adoption  of.  311,  312,  313, 
315;  suspension  of,  316,  325; 
interpretation  of,   326 

Rural  mail  routes,  establishment 
of,    in   eighth   district,   416 

Russell,  William  C,  Hepburn 
praised   bv,    74,    75 

Russia,   immigrants  from.   152 

Russo-Japanese   War,    236 

Ruus,  Clans  C,  letter  from,   79.  80 

Ryan,  William  H.,  432 

Sabbath,   observance  of,    9 

St.  Louis  (Missouri),  Hepburn's 
ancestors  at.  3,  4:  Hepburn  at. 
7.  52,  53,  181,  359;  headquar- 
ters at,   61 

St.   Paul,   quotation  from,   228 

St.   Paul    (Minnesota).    139.    147 

Sakatonchee    River.    85 

Salisburv  prison,    cruelties   in,    124 

San  Francisco  (Cnlifornia ),  trip 
of  Hepburn  to.   158.   235.   242 

San   Jose    (California),   246 

Sanders,    Mavor.    12 

Sanders.    Pamela.    12 

Sapn.  William  F..  candidacy  of,  for 
Coneress.   99-104 

Scalning    (see  Ticket  brokerage) 

SchPTifk.    RfiTiert   C.    119 

School,  training  of  Hepburn  in, 
10,     11 


School  fund  accounts,  investigation 
of.   27,   40,   41 

Scotland,   147;   Hepburn  in,   410 

Scott,  Herbert  H.,  partnership  of, 
with  Hepburn,    92,    93 

Scott,  W.  S.,  candidacy  of,  for 
Congress,     164 

Scottish  Rite   Degrees,   353 

Scout  duty,  participation  of  Hep- 
burn in,  57,  63,  66;  use  of  cav- 
alry for,  62 ;  Hepburn's  opinion 
of,    72 

Seal  industry,  investigation  of, 
158 

Seattle    (Washington),    305 

Second  Brigade,  troops  in,  366, 
367 

Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  Company  B 
of,  50 ;  Hepburn  a  captain  in, 
50;  muster  of,  at  Davenport, 
51;  officers  of,  51,  52.  67,  70, 
71,  79,  80.  82.  83,  361;  loca- 
tion of.  at  Benton  Barracks,  52, 
53;  training  of,  52,  66:  arms 
of,  53:  battalions  of,  53,  61; 
campai;:n  of,  in  Missouri,  54- 
60;  attack  of,  on  Island  No.  10, 
59;  reconnaissance  of,  63,  66, 
83,  361:  casualties  in,  65; 
charge  of,  65,  66;  engagement 
of,  near  Blackland,  68.  69;  re- 
cuperation of,  69 ;  conduct  of, 
in  Booneville  engagement,  71, 
72;  feeling  toward  Hepburn  in, 
71,  73,  74,  79,  80;  standing 
of,  71.  81;  reference  to,  76,  77, 
78,  148,  362;  return  of  Hep- 
burn to.  79,  80;  participation 
of.  in  engagement  at  Collier- 
ville.  83 :  participation  of,  in 
skirmish  at  West  Point.  84.  85; 
reenlistment  of,  86,  87;  Hep- 
burn at  reunion  of.  159:  ren- 
dezvous of.  358:  troops  briga- 
ded with.   366,   367 

Second  Michigan  Cavalry,  Hep- 
burn offered  command  of,  66; 
Sheridan  made  colonel  of,  66; 
conduct  of,  in  engagement  at 
P.ooneville,  71,  72;  reference  to, 
361 

Secretary  of  Agriculture,  adminis- 
tration of  pure  food  law  by, 
278.   283.   284 

Secretary  of  Commerce  and  La- 
bor, administration  of  pure  food 
Inw  bv.   283 

Secretary  of  the  Navy,  420 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Allison 
mentioned  for,  145;  reference 
to,     150,     151,     157,     404,     419, 


INDEX 


465 


420,      421;      administration     of 
pure  food  law  by,  283 

Secretary  of  War,  canal  construc- 
tion by,  202 ;  trip  of,  to  Orient, 
235 

Sectionalism,  112,  113;  attitude 
of  Hepburn  toward,  118,  120- 
125;   evidence  of   120-125 

Sedition   Law,  operation   of,   5 

Senate  (Iowa),  secretary  of,  26, 
27;  Jamieson  in,  302;  Harsh 
in,    386 

Senate  (United  States),  bills  de- 
feated in,  120;  candidacy  of 
Hepburn  for,  131,  140,  141, 
179,  180,  223,  224;  election 
of  Wilson  to,  141;  election  of 
Gear  to,  180;  canal  legislation 
in,  202,  216,  219,  220,  221, 
222;  reference  to,  221,  418, 
430;  action  of,  on  Esch-Town- 
send  bill,  255 ;  railroad  investi- 
gation by,  255 :  action  of,  on 
Hepburn  rate  bill,  268-275;  dis- 
agreement of,  with  House  of 
Representatives,  274;  action  of, 
on  pure  food  bill,  279,  281,  282, 
284;  rules  in,  281;  candidacy 
of  Cummins  for,  297,  415;  can- 
didates for,  351;  action  of,  on 
Revenue  Cutter  Service,  418, 
419,    420,   421 

Seniority,    promotion   by,    421 

Seven  Mile  Creek,    64 

Seventh  General  Assemblv,  26,  28, 
29,  30,  356;  Hepburn  as  clerk 
in,    27,    28 

Seventh  Illinois  Cavalry,  87,  361, 
366,    367 

Seward,  William  H.,  44,  46 

SejTnour,   382 

Seymour  Press,  quotation  from, 
161 

Shanghai  (China),  Taft  party  at, 
242 

Shaw,  Albert,  opinion  expressed 
by,    209 

Shaw,  Leslie  M.,  Senator  apnoint- 
ed  bv,  223,  224;  Revenue  Cut- 
ter Service  supported  by,  420 

Shelby  County,   100.    102 

Shenandoah,  speech  of  Hepburn 
at,  133-135:  reference  to,  296, 
382;  Federal  building  at,  416^ 
417,    427 

Sheridan,  Philip  H.,  promotion  of, 
66.    67;    reference  to,    70,    361 
aide    to,     71 ;     conduct    of,     72 
Hepburn  praised  by,   74 

Sherlor.   Swa,:?ar,    3  78 

Sherman,    Buren    R.,    criticism    of. 


127;  nomination  of,  for  Gov- 
ernor, 127;  admission  of,  to 
bar,  127,  128;  joint  debates  of, 
129;  opinion  of,  concerning 
Hepburn,  223,   224 

Sherman,  James  S.,  appointment 
of,  on  conference  committee, 
273;  advocacy  of  pure  food  by, 
277;  candidacy  of,  for  Speaker- 
ship,  426:    retirement  of,   432 

Sherman,  W.  T.,  77,  85;  raid  led 
by,  84 

Sherman   Anti-Trust  Act,    396 

Sherman  Silver  Purchase  Act,  re- 
peal of,  170,  171,  172;  defense 
of,   by  Hepburn,    172,    173 

Sherman's   Hall,   convention   in,   44 

Shiloh  (Mississippi),  battle  of,  61, 
62 ;  incompetency  of  Grant  at, 
62,  360,  361;  troops  engaged 
at,   361 

Shipbuilding,  stimulation  of,  213, 
214,  217 

Shippers,  liability  of,  248:  dam- 
ages to,  252  ;  privileges  of,  272  ; 
benefit  to,  406 

Sidney,   168 

Signal  Corps,  305,  427;  Charles 
Hepburn  in,  421;  reorganiza- 
tion of,  421;  work  of  Hepburn 
for,    421 

Sikeston    (Missouri),   55 

Silver,  coinage  of,  133,  134.  175- 
177,  184;  use  of.  for  currency 
170,    171,    175,    176,    177 

Sioux  City,  305;  G.  A.  R.  en 
campment  at,  339;  publi( 
building  in,   372 

Sioux  City  and  Pacific  Railway 
Company,   404 

Sioux  City  Journal,  opinion  ex 
pressed   in,    253,    405 

Sixteenth  Army  Corps,  81;  in 
scription  on  banners  of,  82 
troops  in,  366;  commander  of, 
366 

Sixth  General  Assembly,  officers  in 

26,  27:    Hepburn   clerk   in,    26 

27,  355 

Sixth  Illinois  Cavalry,  87.  366 
367 

Sixtieth  Congress,  work  of  Hen 
burn  in,  309,  319-327,  378 
395.  396.  420,  427-429;  refer 
enoe  to,  319,  327,  412;  amend 
ment  of  House  rules  in,  430 
431 

Sixty-first  Congress,   327,   427 

Slavery,  1.  295;  opponents  of.  14, 
15:  question  of.  23,  43:  attitude 
of  political  parties  on.    130,    183 


466 


INDEX 


Sleeping-car  companies,  regulation 
of,   267,   272,   273,  274 

Smith,  A.  I.,  candidacy  of,  for 
Congress,  289,  292,  293,  296, 
297,    298,    299 

Smith,   William  A.,  207 

Smith,  William  C,  activities  of,  in 
county  seat  contest,    32-35 

Smith,  William  Sooy,  raid  led  by, 
84 ;    generalship   of,   85,    86 

Socialism,    397,    398 

Soldiers,  reunion  of,  94 :  friend- 
ship of  Hepburn  for,  94,  119, 
132,  140,  149,  168-170,  343, 
344;  endorsement  of  Republi- 
cans by,  95;  repudiation  of 
Johnson  by,  95 ;  advocacy  of 
pensions  for,  117-120;  petitions 
of,  119,  120;  representation  of, 
in  Congress,  140;  opinion  of, 
concerning  Hepburn,  140,  141, 
343,  344;  patriotism  of,  340; 
bounties   for,    421 

Soldiers'  and  sailors'  national  con- 
vention, Hepburn  a  delegate  to, 
in   1868,   95 

Soldiers'  and  sailors'  State  conven- 
tion, Hepburn  a  delegate  to,  in 
1868,    95 

Soldiers'  home,  support  of,  by 
Hepburn,    120 

Solicitor  of   the  Treasurv,   services 
of    Hepburn    as.    146,    147-158 
disposal    of   patronage   by,    148 
duties    of,    149,    150,    157,    158 
special    investigations    bv,     157, 
158 

Sons  of  the  American  Revolution, 
Hepburn  in  Society  of,   350 

Sorsogon  Bav,   241.   242 

Soule,"  Pierre,    390 

South,  opportunities  in,  88-91; 
feeling  of,  for  North,  89 ;  atti- 
tude of  Hepburn  toward  recon- 
struction in,   98 

Southern   Pacific   Company,    245 

Spanish-American  War,  194,  248, 
421;  purpose  of.  197;  result  of. 
200;  work  of  Revenue  Cutter 
Service  in.  417.  418;  Charles 
Hepburn  in,  436 

Speaker,  Henderson  as,  208,  425 
power  of.  309.  310,  313,  315 
316.  320,  324-327,  424,  430 
candidacv  of  Hepburn  for,  317 
319,  412.  424,  425,  427;  elec 
tion  of  Cannon  as,  319.  412 
overthrow  of,  333;  candidates 
for,  426 

Speaker  pro  tempore,  service  of 
Hepburn  as,   187 


Speculation,  opportunity  for,  in 
South,  88;  effect  of,  131,  225; 
regulation   of,    42  7-429 

Spoils  system,  defense  of,  by  Hep- 
burn,   188-193 

Spooner,  John  C,  attitude  of,  on 
canal  legislation,  219;  opposi- 
tion of,  to  pure  food  bill,  281 

Staff  duty,  assignment  of  Hepburn 
to,   70-80 

Standard  Oil  Company,  410 

Standpatters,  attitude  of,  on  tariff, 
226-230;  success  of,  227,  299, 
300,  336;  definition  of,  228; 
support  of,  bv  Hepburn,  230, 
291,  293,  295,  296,  331,  332, 
333,  334,  336;  defeat  of,  294, 
297,  304,  333;  organization  of, 
297,    298 

Stanley,  D.  S.,  Hepburn  praised 
by,  "74 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  criticism  of, 
by  Wheeler,  120,  121,  l'22 ;  de- 
fense of,  by  Hepburn,  121,  122- 
124 

Starkie's    Evidence.    15 

State  Department,   351 

State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa, 
president  of,   351 

State  University  of  Iowa,  trustee 
of,  351;  Melvina  Morsman  in, 
353 ;  graduation  in  law  school 
of,    371 

States,  power  of,  over  interstate 
commerce,  135,  381;  exclusion 
of  liquor  from.  378;  aid  of,  in 
reclamation,   388 

Steam  roller,   332,  337 

Steamboat,  journey  on,   6,   7 

Stephen's    Pleadbxg,    15 

Stevens,   Thaddeus,   119 

Stipe,  William  F.,  campaign  man- 
aged by,   297 

Stocks,  regulation  of  gambling  in, 
427-429 

Stone,  John  Y.,  candidacy  of,  for 
Congress,    99-104,    179 

Stone,  William  J.,   373 

Stone,   William  M.,   45 

Story  County,  school  funds  in,  40, 
41 :  reference  to,  356 

Stove  drum,  invention  of.   369 

Strikes,  opposition  of  Hepburn  to, 
388,  401;   legalization  of,  396 

Strother.    B.   F.,    16.    17 

Stuart,  T.  M.,  defeat  of,  for  Con- 
gress,  225 

Sugar,  production  of,  173,  426, 
427 

Sulu  Archipelago,  Taft  party  in, 
241 


INDEX 


467 


Sundry  civil  appropriation  bill, 
canal  legislation  in,  203,  204; 
amendment  of,  203-207;  rules 
violated  in,  203-207 ;  reference 
to,   312,    375,   381 

Superintendent  of  Immigration, 
156 

Superintendent  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion,  Reynolds  as,  351 

Supreme  Court  (Iowa),  clerk  of, 
14,  350;  cases  before,  32,  35; 
decision  of,  127;  Hepburn  be- 
fore,  356 

Supreme  Court  (United  States), 
decisions  of,  248 ;  reference  to, 
259,   266,   381;   appeal  to,  265 

Surgeon  General,  400 

Surratt,  Mary  E.,  execution  of, 
122,    124 

Surveyor  of  the  Port  of  New  York, 
157 

Swamp  land,  title  to,  46,  358 

Switches,  installation  of,  272,  273 

Tabor  College,  148;  trustee  of,  384 
Tacloban       (Philippine      Islands), 

Taft  party  at,   241 
Tacoma    (Washington),   382 
Tactics,   use  of,   in  war,   422 
Taft,   William   H.,  trip  of,   to  Ori- 
ent,     235,      239-242;      telegram 
from,      305 ;     appointments     by, 
307,    308;    support   of,    by   Hep- 
burn,   331,    332,   333,   334,    335, 
336 ;     administration     of,     334, 
335;    unpopularity   of,    336;    de- 
feat of,   337,   338 
Tallahatchie  River,   86 
Target  practice,  Hepburn  in  favor 

of.   422 
Tariff,    attitude   of   Democrats    on, 
130;    attitude    of    Anderson    on, 
133,   137;   revision   of,   166,  170, 
226,    227,    228,    289,    296;    atti- 
tude   of    Hepburn    on,     226-230 
(see  also  Protective  tariff) 
Tariff    commission,    333 
Tawney,  James  A.,  attitude  of,  on 
preparedness,     423 ;     candidacy 
of,  for  Speakership,  426 
Tax,    levy    of,    on    watered    stock, 
395 ;     regulation     of     stock     ex- 
change by,  428,   429 
Taxation,    commission    on,    162 
Taylor  County,    100,   290,   377 
Tedford,   J.  H.,  opinion  of,  294 
Telegraph     companies,      regulation 

of,    267 
Telephone     companies,     regulation 

of,  267 
Temple,    M.   L.,    candidacy   of,    for 


Congress,  162,  164;  reference 
to,  307 

Tennessee,  desire  for  peace  in,   81 

Tennessee   River,    61 

Tenth    Congressional    District,    291 

Terminal  facilities,  regulation  of, 
249,    264 

Territorial  expansion,  attitude  of 
Hepburn  on,  194-198;  policy  of, 
194,    196;   benefits  of,   196 

Texas,  exports  of.  111;  cattle 
from,  132;  reference  to,  181, 
182,   206 

Third  Brigade,   troops -in,   366 

Third  Congressional  District,  cam- 
paign of  Hepburn  in,   159 

Third   General  Assembly,    26 

Third   Illinois  Cavalry,   87 

Third  Michigan  Cavalry,   361,   366 

Third  parties,  opposition  of  Hep- 
burn to,  414  (see  also  minor 
parties) 

Third  United  States  Cavalry  Bat- 
talion,  366 

Thirteenth   judicial   district,    380 

Thompson,   M.   Jeff,   pursuit  of,   54 

Thornell,   A.   B.,   307 

Thummel.  Edith  H.,  385,  435  (see 
also    Hepburn,    Edith) 

Thummel,  Warren  F.,  partnership 
of,  with  Hepburn,  93  ;  marriage 
of,   369 

Thurston,  John  M.,  Hepburn  rec- 
ommended by,    146 

Ticket  brokerage,  attitude  of  Hep- 
burn on,   404 

Tillman,  Ben,iamin  R,,  work  of, 
on  rate  bill.  268,  409;  work 
of,  on  conference  committee, 
273,    410 

Timber,  transportation  of,  272, 
274 

Tiptonville  (Tennessee),  55,  56,  60 

Tokyo  (Japan),  Taft  party  in, 
239,   240 

Toledo,    34 

Tombigbee  River,  raid  in  valley  of, 
83,  84,  85 

Toucey,  Isaac,  arrest  of,  122,   124 

Towner,  Horace  M.,  tribute  of,  to 
Hepburn,   344,   345 

Townsend,  Charles  E.,  rate  bill  by, 
251;  reference  to,  254,  265, 
267,   432 

Trade  unions,  opposition  of  Hep- 
burn to,  238,  303,  401:  recog- 
nition  of,    396 

Trade  winds,   use  of,   217,   218 

Trainmen,   hours  of,   410 

Traitors,    treatment    of,    124 

Transportation,     means     of,     108; 


468 


INDEX 


problem  of,  131;  work  of  Hep- 
burn on  problem  of,  163,  164, 
243-275,  410;  definition  of,  264 
(see  also  Railroads  and  Rail- 
road regulation) 

Treasury  Commission,  Hepburn 
chairman   of,    157 

Treasury  Department,  legal  ad- 
viser of,  150;  administration  of 
immigration  by,  151,  154,  155, 
156;  currency  policy  of,  174; 
drain  on,  375  (see  also  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury) 

Treasury  notes,  defense  of,  by 
Hepburn,    172,   173 

Treaties,    abrogation   of,    212 

Truce,  Hepburn  with  flag  of,  81, 
87 

Trusdell,  C.  G.,  praise  of  Hepburn 
by,   74 

Trusts,  131,  259;  attitude  of  Hep- 
burn toward,  163,  164,  229, 
230,  394,  395;  growth  of,  225; 
regulation  of,  225,  229,  230, 
296,  333,  334,  394,  395,  427; 
corruption  of,  262  (see  also 
Corporations  and  Monopoly) 

Turkey   Creek,   7 

Turner,  Dan  W.,  advice  of  Hep- 
burn to,  290 ;  candidacy  of,  for 
Congress,   433 

Twenty  Mile  Creek,  engagement 
on,    68 

Twenty-first  General  Assembly, 
resolution  of,   138 

Unanimous      consent,      202,      203, 
211,     281,     378;     opposition     of 
Hepburn  to,   429 
Unemployment,    cause  of,    172 
Uniform,    discomfort  of,    73 
Union   army,    control   of,    121    (see 
also    Soldiers    and    Grand   Army 
of  the  Republic) 
Union  County,   100,   102,   186,  377 
Union  Pacific  Railroad,   146,   245; 

value  of,  246 
Unions  (see  Trade  unions) 
United  States,  balance  of  trade 
for,  173;  credit  of,  175,  176; 
debt  of,  176;  imperialism  of, 
194,  196,  197,  198;  pronunci- 
ation .  of  words,  by  Hepburn, 
199 :  control  of  isthmian  canal 
bv,  209.  210,  212,  213,  216; 
shipbuilding  in.  213,  214,  217; 
recognition  of  Panama  by,  220, 
221;  grant  of  canal  zone  to, 
221;  prosperity  of,  228,  229; 
defense  of,  235;  policy  of,  in 
Philippines,     240,     241;     claims 


of,  against  Pacific  railroads, 
244-247;  immigration  to,  397, 
398;  leprosy  in,  399,  400;  pre- 
paredness of,  423;  sugar  trust 
in,   426 

Van  Dorn,   Earl,   battle  with,    77 

Van   Meter,    94 

Vermont,  first  Governor  of,  4; 
Congressman   from,   5 

Vicksburg  (Mississippi),  84,  85, 
305 

Villisca,  railroad  to,  94;  ovation 
for   Hepburn   at,    104 

Virginia,   43 

Volunteers,   call  for,   48 

Voters,  independence  of,  131;  ob- 
ligations of,  237,  434;  responsi- 
bility of,    433,   434 

Voting,    compulsory,    434 

Wadsworth,  Representative,  119 

Wages,   rise  of,    183 

Waite,  J.  L.,  opinion  of,  294 

Wall  Street,  428 

Wallace,  Henry,  influence  of,  138; 
relations  of,  with  Hepburn,  231, 
232,  233,  234,  253,  254,  258- 
263,  289,  407;  attitude  of,  on 
railroad  regulation,  232,  233; 
attitude  of,  toward  Hepburn 
bill.    405,    406 

Wallaces'  Farmer,  231,  258;  open 
letter   in,    232,    233 

Wanger,  Irving  P.,  opinion  of 
Hepburn  expressed  by,   222 

War,  attitude  of  Hepburn  toward, 
57,  58;  participation  of  Reve- 
nue  Cutter    Service   in,    418-420 

War  Department,  75,  .  358,  422 
(see  also  Secretary  of  War) 

War  of   1812,   3,   4 

Ward's  Island,  immigrant  stations 
on,    152,    154 

Warehouses,   157 

Warner,  Andrew  J.,  criticism  of, 
by   Hepburn,    118 

Washington,   George,   4 

Washington  (D.  C. ),  burning  of, 
3,  4;  trip  of  Hepburn  to,  46, 
106,  145,  167;  reference  to,  49, 
96,  99,  169,  218,  318,  339, 
340,  353,  358.  408;  lobby  in, 
208;  law  practice  in,  308,330; 
property  of  Hepburn  in,  329; 
G.  A.  R.  encampment  in,  435 ; 
Mrs.   Hepburn   in.   436 

Wrishington.  Territory  of,  140 

Watered  stock,   395 

Waterloo,  convention  in,  300;  vis- 
it of  Hepburn  to,  415 


INDEX 


469 


Watson's  landing,   59 

Wayne  County,   166,   186,   377 

Wavs  and  Means,  Committee  on, 
429 

Wealth,  attitude  of  Hepburn  to- 
ward,  328,   329 

Weaver,  James  B.,  43 ;  speeches 
by,  129,  130;  attitude  of,  to- 
ward Hepburn,  129,  130;  reply 
of  Hepburn  to,  130,  380;  de- 
bate of  Hepburn  with,  159; 
campaign  of,   378-381 

Webb-Kenyon   Act,    3  78 

Webster  City,  Republican  conven- 
tion in,  36;  del)ate  at,  38;  ref- 
erence to,   40,   379 

Webster  Countv,   44,   356 

Weller,   L.   H.,   379 

Wellsville  (Ohio),  appearance  of, 
1 ;  dragoons  at,  1 ;  Hepburn 
born  at,    1 ;   merchant   at,   5 

West  Point  (Iowa),  Hepburn  on 
farm  near,   11 

West  Point  (Mississippi),  skirmish 
at,    84,    85 

West  Point  (New  York),  James 
S.  Hepburn  at,  3 ;  work  of 
graduates  of,  110,  111;  hazing 
at,  421,   422 

Western  Cattle  Growers'  Associa- 
tion, 232 

Western  Pacific  Railroad,  404 

Wheat,  production  of.   111 

Wheeler,  Joseph,  debate  of  Hep- 
burn with,   120-125 

Whci'ling    (Virginia),    6 

White  House,   3,  46,   139,   166 

Whitehead,  George  W.,  Hepburn 
congratulated  by,  166;  reference 
to,    385 

Wickersham,    George  W.,    330 

Wigwam,   convention   in,   44 


Wiley,   Harvey  W.,  defense  of,   by 

Hepburn,   330 
Williams,   John   S.,    414 
Wihnot,  David,  keynote  speech  by, 

45 
Wilson,    James,    support    of    Hep- 
burn   by,    138,    298,    307,    308, 

382;  friendship  of  Hepburn  for, 

307,    308 
Wilson,    James    F.,    43,    179,    308, 

382;  election  of,  to  Senate,  140, 

141 
Windom,  William,   151 
Winnebago  County,   356 
Wisconsin,     Representative     from, 

115 
Witte,  Max  E.,   286 
Wolves,   depredations  of,   8 
Woman    suffrage,    support    of,    by 

Hepburn,    399 
Woman     Suffrage,    Committee    on, 

Hepburn  on,   376;  reference  to, 

499 
Women,  rights  of,  398,  399 
Women',?      Christian      Temperance 

Union,   convention   of,    159 
Woodbury,   G.   M.,   30 
Woodin,    George   D.,    26 
World   War,   340,   362,   421 
Worth   County,    356 
Wright   County,    356 
Wyman,   Walter,   400 

Yellow  Creek,  6 

Yokahama  (Japan),  Taft  party 
in,    239,    242 

Young,  Lafayette,  100,  300;  men- 
tion of,  for  Congress,   102 

Zamboanga  (Philippine  Islands), 
Taft  party,  in,   241 


This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


"f-r,,-    c' 


SEP  19  19B0 

^£C'D  WILD 


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SEP  2  2  198S 


Form  L-9-10m-5,'28 


UNIVERSITY  Of  CALIfORNm 


3  1158  01292 

jir  CO.  iTHFRN  REG10NAL_L1BRARY_FAC1LITY^ 


AA    000  751  474    8 


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